Origins and Diversity of Aymara How and Why Is Aymara Different in Different Regions?
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Origins and Diversity of Aymara How and Why Is Aymara Different in Different Regions?
Origins and Diversity of Aymara How and Why is Aymara Different in Different Regions? Contents Is Aymara Alone? Aymara and Quechua The Aymara Language Family ‘Southern’ or ‘Altiplano’ Aymara Central Aymara: Jaqaru and Kawki Differences Between Central and Southern Aymara Is There a ‘Correct’ Aymara? The Origins of Aymara: Where and When? Which Civilisations Spoke Aymara? How to Find Out More If you want to print out this text, we recommend our printable versions either in .pdf format : A4 paper size or Letter paper size or in Microsoft Word format : A4 paper size or Letter paper size Back to Contents Origins and Diversity of Aymara www.quechua.org.uk/Sounds Paul Heggarty [of 12 ] – 1 – Back to Contents – Skip to Next: Aymara & Quechua Is Aymara Alone? The language that is normally called ‘Aymara’ is well-known to be spoken in much of the Altiplano , the ‘high plain’ at an altitude of around 4000 m that covers much of western Bolivia and the far south of Peru. Aymara is spoken all around the region of the Bolivian capital La Paz, and further north to Lake Titicaca, the famous archaeological site of Tiwanaku, and into the southernmost regions of Peru, around Huancané, Puno and Moquegua. South of La Paz, Aymara is spoken in the Oruro and Poopó regions and beyond, across the wild and beautiful border areas into northern Chile. What is much less well-known, however, is that this Altiplano Aymara is not alone! A language of the very same family is spoken almost a thousand kilometres further north, in central Peru, in the semi-desert mountains of the province of Yauyos , not far south and inland from Lima. -
Languages: Genetic Relatiónship Or Areal Diffusion?
Opción, Año 11, No. 18 (1995): 45-73 ?' ISBN 1012-1387 Lexical similarities between Uru-Chipaya and Pano-Takanan languages: Genetic relatiónship or areal diffusion? Alain Fabre Tampere University ofTechnology Finlandia Abstract |; This study traces the geographical distribution of some words in the Pano-Takanan and Uru-Chipaya languige famiües (Perú and Bo- livia). Themethod applied has been fruitfuljy (though notexclusively) used in the fíelds of Uraüc and Indo-European diachronic studies. Out research has been influenced by the studies ¡jby Bereczki (1983), Hajdú (1981), Hajdú & Domokos (1987), Hákkinen (1983) and Joki (1973). This kind of studies are a prerequisite toany attempt toinvestígate into thekindofproblematic relatíonsfiips involverjbetween language groups, showing either that (1) the languages in quéstion, at least in the course ofthe time section under study, were not in! direct contact (or had only sporadic contacts) or that (2) the languages were indeed in contact. The latter possibiüty offers us the opportunity to further examine whether we are deaüng with areal affinity or geneticrelatiónship.When no contact can be shown,there can be no genetic connéction for the period under scrutiny, The next step, phonolpgical and morphological comparison either proving or discarding genetic relatiónship, is not attempted here. We try to disclose layer after layer, as far back in the past as feasable, the former distribution of the ancestors of these languages, thus recon- structing some of the movements of these Jpeoples and/or languages. 1 • ! Recibido: 20 de mayo de 1995 • Aceptado: 4 de octubrede 1995 46 Alain Fabre Opción, Año 11, No. 18 (1995): 45-73 Mainly by inspecting the geographical distribution ofcognate words, we havetriedto disentangle differentchronological stages ofthelanguages, inrelative tíme. -
Some Data and Considerations from Canada and Bolivia
BISAL 1, 2006, 107-128 Indigenous Identity and Language: Some Considerations from Bolivia and Canada * Itesh Sachdev School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, London, UK Denise Y. Arnold and Juan de Dios Yapita** Universidad PIEB and Instituto de Lengua y Cultura Aymara, La Paz, Bolivia ______________________________________________________________ Abstract The focus of this paper is on indigenous identity and language in Bolivia and Canada. In both these contexts there is great reluctance to treating indigenous peoples as those with internationally recognised juridical rights. The original inhabitants of North and South America have been referred to by a variety of labels (stemming from their distinct colonial histories) including “Native,” “Indian,” “Indigenous,” “First Nations,” etc. These group labels, when chosen and/or accepted, represent core symbols of culture and express meaningful identities. Moreover, identity may be formed, experienced and communicated through such labels. Education is an important means by which such labels are accepted and identities are formed. In this paper the relationship between identity, language and education is explored amongst indigenous communities in Bolivia and Canada. The Bolivian situation, where Aymara and Quechua speakers constitute a majority of the population, and where Spanish is replacing these languages at the national level, is discussed first with reference to the appropriateness of the language education policies and identification. The Canadian situation, where indigenous peoples are in a small minority, and where English and French are the national languages, is considered next. The discussion is extended and complemented by a small-scale social psychological study in Bolivia (amongst Aymara in Tiwanaku) and Canada (amongst Fisher River Cree in Manitoba and Haida in British Columbia). -
Languages of the Middle Andes in Areal-Typological Perspective: Emphasis on Quechuan and Aymaran
Languages of the Middle Andes in areal-typological perspective: Emphasis on Quechuan and Aymaran Willem F.H. Adelaar 1. Introduction1 Among the indigenous languages of the Andean region of Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia, northern Chile and northern Argentina, Quechuan and Aymaran have traditionally occupied a dominant position. Both Quechuan and Aymaran are language families of several million speakers each. Quechuan consists of a conglomerate of geo- graphically defined varieties, traditionally referred to as Quechua “dialects”, not- withstanding the fact that mutual intelligibility is often lacking. Present-day Ayma- ran consists of two distinct languages that are not normally referred to as “dialects”. The absence of a demonstrable genetic relationship between the Quechuan and Aymaran language families, accompanied by a lack of recognizable external gen- etic connections, suggests a long period of independent development, which may hark back to a period of incipient subsistence agriculture roughly dated between 8000 and 5000 BP (Torero 2002: 123–124), long before the Andean civilization at- tained its highest stages of complexity. Quechuan and Aymaran feature a great amount of detailed structural, phono- logical and lexical similarities and thus exemplify one of the most intriguing and intense cases of language contact to be found in the entire world. Often treated as a product of long-term convergence, the similarities between the Quechuan and Ay- maran families can best be understood as the result of an intense period of social and cultural intertwinement, which must have pre-dated the stage of the proto-lan- guages and was in turn followed by a protracted process of incidental and locally confined diffusion. -
Current Studies on South American Languages, [Indigenous Languages of Latin America (ILLA), Vol
This file is freely available for download at http://www.etnolinguistica.org/illa This book is freely available for download at http://www.etnolinguistica.org/illa References: Crevels, Mily, Simon van de Kerke, Sérgio Meira & Hein van der Voort (eds.). 2002. Current Studies on South American Languages, [Indigenous Languages of Latin America (ILLA), vol. 3], [CNWS publications, vol. 114], Leiden: Research School of Asian, African, and Amerindian Studies (CNWS), vi + 344 pp. (ISBN 90-5789-076-3) CURRENT STUDIES ON SOUTH AMERICAN LANGUAGES INDIGENOUS LANGUAGES OF LATIN AMERICA (ILLA) This series, entitled Indigenous Languages of Latin America, is a result of the collaboration between the CNWS research group of Amerindian Studies and the Spinoza research program Lexicon and Syntax, and it will function as an outlet for publications related to the research program. LENGUAS INDÍGENAS DE AMÉRICA LATINA (ILLA) La serie Lenguas Indígenas de América Latina es el resultado de la colabora- ción entre el equipo de investigación CNWS de estudios americanos y el programa de investigación Spinoza denominado Léxico y Sintaxis. Dicha serie tiene como objetivo publicar los trabajos que se lleven a cabo dentro de ambos programas de investigación. Board of advisors / Consejo asesor: Willem Adelaar (Universiteit Leiden) Eithne Carlin (Universiteit Leiden) Pieter Muysken (Katholieke Universiteit Nijmegen) Leo Wetzels (Vrije Universiteit, Amsterdam) Series editors / Editores de la serie: Mily Crevels (Katholieke Universiteit Nijmegen) Simon van de Kerke (Universiteit -
Redalyc.Multilingualism on the North Coast of Peru: an Archaeological
Indiana ISSN: 0342-8642 [email protected] Ibero-Amerikanisches Institut Preußischer Kulturbesitz Alemania Herrera Wassilowsky, Alexander Multilingualism on the North Coast of Peru: An Archaeological Perspective on Quingnam, Muchik, and Quechua Toponyms from the Nepeña Valley and its Headwaters Indiana, vol. 33, núm. 1, 2016, pp. 161-176 Ibero-Amerikanisches Institut Preußischer Kulturbesitz Berlin, Alemania Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=247046764008 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative Multilingualism on the North Coast of Peru: An Archaeological Perspective on Quingnam, Muchik, and Quechua Toponyms from the Nepeña Valley and its Headwaters Multilingüismo en la costa norte del Perú: una perspectiva arqueológica sobre los topónimos quingnam, muchik y quechua del valle de Nepeña y sus cabeceras (Ancash, Perú) Alexander Herrera Wassilowsky Universidad de los Andes, Colombia [email protected] Abstract: This paper presents and explores names of places pertaining to the southern Yunga languages – Muchik or Quingnam – from the valley of Nepeña (Ancash, Peru). Toponyms include possible Quechua-Yunga compounds and, possibly Muchik-Quingnam hybrids. Their regional distribution is described and their temporal placement discussed. Archaeological data patterning, the location of sacred waka places, routes of interregional interaction and political developments are described. Enduring multilingualism – coupled with established oracular shrines – is put forward as an alternative to language replacement theories. Keywords: multilingualism; historical linguistics; toponyms; archaeology; Muchik; Quing- nam; Quechua; Ancash; Peru. -
Only and Focus in Imbabura Quichua 1
Only and focus in Imbabura Quichua Jos Tellings University of California, Los Angeles⇤ 1 Introduction This paper investigates the interaction of focus and the exclusive particle -lla ‘only’ in Im- babura Quichua. Imbabura Quichua (henceforth Quichua)1 is a Quechuan language spoken in Imbabura Province in Northern Ecuador. Quichua is a highly agglutinative, suffixing language with a predominantly verb-final word order. A 2008 estimate of the number of speakers is 150,000 (G´omez-Rend´on 2008:182fn.). Existing literature on this language in- cludes one descriptive grammar (Cole 1982), whereas most theoretical work on this language is directed towards (morpho)syntax (Cole and Hermon 1981; Hermon 2001; Willgohs and Farrell 2009), and its evidential system (to be discussed in section 2.2 below) (see S´anchez 2010:236↵. for a more exhaustive bibliography on the Quechuan languages). The study of focus in Quichua is worthwhile for a number of reasons. First, as I will dis- cuss in a little more detail in section 2.1 below, Quichua is a relatively uncommon language from a point of view of focus typology, because it realizes focus non-phonologically, and it has a bound morpheme exclusive particle -lla. The semantic study of focus is still domi- nated by English and other languages that realize focus by phonological means. Studying a typologically marked language will be insightful in testing our theory for cross-linguistic validity. Second, this work contributes to an existing body of research on the suffix -mi which appears in several Quechuan languages, and which belongs to perhaps the best studied parts of the Quechuan language family. -
Bilingual Education in Bolivia
¿& PA t ruc ( e, N r-eoJ W - b^ , , 1 'JZI s ^w S a 1 S ^^5 o I^ kit ,, t Luc_v Therina Briggs 85 rul- ,,e. R AS , G^ U mediate learning of Spanish ;' for which purpose "phonetic alpha- hets that maintain the greatest possible similarity to the Spanish alphabet will be adopted" ( República de Bolivia 1980:31). Ver- Die' íUlt , CG.. ü i C, , nacular languages are thus seen as, at best . a bridge to Spanish and. Bilingual Education in Bolivia COCHABAMBA - BOLIVIA at worst , a barrier to learning Children who arrive at school speak- ing only a vernacular language are taught to "read" Spanish before LUCY THERINA BRIGGS they understand what it means . Not surprisingly. dropout rates in rural schools in areas where the honre language is not Spanish are very high, even when teachers are themselves speakers of the child's A multilingual country without a national bilingual education home language , which is not always the case . As noted by contem- policy, Bolivia has a population of approximately six million di- porary researchers like Skutnabb-Kangas (1979) and Cummins vided among speakers of Spanish , Quechua , and Aymara , as well (1979), the kind of bilingualism attained by children who speak a as some twenty -six minority languages . It is generally conceded low-prestige language at home is often of a subtractive rather than that speakers of Quechua and Aymara , taken together, constitute an additive variety-that is , given no opportunity to develop school over 60 percent of the population . They live primarily in the west- skills in the stigmatized native language , they also fail to attain ern highlands , engaged in agriculture , trade , and mining. -
(REELA) 5-7 September 2015, Leiden University Centre for Linguistics
Fourth Conference of the Red Europea para el Estudio de las Lenguas Andinas (REELA) 5-7 September 2015, Leiden University Centre for Linguistics Fourth Conference of the European Association for the Study of Andean Languages - Abstracts Saturday 5 September Lengua X, an Andean puzzle Matthias Pache Leiden University In the southern central Andes, different researchers have come across series of numerals which are difficult to attribute to one of the language groups known to be or have been spoken in this area: Quechuan, Aymaran, Uru-Chipayan, or Puquina (cf. Ibarra Grasso 1982: 97-107). In a specific chapter headed “La lengua X”, Ibarra Grasso (1982) discusses different series of numerals which he attributes to this language. Although subsumed under one heading, Lengua X, the numerals in question may vary across the sources, both with respect to form and meaning. An exemplary paradigm of Lengua X numerals recorded during own fieldwork is as follows: 1 mayti 2 payti 3 kimsti 4 taksi 5 takiri 6 iriti 7 wanaku 8 atʃ͡atʃ͡i 9 tʃ͡ipana 10 tʃ͡ˀutx Whereas some of these numerals resemble their Aymara counterparts (mayti ‘one’, payti ‘two’, cf. Aymara maya ‘one’, paya ‘two’), others seem to have parallels in Uru or Puquina numerals (taksi ‘four’, cf. Irohito Uru táxˀs núko ‘six’ (Vellard 1967: 37), Puquina tacpa ‘five’ (Torero 2002: 454)). Among numerals above five, there are some cases of homonymy with Quechua/Aymara terms referring to specific entities, as for instance Lengua X tʃ͡ipana ‘nine’ and Quechua/Aymara tʃ͡ipana ‘fetter, bracelet’. In this talk, I will discuss two questions: (1) What is the origin of Lengua X numerals? (2) What do Lengua X numerals reveal about the linguistic past of the southern central Andes? References Ibarra Grasso, Dick. -
Five Suffixes with Unified Spellings for Southern Quechua
Five Suffixes With Unified Spellings for Southern Quechua -mi /-m -pa/-p -pti- -chka- -chik On this page we look at the five suffixes of Quechua for which there is a single unified spelling proposed for all Southern Quechua : -mi/-m, -pa/-p, -pti-, -chka- and -chik , to explain why these particular spellings have been chosen as the unified ones. Certainly, they might at first seem a little odd to people in some regions, including Cuzco and southern Bolivia; but on the other hand there are also big, big advantages of using these particular spellings in order to be consistent and to achieve more unity among Quechua speakers from all regions, as we shall find out on this page … Contents Spelling and Sounds, Spelling and Grammar But Isn’t It Really Strange to Spell These Suffixes in the Unified Way? An Example of a Unified Suffix Spelling in Another Language: English Unified Suffix Spellings: More Complicated, or Simpler? The Five Main Suffixes With a Unified Spelling ‘Assertive ’ -mi or -m ’Possessor ’ -pa or -p ‘If/When ’ -pti- ‘Progressive ’ -chka- ‘Inclusive we ’ -chik Which Region’s Spellings are the Unified Ones? Three Vowels or Five? If you want to print out this text, we recommend our printable versions either in .pdf format : A4 paper size or Letter paper size or in Microsoft Word format : A4 paper size or Letter paper size Suffix Spellings in Southern Quechua www.quechua.org.uk/Sounds Paul Heggarty [of 8] – 1 – Back to Contents – Skip to Next: But Isn’t It Really Strange to Spell These Suffixes in the Unified Way? Spelling and Sounds, Spelling and Grammar Our main texts on pronunciation and spelling discuss only the proposed unified spellings of individual sounds like [ q] or [ m] wherever they occur in a word. -
Descriptive and Comparative Research on South American Indian Languages
Historical overview: Descriptive and comparative research on South American Indian languages Willem F. H. Adelaar 1. Introduction The extreme language diversity that was characteristic for South America must have been a challenge to native groups throughout the subcontinent, struggling to maintain commercial and political relations with each other. Due to the absence of phonetically based writing systems in pre-European times there is hardly any documentation about the way cross-linguistic communication was achieved. How- ever, the outlines of a conscious linguistic policy can be assumed from the Incas’ success in imposing their language upon a millenary multilingual society. Second- language learning, often by users of typologically widely different languages, must have been an everyday concern to the subjects of the Inca empire. Sixteenth-cen- tury chroniclers often report in a matter-of-fact way on the ease and rapidity with which native Americans mastered the language of their conquerors, be it Quechua, Spanish or any other language. Apart from such cases of political necessity, there are indications that language played an essential role in many South American native societies and that it could be manipulated and modified in a deliberate way. The use of stylistic speech levels among the Cuna (Sherzer 1983) and of ceremo- nial discourse among the Mbyá (Cadogan 1959; Clastres 1974), the Shuar (Gnerre 1986) and the Trio (Carlin 2004), the appreciation of rhetorical skill as a requisite for leadership among the Mapuche, the distinction of female and masculine speech among the Karajá (Rodrigues 2004) and the Chiquitano (Galeote 1993), the associ- ation of language choice and family lineage among the peoples of the Vaupés region (Sorensen 1967; Aikhenvald 2002), and the association of language choice and professional occupation in highland Bolivia (Howard 1995) appear to indicate an awareness of linguistic functionality not limited to daily communication alone. -
Arxiv:2104.08726V1 [Cs.CL] 18 Apr 2021
AmericasNLI: Evaluating Zero-shot Natural Language Understanding of Pretrained Multilingual Models in Truly Low-resource Languages Abteen Ebrahimi} Manuel Mager♠ Arturo Oncevay~ Vishrav Chaudharyr Luis Chiruzzo4 Angela Fanr John OrtegaΩ Ricardo Ramosη Annette Rios Ivan Vladimir] Gustavo A. Gimenez-Lugo´ | Elisabeth Mager] Graham Neubig./ Alexis Palmer} Rolando A. Coto Solanof Ngoc Thang Vu♠ Katharina Kann} ./Carnegie Mellon University fDartmouth College rFacebook AI Research ΩNew York University 4Universidad de la Republica,´ Uruguay ηUniversidad Tecnologica´ de Tlaxcala ]Universidad Nacional Autonoma´ de Mexico´ |Universidade Tecnologica´ Federal do Parana´ }University of Colorado Boulder ~University of Edinburgh ♠University of Stuttgart University of Zurich Abstract Language ISO Family Dev Test Aymara aym Aymaran 743 750 Pretrained multilingual models are able to per- Ashaninka´ cni Arawak 658 750 form cross-lingual transfer in a zero-shot set- Bribri bzd Chibchan 743 750 ting, even for languages unseen during pre- Guarani gn Tupi-Guarani 743 750 training. However, prior work evaluating per- Nahuatl´ nah Uto-Aztecan 376 738 formance on unseen languages has largely Otom´ı oto Oto-Manguean 222 748 Quechua quy Quechuan 743 750 been limited to low-level, syntactic tasks, and Raramuri´ tar Uto-Aztecan 743 750 it remains unclear if zero-shot learning of Shipibo-Konibo shp Panoan 743 750 high-level, semantic tasks is possible for un- Wixarika hch Uto-Aztecan 743 750 seen languages. To explore this question, we present AmericasNLI, an extension of XNLI Table 1: The languages in AmericasNLI, along with (Conneau et al., 2018) to 10 indigenous lan- their ISO codes, language families, and dataset sizes. guages of the Americas.