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Comparative Methodology for Distant Relationships in North and South American Languages1

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Comparative Methodology for Distant Relationships in North and South American Languages1 Comparative Methodology for Distant Relationships in North and South American Languages1 Mary Ritchie Key University o f California, Irvine ABSTRACT Comparative linguistics has been an indispensable tool for classifying languages for the last couple of centuries. The method has been successfully used for grouping of languages with obvious relationships; it is also used, though less successfully, for identifying more distant relationships. An example is the placing of Hittite with the Indo-European languages. Languages with close relationships show a good deal of regularity in their reflexes from former states. More distant relationships exhibit fewer and fewer regularities, and thus comparative methodology is less secure. I propose that there are other linguistic features that can be observed in the application of comparative methodology to distant relationships. For example, the phonetic variants of the languages may show patterns of language change which are at the phonemic level in other languages. Another feature to observe is the pattern of fluctuations which occur between phonemes, as well as between phonetic variants. Still another structural feature which can maintain parallels between related families is the distribution pattern - phonemes within morphemes and within words, and the potential consonant and vowel clusters. One might also study “loanwords” (not always easily identifiable), to see if they exhibit patterns that reflect borrowings between related languages. At the semantic level, one can study the various meanings within cognate sets - if the same set of meanings occur in another group of languages, it may reflect common history. Finally, one can study the patterns of reflexes of the obviously related languages. If a proto form has been reconstructed, in addition, one must study the actualizations in the various languages. Proto forms2 can obscure useful identification markers, especially if they have been wrongly reconstructed. I maintain caution in proposing proto forms for distantly related languages. INTRODUCTION The name of Jakob Grimm is famous beyond linguistics because of the break­ throughs in comparative linguistics in the nineteenth century. Regular sound laws and regularity between sound correspondences were unquestionably demonstrated by many scholars, although it was Grimm’s name that was popularized. For over a century now, the discipline of linguistics has been developing on the basis of this “scientific” approach to the study of languages. I am now proposing that comparative linguistics go beyond Grimm and deal with what appears to be irregularities - the “unsystematic” and “sporadic” “residue” - the “unique” examples. The aberrant expressions have resulted in an enormous variety of many dialects and communities of languages among the peoples of the world. Studies of these phenomena bring together the theories of dialects (sociolinguistics) and historical linguistics. COMPARATIVE METHODOLOGY For purposes of discussion in the comparison of languages, we can review the steps of procedure. The first step is a hunch or a hypothesis set forth that results from noticing similarities between two or more languages. The next step involves gathering evidence - a substantial list of possible cognate forms. These must have both phonetic and semantic similarities. In addition to lexical resemblances, one also looks for similarities between the grammatical structures. The final step is the essence of comparative methodology. It is the most detailed and tedious to accomplish. This requires the accountability of every sound correspondence between two (or more) languages and how the sound system of one language corresponds to the sound system of the other language. For example /p/ in Language A corresponds to /b/ in Language B. We can write the symbols p : b for this formula. When the two systems correspond with predictable regularity, then the comparative method has produced the proof that the languages in question have evolved from the same proto language. Similarities between languages are not enough to establish genetic relationship. Any languages around the world might exhibit certain typological similarities, but typology is not history. The proof comes with the final step referred to above - a study which is painstaking and time-consuming. Because it is so demanding, there are actually few detailed comparative studies in languages of the world (other than Indo-European) in contrast to the number of good descriptive studies. In fact, to accomplish a comparative study, one must be in control of two disciplines: descriptive and comparative. Along with establishing the formulae of correspondences between the related languages, and showing their regularity under various conditions, the comparative linguist may proceed further and posit the sounds of the proto language from which the derived languages originated. This involves reconstructing a hypothetical proto sound system. Proto forms a)e starred, to indicate that they are hypothetical. Thus, we can say that *p became '/b/ in such and such language. No one living has ever heard a proto language; it is an assumption based on known facts about languages. The proto product must be like a real language; it must follow the rules of natural phonology. At the turn of the century, Vendry6s spoke of “general phonological tendencies,” “natural tendencies," and a “perfectly natural way” (Vendryes [1902] 1972). One must have a good deal of information about the derived languages in order to reconstruct a proto system based on them. The proto forms are posited on the basis of the distribution patterns of the series of stops, fricatives, nasals, and so forth, and the relationship of the various series to each other. Proto forms should not be posited simply because the formulae are different, any more than one would posit a different phoneme for every different allophone in a descriptive study. For example, two languages might have the sets of correspondences p : p and p : b. One does not posit *p and *b simply because the formulae are different. By examining the data in which these sounds occur, one might find that p : p occurs initially in the examples, and p : b occurs medially in the examples. In such a case, one would posit a single proto form, *p, and indicate that in the first language the sound was maintained as originally, and in the second language, the proto sound split, under the circumstances: p initially, and b medially. Thus, 1 am dwelling on these rigorous procedures somewhat at length, because there are some misunderstandings of the comparative method which cause confusion and bring it into disrepute. Thus, other scholars might question how scientific the method really is, and how reliable as a tool for reconstructing history. Unfortunately, and unscientifically, proto forms are often presented as accepted and verified conclusions. This is simply not so; they are hypotheses, to be challenged and tested with new information. Proto forms are suggestions as to how the former language might have looked; they are not facts; they are not the proof of common origin. It is the regularity of the correspondences which establishes the historical affinities. Further, proto forms should not be reconstructed on a one by one basis. This produces a grotesque and unreal bunch of sounds. A convincing proto system is reconstructed on the basis of how the sets of sounds (stops, fricatives, etc.) function within a dynamic system, and how they are distributed within that system. The methodology briefly outlined here can be applied with relative ease to languages which are closely related and which provide enough data for the investigator to find most of the rules which govern the sound correspondences - the reflexes of former states. The matter of applying comparative methodology to distantly related languages is more difficult. Because of the nature of distancing, there are less data. Nevertheless, I am suggesting in this presentation that one can use much of the information necessary for the reconstruction of the closely-related languages, to extend this precise and reliable methodology, and to make tentative observations about distantly related languages. I will mention a few of these linguistic features that can be useful in such an application. Detailed phonetic information may lead one to recognize phonological rules at different levels in other languages. The phonetic variants of one language may be governed by rules which operate at the phonemic level in related languages. The Tacanan languages have such an example (Key 1968a). In Tacanan-Cavinena, semivowel /w/ has two allophones: voiced fricative [b-] when it occurs before front vowels, and allophone [w] elsewhere. Tacanan-Tacana has these two sounds as separate phonemes, contrasting in these same circumstances, rather than in complementary distribution. But in the cognates reflected from the former proto language, Tacana /b/ occurs in cognate sets only before front vowels, and Tacana /w/ occurs in cognate sets before /a/. The rules parallel the rules found in Tacanan- Cavinena at the phonetic level (Key 1968a: 23,38). Therefore, I have reconstructed only one phoneme for the proto system: *w>Cavinena/w/: Tacana /w/ (before/a/) /b / (before front vowels) Another feature to observe is the pattern of fluctuations (variant pronuncia­ tions) which occur between phonemes, as well as between phonetic variants. In Tacanan-Chama (unusal for its extraordinarily large number of fluctuations) the patterns of fluctuation
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