Santa Barbara Papers in Linguistics Volume 23 Proceedings of the 15th Annual Workshop on American Indigenous Languages (WAIL) April 27-28th, 2012 Elliott Hoey & Dibella Wdzenczny, editors Table of Contents Editors’ Foreword i Evidence for Language Contact in the Numeral 1 Systems of Quechuan, Aymaran, Cavineña, and Chipaya Aaron W. Marks Foreword We are pleased to make the proceedings of the 15th annual Workshop on American Indigenous Languages (WAIL) available as the 23nd volume of the Santa Barbara Papers in Linguistics. We are grateful for the continuing support of the University of California, Santa Barbara as a whole and the faculty, staff and students of the Department of Linguistics. We extend our special thanks to our advisor Marianne Mithun who offers us her continued support of our endeavors. We also thank those who come from near and far to attend the conference. Thank you to all of you who helped expand our collective knowledge of the indigenous languages of the Americas. Elliott Hoey Joseph Brooks Dibella Wdzenczny Patrick Hall Co-coordinators Stephanie Morse Verónica Muñoz Ledo Yáñez Organizing Committee Evidence for Language Contact in the Numeral Systems of Quechuan, Aymaran, Cavineña, and Chipaya Aaron W. Marks University of New Mexico 1. Numeral Borrowing Joseph Greenberg, as part of his extensive work on language universals, made several specific claims about numeral borrowing. First, higher numerals are more likely to be borrowed than lower ones. That is, the more marked the number, the more likely that its numeral expression will be borrowed. Second, numeral loans should be thought of in terms of ‘atoms’ or ‘lexically expressed numbers’ (Denning & Kemmer 1990:305), those numerals which, according to Seiler (1990:190), have ‘simple lexical representations’. Greenberg also addressed numeral borrowing in his generalization 54 (a ‘diachronic near-universal’), which states: - If an atomic numeral expression is borrowed from one language into another, all higher atomic expressions are borrowed. For example, Tupi has borrowed the numerals ‘4’1 through ‘20’ from Portuguese, but ‘21’, ‘22’, and ‘23’ contain the Tupi lexemes for ‘1’, ‘2’, and ‘3’. The fact that Tupi ‘21’ through ‘23’ contain inherited Tupi material does not violate generalization 54 because this generalization applies to the ‘atomic’ numerals, ones that have a ‘simple lexical representation’, which, in Tupi, would include ‘1’, ‘2’, and ‘3’, but not ‘21’, ‘22’, and ‘23’ (Denning & Kemmer 1990:305-6), since the latter are composite rather than atomic. In contrast, ‘24’ and above (until ‘31’, etc.) would be expected to be full loans under generalization 54, since they consist wholly of the borrowed Portuguese atomic numerals ‘20’, ‘4’, ‘5’, ‘6’, etc. As will be seen below, however, the numeral system of the Andean language Aymara appears to present an exception to generalization 54. Aymara has borrowed ‘3’, ‘5’, ‘6’, and ‘10’ from Quechuan, but no other atomic numeral below ‘100’. In this study, an attempt will be made to explain this typologically unusual distribution, in light of internal evidence from the inherited Aymara numerals and external evidence drawing on the numeral systems of the neighboring Quechuan, Jaqaru, Cavineña, and Chipaya languages, as well as the relative chronology of and motivations for the numeral loans found in these languages. 2. Types of Numeral Borrowing For the purposes of the present paper, two types of numeral borrowing can be identified: lexical and analogical. These represent instantiations of broader types of borrowing that apply throughout linguistic systems. Lexical numeral borrowing involves the full adoption of alien numeral lexemes. For example, many northern Dravidian languages have borrowed Indic numerals above a Santa Barbara Papers in Linguistics Volume 23 1 certain point. Brahui numerals beginning with ‘4’, Kolami numerals beginning with ‘5’ or ‘6’, and Kurukh numerals beginning with ‘5’ are all direct loans from Indic varieties (Dale 1977:63-4). Analogical numeral borrowing (which could also be termed ‘numeral calquing’) involves borrowing of numeral system structures (including bases, atypological constituent orders, etc.) from another language without borrowing any actual numeral lexemes. Again, northern Dravidian provides an example. The languages Malto, Kurukh, Pengo, and Kui have all developed vigesimal (base-20) numeral systems under the influence of neighboring (or substrate) Munda languages. Similarly, a dialect of the Indic language Gujarati spoken in the southern Indian state of Tamil Nadu has restructured the formation of its numerals along Tamil lines (it has also borrowed the Tamil numeral lexeme for ‘1’) (Dale 1977: 64-5). Both types of numeral borrowing are found in the Aymara case. Aymara has adopted direct lexical loans from Quechuan for the numerals ‘3’, ‘5’, ‘6’, and ‘10’, and has also analogically borrowed Quechuan’s decimal system, replacing Aymara’s inherited quinary system. 3. Discontinuous Borrowing The majority of numeral borrowing seems to neatly follow Greenberg’s universal 54; if one numeral expression is borrowed, all higher numeral expressions are likewise borrowed, following the atomic pattern described above. However, the literature does include many examples of what will be called discontinuous numeral borrowing, a pattern where there are ‘gaps’ between borrowed atomic numeral lexemes. The general Finno-Ugric lexeme for ‘7’ – e.g. Estonian seitse, Finnish seitsemän, Hungarian hét – appears to be a borrowing from an Indo-European source (Sala 1988:154; cf. Latin septem, Ancient Greek heptá, Sanskrit saptá, ‘7’), specifically from a Baltic source for Finnic, and from an Indo-Iranian or Tocharian source for Ugric (Blažek 1997:20). Finno-Ugric ‘8’, ‘9’, etc. do not appear to be borrowings (Blažek 1997:15-17). The Indo-European lexeme for ‘7’ may itself represent a very ancient borrowing from a Semitic source (Blažek 1997:19; cf. Classical Arabic sabʕ-, ‘7’). Benue-Congo languages adopted the numerals ‘2’, ‘5’, and ‘10’ from pre-Niger- Congo Khoisan substrate languages (Sala 1988:154). Pano-Tacanan languages of western South America have borrowed ‘3’ and ‘5’ from Quechuan (Sala 1988:154). The Nafusi (Jerbi) Berber language of western Libya has borrowed ‘7’ from Arabic and possibly all numerals above ‘10’ as well (Souag 2007:239; Ethnologue, 16th edition). Swahili borrowed ‘6’, ‘7’ and ‘9’ from Arabic (Johansen 2003), the motivations for which will be discussed further below. The Kartvelian family has borrowed ‘5’, ‘7’, ‘9’, and ‘10’ from a Semitic source (Manaster Ramer 1995; Blažek 1997:17), and, even more unusually, Kartvelian appears to have borrowed its word for ‘4’ from the Indo-European word for ‘8’, and its word for ‘8’ from the Semitic word for ‘4’ (Manaster Ramer 1995). Finally, in the Andean region, the Aymara language has borrowed the numerals ‘3’, ‘5’, ‘6’, and ‘10’ from Quechuan, the relative chronology and likely motivations for Santa Barbara Papers in Linguistics Volume 23 2 which, as well as evidence from borrowed numerals in the Jaqaru, Cavineña, and Chipaya languages, are the subject of this study. 4. The Andean Region The Andes mountain range stretches from western Venezuela, through Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, and Bolivia, and forms the boundary between Chile and Argentina. The Central Andes comprises the mountain regions of Peru and Bolivia, including the large central plateau known as the Altiplano, in southeastern Peru and western Bolivia. The dominant language family of the Central Andes is Quechuan; member languages are found from southern Colombia to northern Argentina. The Aymaran language family predominates in the Altiplano; the small Uru-Chipaya family is also found there. Finally, the Tacanan family is found in the Amazonian lowlands of northern Bolivia, to the northeast of the Altiplano (Ethnologue, 16th edition). i. Quechuan Languages The Quechuan languages are spoken across the Andean region, from southern Colombia, through highland Ecuador and Peru, the Altiplano of Bolivia, and into northern Argentina and Chile. Estimates of the number of speakers of Quechuan languages range between 8.5 and 10 million (Adelaar & Muysken 2004:168), including 3.2-4.4 million in Peru and 2.2 million in Bolivia (Adelaar & Muysken 2004:13-14). The Quechuan family is divided into two main branches, Quechua I and Quechua II. Quechua II is further divided into sub-branches A, B, and C (Adelaar & Muysken 2004:184-7). Quechuan languages constituted the majority speech of the Inca Empire (Tawantinsuyu), as well as a language of evangelization during the Spanish colonial period (Adelaar & Muysken 2004:179,182-3). ii. Aymaran Languages The Aymaran language family consists of two languages: Aymara and Jaqaru. Aymara is spoken across the Andean Altiplano in western Bolivia and southeastern Peru. The number of Aymara speakers is estimated at 350,000-412,000 in Peru, and 1.5 million in Bolivia (Adelaar & Muysken 2004:13-14). Jaqaru is spoken in the Tupe district of Yauyos Province, in the Lima Region of Peru. The number of Jaqaru speakers is estimated at 725 (Adelaar & Muysken 2004:171). There is a third Aymaran variety spoken in the nearby village of Cachuy that is often referred to as “Kawki”. Hardman considers Kawki to be a separate Aymaran language, and even considers it to be more closely related to Aymara than to Jaqaru (Hardman-de-Bautista 1978:153). Adelaar and Muysken, however, consider the differences between Jaqaru and Kawki as not exceeding mutual intelligibility (Adelaar & Muysken 2004:171). Santa Barbara Papers in Linguistics Volume 23 3 iii. Uru-Chipaya Languages The Uru-Chipaya family consists of two extant languages, Uru and Chipaya. Uru (or Uchumataqu) is spoken at the mouth of the Desaguadero River on the southern end of Lake Titicaca in western Bolivia. It is severely endangered, with only one fluent speaker and a few semi-speakers. Chipaya is spoken in the Altiplano of western Bolivia, in the province of Atahuallpa in the department of Oruro. It has around 1,000 speakers (Adelaar & Muysken 2004:363).