Five Suffixes with Unified Spellings for Southern Quechua
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Origins and Diversity of Aymara How and Why Is Aymara Different in Different Regions?
Origins and Diversity of Aymara How and Why is Aymara Different in Different Regions? Contents Is Aymara Alone? Aymara and Quechua The Aymara Language Family ‘Southern’ or ‘Altiplano’ Aymara Central Aymara: Jaqaru and Kawki Differences Between Central and Southern Aymara Is There a ‘Correct’ Aymara? The Origins of Aymara: Where and When? Which Civilisations Spoke Aymara? How to Find Out More If you want to print out this text, we recommend our printable versions either in .pdf format : A4 paper size or Letter paper size or in Microsoft Word format : A4 paper size or Letter paper size Back to Contents Origins and Diversity of Aymara www.quechua.org.uk/Sounds Paul Heggarty [of 12 ] – 1 – Back to Contents – Skip to Next: Aymara & Quechua Is Aymara Alone? The language that is normally called ‘Aymara’ is well-known to be spoken in much of the Altiplano , the ‘high plain’ at an altitude of around 4000 m that covers much of western Bolivia and the far south of Peru. Aymara is spoken all around the region of the Bolivian capital La Paz, and further north to Lake Titicaca, the famous archaeological site of Tiwanaku, and into the southernmost regions of Peru, around Huancané, Puno and Moquegua. South of La Paz, Aymara is spoken in the Oruro and Poopó regions and beyond, across the wild and beautiful border areas into northern Chile. What is much less well-known, however, is that this Altiplano Aymara is not alone! A language of the very same family is spoken almost a thousand kilometres further north, in central Peru, in the semi-desert mountains of the province of Yauyos , not far south and inland from Lima. -
Languages: Genetic Relatiónship Or Areal Diffusion?
Opción, Año 11, No. 18 (1995): 45-73 ?' ISBN 1012-1387 Lexical similarities between Uru-Chipaya and Pano-Takanan languages: Genetic relatiónship or areal diffusion? Alain Fabre Tampere University ofTechnology Finlandia Abstract |; This study traces the geographical distribution of some words in the Pano-Takanan and Uru-Chipaya languige famiües (Perú and Bo- livia). Themethod applied has been fruitfuljy (though notexclusively) used in the fíelds of Uraüc and Indo-European diachronic studies. Out research has been influenced by the studies ¡jby Bereczki (1983), Hajdú (1981), Hajdú & Domokos (1987), Hákkinen (1983) and Joki (1973). This kind of studies are a prerequisite toany attempt toinvestígate into thekindofproblematic relatíonsfiips involverjbetween language groups, showing either that (1) the languages in quéstion, at least in the course ofthe time section under study, were not in! direct contact (or had only sporadic contacts) or that (2) the languages were indeed in contact. The latter possibiüty offers us the opportunity to further examine whether we are deaüng with areal affinity or geneticrelatiónship.When no contact can be shown,there can be no genetic connéction for the period under scrutiny, The next step, phonolpgical and morphological comparison either proving or discarding genetic relatiónship, is not attempted here. We try to disclose layer after layer, as far back in the past as feasable, the former distribution of the ancestors of these languages, thus recon- structing some of the movements of these Jpeoples and/or languages. 1 • ! Recibido: 20 de mayo de 1995 • Aceptado: 4 de octubrede 1995 46 Alain Fabre Opción, Año 11, No. 18 (1995): 45-73 Mainly by inspecting the geographical distribution ofcognate words, we havetriedto disentangle differentchronological stages ofthelanguages, inrelative tíme. -
Redalyc.Multilingualism on the North Coast of Peru: an Archaeological
Indiana ISSN: 0342-8642 [email protected] Ibero-Amerikanisches Institut Preußischer Kulturbesitz Alemania Herrera Wassilowsky, Alexander Multilingualism on the North Coast of Peru: An Archaeological Perspective on Quingnam, Muchik, and Quechua Toponyms from the Nepeña Valley and its Headwaters Indiana, vol. 33, núm. 1, 2016, pp. 161-176 Ibero-Amerikanisches Institut Preußischer Kulturbesitz Berlin, Alemania Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=247046764008 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative Multilingualism on the North Coast of Peru: An Archaeological Perspective on Quingnam, Muchik, and Quechua Toponyms from the Nepeña Valley and its Headwaters Multilingüismo en la costa norte del Perú: una perspectiva arqueológica sobre los topónimos quingnam, muchik y quechua del valle de Nepeña y sus cabeceras (Ancash, Perú) Alexander Herrera Wassilowsky Universidad de los Andes, Colombia [email protected] Abstract: This paper presents and explores names of places pertaining to the southern Yunga languages – Muchik or Quingnam – from the valley of Nepeña (Ancash, Peru). Toponyms include possible Quechua-Yunga compounds and, possibly Muchik-Quingnam hybrids. Their regional distribution is described and their temporal placement discussed. Archaeological data patterning, the location of sacred waka places, routes of interregional interaction and political developments are described. Enduring multilingualism – coupled with established oracular shrines – is put forward as an alternative to language replacement theories. Keywords: multilingualism; historical linguistics; toponyms; archaeology; Muchik; Quing- nam; Quechua; Ancash; Peru. -
Only and Focus in Imbabura Quichua 1
Only and focus in Imbabura Quichua Jos Tellings University of California, Los Angeles⇤ 1 Introduction This paper investigates the interaction of focus and the exclusive particle -lla ‘only’ in Im- babura Quichua. Imbabura Quichua (henceforth Quichua)1 is a Quechuan language spoken in Imbabura Province in Northern Ecuador. Quichua is a highly agglutinative, suffixing language with a predominantly verb-final word order. A 2008 estimate of the number of speakers is 150,000 (G´omez-Rend´on 2008:182fn.). Existing literature on this language in- cludes one descriptive grammar (Cole 1982), whereas most theoretical work on this language is directed towards (morpho)syntax (Cole and Hermon 1981; Hermon 2001; Willgohs and Farrell 2009), and its evidential system (to be discussed in section 2.2 below) (see S´anchez 2010:236↵. for a more exhaustive bibliography on the Quechuan languages). The study of focus in Quichua is worthwhile for a number of reasons. First, as I will dis- cuss in a little more detail in section 2.1 below, Quichua is a relatively uncommon language from a point of view of focus typology, because it realizes focus non-phonologically, and it has a bound morpheme exclusive particle -lla. The semantic study of focus is still domi- nated by English and other languages that realize focus by phonological means. Studying a typologically marked language will be insightful in testing our theory for cross-linguistic validity. Second, this work contributes to an existing body of research on the suffix -mi which appears in several Quechuan languages, and which belongs to perhaps the best studied parts of the Quechuan language family. -
(REELA) 5-7 September 2015, Leiden University Centre for Linguistics
Fourth Conference of the Red Europea para el Estudio de las Lenguas Andinas (REELA) 5-7 September 2015, Leiden University Centre for Linguistics Fourth Conference of the European Association for the Study of Andean Languages - Abstracts Saturday 5 September Lengua X, an Andean puzzle Matthias Pache Leiden University In the southern central Andes, different researchers have come across series of numerals which are difficult to attribute to one of the language groups known to be or have been spoken in this area: Quechuan, Aymaran, Uru-Chipayan, or Puquina (cf. Ibarra Grasso 1982: 97-107). In a specific chapter headed “La lengua X”, Ibarra Grasso (1982) discusses different series of numerals which he attributes to this language. Although subsumed under one heading, Lengua X, the numerals in question may vary across the sources, both with respect to form and meaning. An exemplary paradigm of Lengua X numerals recorded during own fieldwork is as follows: 1 mayti 2 payti 3 kimsti 4 taksi 5 takiri 6 iriti 7 wanaku 8 atʃ͡atʃ͡i 9 tʃ͡ipana 10 tʃ͡ˀutx Whereas some of these numerals resemble their Aymara counterparts (mayti ‘one’, payti ‘two’, cf. Aymara maya ‘one’, paya ‘two’), others seem to have parallels in Uru or Puquina numerals (taksi ‘four’, cf. Irohito Uru táxˀs núko ‘six’ (Vellard 1967: 37), Puquina tacpa ‘five’ (Torero 2002: 454)). Among numerals above five, there are some cases of homonymy with Quechua/Aymara terms referring to specific entities, as for instance Lengua X tʃ͡ipana ‘nine’ and Quechua/Aymara tʃ͡ipana ‘fetter, bracelet’. In this talk, I will discuss two questions: (1) What is the origin of Lengua X numerals? (2) What do Lengua X numerals reveal about the linguistic past of the southern central Andes? References Ibarra Grasso, Dick. -
Origins and Diversity of Aymara How and Why Is Aymara Different in Different Regions?
Origins and Diversity of Aymara How and Why is Aymara Different in Different Regions? Contents Is Aymara Alone? Aymara and Quechua The Aymara Language Family ‘Southern’ or ‘Altiplano’ Aymara Central Aymara: Jaqaru and Kawki Differences Between Central and Southern Aymara Is There a ‘Correct’ Aymara? The Origins of Aymara: Where and When? Which Civilisations Spoke Aymara? How to Find Out More If you want to print out this text, we recommend our printable versions either in .pdf format : A4 paper size or Letter paper size or in Microsoft Word format : A4 paper size or Letter paper size Back to Contents Origins and Diversity of Aymara www.quechua.org.uk/Sounds Paul Heggarty [of 11 ] – 1 – Back to Contents – Skip to Next: Aymara & Quechua Is Aymara Alone? The language that is normally called ‘Aymara’ is well-known to be spoken in much of the Altiplano , the ‘high plain’ at an altitude of around 4000 m that covers much of western Bolivia and the far south of Peru. Aymara is spoken all around the region of the Bolivian capital La Paz, and further north to Lake Titicaca, the famous archaeological site of Tiwanaku, and into the southernmost regions of Peru, around Huancané, Puno and Moquegua. South of La Paz, Aymara is spoken in the Oruro and Poopó regions and beyond, across the wild and beautiful border areas into northern Chile. What is much less well-known, however, is that this Altiplano Aymara is not alone! A language of the very same family is spoken almost a thousand kilometres further north, in central Peru, in the semi- desert mountains of the province of Yauyos , not far south and inland from Lima. -
Arxiv:2104.08726V1 [Cs.CL] 18 Apr 2021
AmericasNLI: Evaluating Zero-shot Natural Language Understanding of Pretrained Multilingual Models in Truly Low-resource Languages Abteen Ebrahimi} Manuel Mager♠ Arturo Oncevay~ Vishrav Chaudharyr Luis Chiruzzo4 Angela Fanr John OrtegaΩ Ricardo Ramosη Annette Rios Ivan Vladimir] Gustavo A. Gimenez-Lugo´ | Elisabeth Mager] Graham Neubig./ Alexis Palmer} Rolando A. Coto Solanof Ngoc Thang Vu♠ Katharina Kann} ./Carnegie Mellon University fDartmouth College rFacebook AI Research ΩNew York University 4Universidad de la Republica,´ Uruguay ηUniversidad Tecnologica´ de Tlaxcala ]Universidad Nacional Autonoma´ de Mexico´ |Universidade Tecnologica´ Federal do Parana´ }University of Colorado Boulder ~University of Edinburgh ♠University of Stuttgart University of Zurich Abstract Language ISO Family Dev Test Aymara aym Aymaran 743 750 Pretrained multilingual models are able to per- Ashaninka´ cni Arawak 658 750 form cross-lingual transfer in a zero-shot set- Bribri bzd Chibchan 743 750 ting, even for languages unseen during pre- Guarani gn Tupi-Guarani 743 750 training. However, prior work evaluating per- Nahuatl´ nah Uto-Aztecan 376 738 formance on unseen languages has largely Otom´ı oto Oto-Manguean 222 748 Quechua quy Quechuan 743 750 been limited to low-level, syntactic tasks, and Raramuri´ tar Uto-Aztecan 743 750 it remains unclear if zero-shot learning of Shipibo-Konibo shp Panoan 743 750 high-level, semantic tasks is possible for un- Wixarika hch Uto-Aztecan 743 750 seen languages. To explore this question, we present AmericasNLI, an extension of XNLI Table 1: The languages in AmericasNLI, along with (Conneau et al., 2018) to 10 indigenous lan- their ISO codes, language families, and dataset sizes. guages of the Americas. -
The Etymology of Kallawaya
journal of language contact 10 (2017) 219-263 brill.com/jlc The Etymology of Kallawaya Katja Hannß University of Cologne [email protected] Abstract In this present paper, the etymological composition of Kallawaya, a mixed and secret language of Bolivia, will be discussed. I will argue that the lexicon of Kallawaya is more heterogeneous than has been assumed so far. In particular, the role of the allegedly main lexifier language Pukina will be critically re-assessed and I will suggest that only a minor part of the Kallawaya lexicon can be related to Pukina. The issues of secrecy and intentional borrowing will also be addressed. Keywords Kallawaya – mixed and secret language – etymology – Pukina 1 Introduction This paper is concerned with a re-evaluation of the etymological composition of the mixed and secret Kallawaya language. Particular attention is paid to its alleged main lexifier, Pukina. I propose that the Kallawaya lexicon is etymo- logically more heterogeneous than has been claimed so far (Stark, 1972: 206). Kallawaya is spoken in the Bolivian highlands, north-east of Lake Titicaca in the provinces of Bautista Saavedra and Muñecas, department of La Paz (Fernández Juárez, 1998: 16; Fig. 1). It has been claimed that the language is used only by male initiated herbalists during healing ceremonies (Oblitas Poblete, 1968: 16; Stark, 1972: 199), although recent research suggests that the use of Kallawaya is less secret than assumed so far (Callahan, 2011: 102–103; Hannß, 2014a: 45). The Kallawaya herbalists are known as itinerant healers, travelling widely throughout the Andean region and beyond (Muysken, 2009: 148–149, among others; Section 2). -
The Languages of the Andes
THE LANGUAGES OF THE ANDES The Andean and Pacific regions of South America are home to a remark- able variety of languages and language families, with a range of typologi- cal differences. This linguistic diversity results from a complex historical background, comprising periods of greater communication between dif- ferent peoples and languages, and periods of fragmentation and individual development. The Languages of the Andes is the first book in English to document in a single volume the indigenous languages spoken and for- merly spoken in this linguistically rich region, as well as in adjacent areas. Grouping the languages into different cultural spheres, it describes their characteristics in terms of language typology, language contact, and the social perspectives of present-day languages. The authors provide both historical and contemporary information, and illustrate the languages with detailed grammatical sketches. Written in a clear and accessible style, this book will be a valuable source for students and scholars of linguistics and anthropology alike. . is Professor of Amerindian Languages and Cul- tures at Leiden University. He has travelled widely in South America and has conducted fieldwork in Peru on different varieties of Quechua and minor languages of the area. He has also worked on the historical- comparative reconstruction of South American languages, and since 1991 has been involved in international activities addressing the issue of lan- guage endangerment. His previously published books include Tarma Quechua (1977) and Het Boek van Huarochir´ı (1988). . is Professor of Linguistics at the University of Nijmegen. He has travelled widely in the Caribbean and the Andes, and was previously Professor of Sociolinguistics and Creole Studies at the Uni- versity of Amsterdam and Professor of Linguistics and Latin American Studies at Leiden University. -
Runasimi Ara Eagan, Ameena Faruki Background Information
Runasimi Ara Eagan, Ameena Faruki Background Information Number of speakers: ● The most widely spoken language family of indigenous peoples of the Americas ● Total of around 8–10 million speakers Other related languages: ● Quechua shares a large amount of vocabulary, and some striking structural parallels, with Aymaran languages. This is perceived to simply be from close geographical contact. Geographical Spread Places where Quechua is still spoken: ● Argentina: 900,000 (1971) ● Bolivia: 2,100,000 (2001 census); 2,800,000 South Bolivian (1987) ● Chile: few, if any; 8,200 in ethnic group (2002 census) ● Colombia: 4,402 to 16,000 ● Ecuador: 2,300,000 (Adelaar 1991) ● Peru: 3,800,000 (2017 census); 3,500,000 to 4,400,000 (Adelaar 2000) Linguistic Background There are significant differences among the varieties of Quechua spoken, and are classified as such: ● II-A: Yunkay Quechua (North Peruvian Quechua) is scattered in Peru's occidental highlands ● II-B: Northern Quechua (also known as Runashimi or, especially in Ecuador, Kichwa) is mainly spoken in Colombia and Ecuador. It is also spoken in the Amazonian lowlands of Colombia, Ecuador, and in pockets in Peru ● II-C: Southern Quechua, in the highlands further south, from Huancavelica through the Ayacucho, Cusco, and Puno regions of Peru, across much of Bolivia, and in pockets in north-western Argentina. It is the most influential branch, with the largest number of speakers and the most important cultural and literary legacy. Linguistic Overview {Phonology} Syllable structure: ● Non-initial syllables is CV(C) and in word-initial syllables (C)V(C). ○ Sequences of consonants within a syllable and word finally are not allowed. -
Agreement in Quechua: Evidence Against Distributed Morphology
Agreement in Quechua: evidence against Distributed Morphology Simon van de Kerke 0. Introduction In the fifteenth century the frontier of the Inca empire was pushed southward from Cuzco, Peru. The history of the conquest of the new territories is very complex. What is of interest here is the fact that the Quechua dialects which are spoken in the south of Peru, Bolivia and the north of Argentina are all closely related variants of the Cuzco prestige language, used by the Incas as a lingua franca. In Bolivia, the Quechua language has slowly spread over the country in the centuries after the conquest and has been mainly in competition with Aymara and later with Spanish. Lexical influence from these languages is obvious, but structurally the Bolivian Quechua dialects are almost identical to the Cuzco dialect, since both the morphology and the syntax have undergone only superficial changes. Nevertheless, between the verbal paradigms of these dialects a considerable number of differences can be observed. It will be shown that in Cuzco Quechua the expression of tense and agreement is highly transparent, while Bolivian Quechua has a good number of opaque and underspecified entries in its verbal paradigm.1 I will argue that a cluster of these differences can be attributed to a difference in the status of the morpho-syntactic category number. This is expressed separately in the Cuzco dialect, while it has been fused with person, at least for first and third person plural, in Bolivian Quechua. Another cluster of differences can be related to object marking. Two port-manteau suffixes which express the relation between a first or third person subject and a second person object are in a process of reinterpretation towards a suffix which only expresses second person object in Bolivian Quechua. -
Pronunciation and Spelling
Pronunciation and Spelling These pages aim to answer all the commonest and most important questions about the spelling systems proposed for Quechua and Aymara, especially about the pan-Andean alphabet and the official ‘unified’ spelling. We look at these question as organised into four main sections , which are all brought together in this printable version of our pages. Contents 1: Introduction: About Sounds and Spelling 2: Three Vowels or Five? 3: How Can You Learn Official Spelling? 4: Official Spelling and Regional Variation You can also click here for where to find out more Back to Contents – Skip to Next Section: Three Vowels or Five ? 1: Introduction: About Sounds and Spelling Spelling: Sounds and Letters Spelling, Regional Differences, and Solidarity Spelling Quechua and Aymara: What Went Wrong? Sounds and Symbols Quechua Pronunciation and Spelling www.quechua.org.uk/Sounds Paul Heggarty [of 27 ] – 1 – About the Alphabet Every Language Needs Its Own Spelling System Spelling: Sounds and Letters There has been a great deal of confusion about how best to spell Quechua and Aymara. There are two main reasons for this, because there are two big and popular confusions about what spelling a language is really about. The very first and most important thing to realise about writing a language is simple: a letter is not a sound . People constantly say things like “a language should be written how it sounds”, or “Spanish is pronounced as it is spelt”. These are very common beliefs, but taken literally, they are actually completely wrong. As we shall soon see, no language in the world is written exactly how it sounds; in fact trying to do this is never practical or helpful.