Che guevara biography in malayalam pdf

Continue Argentine Marxist revolutionary Che GuevaraGuerrillero HeroicoPicture taken by Alberto Korda on 5 March 1960, at the La Coubre memorial serviceMinister of Industries of CubaIn office11 February 1961 – 1 April 1965Prime MinisterFidel CastroPreceded byOffice establishedSucceeded byJoel Domenech BenítezPresident of the Central Bank of CubaIn office26 November 1959 – 23 February 1961Preceded byFelipe PazosSucceeded byRaúl Cepero Bonilla Personal detailsBornErnesto Guevara(1928-06-14)14 June 1928[1]Rosario, Santa Fe Province, ArgentinaDied9 October 1967(1967-10- 09) (aged 39)La Higuera, Vallegrande, BoliviaCause of deathExecution by shootingResting placeChe Guevara MausoleumSanta Clara, CubaNationalityArgentinianSpouse(s)Hilda Gadea (m. 1955; div. 1959) Aleida March (m. 1959) ChildrenHilda (1956–1995)Aleida (born 1960)Camilo (born 1962)Celia (born 1963)Ernesto (born 1965)ParentsErnesto Guevara LynchCelia de la Serna y LlosaAlma materUniversity of Buenos AiresOccupationCombat medic , Автор, Партизанская, Правительственный чиновникПрофезисФизианИзвестный дляGuevarismSignatureВоитарная службаНикнайна (ы)ЧеАлегия Республики Куба (2)Branch/service Кубинские революционные вооруженные силы Национально-освободительная армия (Боливия)Годы службы1955-1967Соединение 26 июля ДвижениеКоммандыКоммандующий офицер Кубинских революционных вооруженных силBattles/warsКубан революции залив свиней Вторжение Кубинского ракетного кризиса Конго Кризис Занкауазе Партизанская Эрнесто Че Гевара (испанский: ˈtʃe ɣeˈβaɾa;; 14 июня 1928 — 9 октября 1967 — аргентинский марксистский революционер, врач, писатель, партизанский лидер, дипломат и военный теоретик. Главная фигура кубинской революции, его стилизованный визаж стал вездесущим контркультурным символом восстания и глобальными знаками отличия в популярной культуре. Будучи молодым студентом-медиком, Гевара путешествовал по всей южной Америке и был радикализован бедностью, голодом и болезнями, свидетелями которых он был. His growing desire to help undo what he saw as the capitalist exploitation of Latin America by the United States prompted his participation in Guatemala's social reforms under President Jacobo Erbenza, whose possible overthrow, with the assistance of the CIA at the request of the United Fruit Company, reinforced Guevara's political ideology. Later in Mexico City, Guevara met with Raul and Fidel Castro, joined their movement on July 26 and sailed to Cuba aboard the yacht Granma with the intention of overthrowing U.S.-backed Cuban dictator Fulgencio Batista. Guevara soon became known among the rebels, was promoted to second in the team and played a key role in the victorious two-year guerrilla campaign that toppled Batista's regime. After the Cuban Revolution, Guevara played a number of key roles in the new government. These include the consideration of appeals and firing squads for those who as war criminals during the revolutionary tribunals, introducing agricultural land reform as Minister of Industry, helping to lead a successful national literacy campaign, serving as President of the National Bank and Training Director of the Cuban Armed Forces, and crossing the globe as a diplomat on behalf of Cuban socialism. Such positions also allowed it to play a central role in the training of militia forces that repelled the invasion of the Bay of Pigs, and as a result soviet nuclear-armed ballistic missiles were fired at Cuba, which preceded the 1962 Cuban Missile Crisis. Guevara was also a prolific writer and diarist, composing the founding guide to guerrilla warfare, along with a best-selling memoir about his young continental motorcycle journey. His experience and the study of Marxism-Leninism led him to the fact that the backwardness and dependence of the third world were an integral result of imperialism, neo-colonialism and monopoly capitalism, the only remedy of which was proletarian internationalism and the world revolution. Guevara left Cuba in 1965 to ignite a revolution abroad, first unsuccessfully in Congo-Kinshasa and then in Bolivia, where he was captured by Bolivian forces with the assistance of the CIA and executed without trial and proper execution. Guevara remains both revered and reviled by a historical figure polarized in the collective imagination in a variety of biographies, memoirs, essays, documentaries, songs and films. As a result of his perceived martyrdom, poetic calls for class struggle and desire to create the consciousness of a new man driven by moral rather than material stimuli, Guevara became the quintessence of various left-wing movements. On the contrary, his ideological critics on the right accuse him of authoritarianism and sanctification of violence against his political opponents. Despite disagreements over his legacy, Time magazine named him one of the 100 most influential people of the 20th century, while his photograph of Alberto Corda, titled Guerrillero Heroico, was described by the Maryland Institute's College of Art as the most famous photograph in the world. Early life of teenager Ernesto (left) with his parents, siblings, c. 1944, sitting next to him from left to right: Celia (mother), Celia (sister), Roberto, Juan Martin, Ernesto (father) and Ana Maria Ernesto Guevara was born Ernesto Guevara Lynch and Celia de la Serna at Llosa, June 14, 1928, in Rosario, Argentina. He was the eldest of five children in an Argentine middle-class family of Spanish (including Basque and Cantabrian) origin, as well as an Irishman with the help of his patrilineal ancestor Patrick Lynch. Although Guevara's legal name on his birth certificate was Ernesto Guevara, his name sometimes appears with his de la Serna and/or Lynch. Referring to Che's disturbing nature, his father said, The first thing is that It should be noted that the blood of the Irish rebels was flowing in my son's veins. Very early in life, Ernesto (as he was then called) developed affinity for the poor. Growing up in a left-leaning family, Guevara was introduced to a wide range of political views as a child. His father, a staunch supporter of Republicans during the Spanish Civil War, often hosted many veterans from the conflict in Guevara's home. Despite crippling bouts of acute asthma that were supposed to hit him throughout his life, he excelled as an athlete, enjoying swimming, football, golf and shooting, and became a tireless cyclist. He was an avid rugby player, and played at fly-half for the Club Universitario de Buenos Aires. His game of rugby earned him the nickname Fuser - the fight of El Furibundo (furious) and the surname of his mother, de la Serna, for his aggressive style of play. Guevara learned chess from his father in 1951 and began participating in local tournaments at the age of 12. As a teenager and throughout his life he was fascinated by poetry, especially Pablo Neruda, John Keats, Antonio Machado, Federico Garcia Lorca, Gabriela Mistral, Cesar Vallejo, and Walt Whitman. He could also recite Rudyard Kipling's If and Jose Hernandez's Martin Fierro by heart. The House of Guara contained more than 3,000 books, allowing Guevara to be an enthusiastic and eclectic reader, with interests including Karl Marx, William Faulkner, Andre Gida, Emilio Salgari and Jules Verne. He also enjoyed the works of Jawaharlal Nehru, Franz Kafka, Albert Camus, Vladimir Lenin and as well as Anatole France, Friedrich Engels, Herbert Wells and Robert Frost. As he grew older, he became interested in Latin American writers Horacio Kiroga, Ciro Alegria, Jorge Icaza, Ruben Dario and Miguel Asturias. He catalogued many of the ideas of these authors in his handwritten notebooks of concepts, definitions and philosophies of influential intellectuals. These included analysing of Buddha and Aristotle, as well as Bertrand Russell's study of love and patriotism, Jack London on society and Nietzsche about the idea of death. Sigmund Freud's ideas fascinated him when he quoted him on topics ranging from dreams and libido to narcissism and Oedipus. His favorite subjects at school included philosophy, mathematics, engineering, political science, sociology, history and archaeology. Years later, in a declassified biographical and personal report of February 13, 1958, the CIA took note of Guevara's wide range of academic interests and intelligence, describing it as pretty well read, adding that Che is intelligent enough for a Latino. [37] Travel Main articles: Motorcycle Diaries (book) and Diaries of a motorcycle (film) Guevara (right) with Alberto Granado (left) in June 1952 on the Amazon River aboard their Mambo Tango wooden raft, which was a gift from lepers they treated in 1948, Guevara enrolled at the University of Buenos Aires to study medicine. His hunger to explore the world (39) led him to his cross-sessions with two long introspective journeys that fundamentally changed the way he viewed himself and the current economic conditions in Latin America. The first expedition in 1950 was a 4,500-kilometer (2,800-mile) solo journey through the rural provinces of northern Argentina by bicycle, on which he installed a small engine. This was followed in 1951 by a nine-month, 8,000-kilometer (5,000-mile) continental motorcycle race through parts of South America. For the latter, it took a year off from study to get up with his friend Alberto Granado, with the ultimate goal of spending a few weeks volunteering in the leper colony of San Pablo in Peru, on the banks of the Amazon River. A map of Guevara's 1952 trip with Alberto Granado (red arrows matched by air travel) In Chile, Guevara found himself furious at the working conditions of miners at the Chukinkamat copper mine in Anaconda and was touched by his nightly encounter in the Atacama Desert with a persecuted communist couple who did not even own a blanket, describing them as trembling victims. Also on his way to Machu Picchu high in Landa, he was struck by the crushing poverty of remote rural areas where farmers worked on small plots of land owned by wealthy landowners. Later, during his journey, Guevara was particularly impressed by the camaraderie among those living in the leper colony, stating, The highest forms of human solidarity and fidelity arise among such lonely and desperate people. Guevara used notes taken during the trip to write an account called The Motorcycle Diaries, which later became a New York Times bestseller and was adapted in 2004 into an award-winning film of the same name. A motorcycle ride across South America awakened him to the injustice of American domination in the hemisphere and to the suffering colonialism brought by its original inhabitants. George Galloway, a British politician, traveled through Argentina, Chile, Peru, Ecuador, Colombia, Venezuela, Panama and Miami, Florida, for 20 days before returning home to Buenos Aires. By the end of the trip, he began to see Latin America not as a set of individual nations, but as a whole, requiring a strategy to liberate the entire continent. His concept of a boundless, united Latin American, sharing a common Latin American heritage, was a theme that was repeated prominently during his time Activities. Returning to Argentina, he completed his studies and received his medical degree in June 1953, which made him officially Dr. Ernesto Guevara. Guevara later noted that during his travels in Latin America, he had come into close contact with poverty, hunger and disease along with the inability to treat a child for lack of money and a inged disorder provoked by constant hunger and punishment, leading the father to accept the loss of his son as an unimportant accident. Guevara called the experience convincing that in order to help these people, he needed to leave the field of medicine and consider the political arena of armed struggle. Guatemala, Yerbenz and United Fruits Home article: 1954 Guatemala coup d'etat July 7, 1953, Guevara went again, this time to Bolivia, Peru, Ecuador, Panama, Costa Rica, Nicaragua, Honduras and El Salvador. On December 10, 1953, before leaving for Guatemala, Guevara sent an update to his aunt Beatrice from San Jose, Costa Rica. In Guevara's letter, he talks about the passage of the dominion of the United Fruit Company, a journey that convinced him that the company's capitalist system was terrible. This confirmed indignation bore a more aggressive tone, which he took to frighten his more conservative relatives, and ends with Guevara's oath in the image of the recently deceased Joseph Stalin, so as not to rest until these octopuses are defeated. Later that month, Guevara arrived in Guatemala, where President Jacobo Erbenz Guzman led a democratically elected government that, through land reform and other initiatives, was trying to end the Latifundia system. To achieve this goal, President Erbenz adopted a major land reform programme in which all untreated plots of large land had to be expropriated and redistributed to non-train farmers. The largest landowner most affected by the reforms was united Fruit Company, from which the Erbenza government has already taken more than 225,000 acres (91,000 hectares) of unprocessed land. Satisfied with the country's road, Guevara decided to settle in Guatemala to improve and do whatever it takes to become a true revolutionary. A map of Che Guevara's travels between 1953 and 1956, including his journey aboard Granma in Guatemala City, Guevara tracked down Hilda Gadea Acosta, a Peruvian economist who was well-connected politically as a member of the left-wing Alliance of Popular Revolutionaries Alianza Popular Revolucionaria Americana (APRA, the American Revolutionary Alliance). She introduced Guevara to a number of high-ranking officials in the Arbenz government. Guevara then made contact with a group of Cuban immigrants associated with Fidel Castro in july 26, 1953, attacks on the Moncada barracks in Santiago de Cuba. During this this it acquired its famous nickname, because of its frequent use of the Argentine filler syllable che (multi-purpose marker discourse as a syllable yes in Canadian English). During her time in Guatemala, Guevara was assisted by other Central American exiles, one of whom, Helena Leyva de Holst, provided him with food and shelter, and told about her trips to study Marxism in Russia and China, and to whom Guevara dedicated the poem Invitaci'n cam alino. In May 1954, a shipment of infantry and light artillery weapons was sent from communist Czechoslovakia to the Arbenz government and arrived in Puerto Barrios. As a result, the United States Government, which president Eisenhower had ordered since 1953 to remove Arbenz from power in a multifaceted CIA operation codenamed PBSuccess, responded by saturating Guatemala with anti-Armenian propaganda on the radio and dropping leaflets, as well as bombing unmarked aircraft. The United States also sponsored several hundred Guatemalan refugees and mercenaries led by Castillo Armas to help help the Arbenz government. On June 27, Arbenz decided to resign. This allowed Armas and his forces, with the assistance of the CIA, to enter the city of Guatemala and establish a military junta that elected Armas as president on 7 July. Thus, the Armas regime consolidated power by rounding up and executing suspected communists, defeating previously thriving trade unions and reversing previous agricultural reforms. Guevara himself was ready to fight on behalf of Arbenz and joined an armed militia organized by the communist youth for this purpose, but disappointed by the inaction of the group, he soon returned to medical duties. After the coup, he volunteered again to fight, but soon after, Arbenz took refuge in the Mexican embassy and told his foreign supporters to leave the country. Guevara's repeated calls for resistance were noted by supporters of the coup and he was flagged for murder. After Hilda Gadea was arrested, Guevara sought protection from the Argentine consulate, where he remained until a few weeks later he received a safe behaviour pass and reached Mexico. The overthrow of the Arbenz regime and the establishment of the right-wing dictatorship of Armas reinforced Guevara's view of the United States as an imperialist power that opposed and sought to destroy any government that sought to correct the socio-economic inequalities endemic to Latin America and other developing countries. Speaking of the coup, Guevara said that the last Latin American revolutionary democracy, Jacobo Arbenza's democracy, had failed as a result of the cold deliberate aggression carried out by the United States. His visible head was Secretary of State John Foster Dulles, a man who, by coincidence, was also a shareholder shareholder lawyer for the United Fruit Company. Guevara's conviction that Marxism achieved as a result of armed struggle and protected by the armed population is thus the only way to remedy such conditions has been strengthened. Gadea later wrote: It was Guatemala that finally convinced him of the need for armed struggle and in order to take the lead against imperialism. By the time he left, he was sure of it. Mexico City and Guevara's training with Hilda Gadea in Chichon Itza during their honeymoon Guevara arrived in Mexico City on September 21, 1954, and worked in the allergy section of the general hospital and at the Infantil de Mexico hospital. He also lectured in medicine at the Faculty of Medicine at the National Autonomous University of Mexico and worked as a news photographer for Latina News Agency. His first wife, Hilda, notes in his memoir, My Life with Che, that Guevara had for some time considered working as a doctor in Africa and that he remained deeply concerned about the poverty around him. In one case, Hilda describes Guevara's obsession with the elderly puck with which he was treated, noting that he saw her as a representative of the most forgotten and exploited class. Hilda later found a poem che dedicated to an old woman, containing a promise to fight for a better world, for a better life for all the poor and exploited. During this time, he resumed his friendship with ziko Lopez and other Cuban immigrants he had met in Guatemala. In June 1955, Lopez introduced him to Raul Castro, who later introduced him to his older brother Fidel Castro, the revolutionary leader who formed the movement on July 26 and is now plotting to overthrow the dictatorship of Fulgencio Batista. During a long conversation with Fidel on the night of their first meeting, Guevara concluded that the Cuban case was the case for which he was looking, and before dawn he registered as a member of the Movement on 26 July. Despite their contrasting personalities, Che and Fidel began to promote what double biographer Simon Reed-Henry considered a revolutionary friendship that will change the world as a result of their concurring commitment to anti-imperialism. By this point in Guevara's life, he believed that U.S.-controlled conglomerates had established and supported repressive regimes around the world. In this vein, he considered Batista a puppet of the United States whose strings needed cutting. Although he planned to become a combat medic for the group, Guevara participated in military training with members of the Movement. A key part of the training included studying guerrilla warfare tactics and tactics of warfare. Guevara and others have gone through difficult 15-hour marches through the mountains, through rivers, and through thick undergrowth, training and thickening ambushes and rapid retreats. From the beginning, Guevara was Alberto Bayo's prize student among those who trained, scoring the highest score in all tests. At the end of the course, he was named the best guerrilla of all by their instructor, General Baio. Guevara married Gade in Mexico in September 1955 before embarking on his plan to assist in the liberation of Cuba. The main articles of the Cuban Revolution: the Cuban Revolution, the Battle of Santa Clara and the Invasion of Foco, the war and Santa Clara The first step in Castro's revolutionary plan was to attack Cuba from Mexico through Granma, an old, flowing cruiser. They went to Cuba on November 25, 1956. Many of the 82 people attacked by Batista shortly after landing were either killed in the attack or executed after capture; only 22 found each other afterwards. During this initial bloody confrontation, Guevara folded his medicine and took a box of ammunition dropped by a fleeing comrade, which turned out to be a symbolic moment in Che's life. Guevara on top of a mule in the province of Las Villas-Boas, Cuba, November 1958 Only a small group of revolutionaries survived to regroup as a deputy fighting force deep in the Sierra Maestra mountains, where they received support from the urban guerrilla network of Frank Pais, July 26, and local campesinos. When the band was recalled to the Sierra, the world wondered if Castro was alive or dead until early 1957, when an interview with Herbert Matthews appeared in The New York Times. The article presents a lasting, almost mythical image of Castro and the guerrillas. Guevara did not attend the interview, but in the coming months he began to realize the importance of the media in their struggle. Meanwhile, as supplies and morale decreased, and with the allergy to mosquito bites that resulted in excruciating walnut-sized cysts on his body, Guevara considered these most painful days of war. During Guevara's time, hidden among poor farmers working in the Sierra Maestra mountains, he found that there were no schools, no electricity, no minimum access to health care, and more than 40 percent of adults were illiterate. As the war continued, Guevara became an integral part of the rebel army and convinced Castro of competence, diplomacy and patience. Guevara set up pomegranate factories, built bread ovens and organized schools to teach illiterate campesinos to read and write. Guevara has also set up medical clinics, seminars to train military tactics and a newspaper to disseminate information. The man, whom Time called Castro's brain three years later, was promoted by Fidel Castro to Commander of the Second Army Column. As a second commander, Guevara was a stern disciplinary officer who sometimes shot The deserters were as traitors, and Guevara is known to have sent squads to track down those who seek to go AWOL. As a result, Guevara began to fear for his cruelty and ruthlessness. During the guerrilla campaign, Guevara was also responsible for the summary executions of a number of men accused of being informants, deserters or spies. In his diaries, Guevara described the first such execution by Eutimio Guerra, a peasant army guide who confessed to treason when it was revealed that he had accepted the promise of ten thousand pesos for repeatedly giving the position of a rebel to attack the Cuban air force. This information also allowed Batista's army to burn down the homes of peasants sympathetic to the revolution. At Guerra's request that they quickly end his life, Che came forward and shot him in the head, writing, The situation was uncomfortable for people and for Eutimio, so I ended the problem by giving him a .32 pistol shot to the right side of the brain, with a hole in his right temporal forehead. His scientific notations and description of fact offered one biographer a remarkable detachment to violence by that time of war. Guevara later published a literary account of the incident, entitled Death of a Traitor, in which he transformed the betrayal and pre-reacularing of Eutimio to take care of his children into a revolutionary parable of redemption through sacrifice. Smoking the pipe at his guerrilla base in the Escambray Mountains, although he maintained a demanding and harsh temper, Guevara also considered his role as commander as one of the teachers, entertaining his men during breaks between readings by Robert Louis Stevenson, Miguel de Cervantes and Spanish lyric poets. Along with this role, inspired by the principle of literacy without borders by Jose Marti, Guevara also ensured that his rebels were taught daily by the uneducated campesinos with whom they lived and fought, to read and write, in what Guevara called the battle against ignorance. Tomasz Alba, who fought under Guevara' command, later stated that Che was loved, despite the fact that he was harsh and demanding. We would (give) our lives for it. His commander, Fidel Castro, described Guevara as a smart, courageous and exemplary leader who had great moral authority over his troops. Castro also noted that Guevara took too many risks, even with a tendency toward recklessness. Guevara's teenage lieutenant Joel Iglesias talks about such actions in his diary, noting that Guevara's behavior in battle even aroused admiration among the enemy. At one point, Iglesias recounts the time he was wounded in battle, saying, Che ran out to me, defying bullets, threw me over my shoulder and pulled me out. The guards don't Fire at him ... they later told me that he made a big impression on them when they saw him run out with a gun stuck in his waistband, ignoring the danger they didn't dare shoot. Guevara was instrumental in the creation in February 1958 of the underground radio station Radio Rebelde (Rebel Radio), which broadcast news to the Cuban people with statements by 26 July and provided radio telephone links between the growing number of rebel columns throughout the island. Guevara was apparently inspired to set up the station by overseeing the effectiveness of the CIA supplied by radio in Guatemala in the overthrow of the government of Jacobo Erbens Guzman. To quell the uprising, Cuban government forces began executing rebel prisoners on the ground, and regularly surrounded, tortured and shot civilians as a scare tactic. By March 1958, the continuing atrocities committed by Batista's forces had forced the United States to stop selling arms to the Cuban Government. Then, at the end of July 1958, Guevara played a decisive role in the Battle of Las Mercedes, using his column to stop the forces of 1,500 men called by General Batista Cantillo in order to encircle and destroy Castro's troops. Years later, Major Larry Bockman of the U.S. Marine Corps analyzed and described Che's tactical assessment of the battle as brilliant. During this time, Guevara also became an expert in leading strike and running tactics against Batista's army, then disappeared back into the countryside before the army was able to counterattack. After the Battle of Santa Clara, on January 1, 1959, as the war continued, Guevara led a new column of fighters sent west for the last push toward Havana. Traveling on foot, Guevara went on a difficult 7-week procession, traveling only at night to avoid an ambush and often did not eat for a few days. In the last days of December 1958, Guevara's task was to cut the island in half by taking the province of Las Villas-Boas. In a matter of days he performed a series of brilliant tactical victories that gave him control of all but the provincial capital of Santa Clara. Guevara then led his suicide squad during the attack on Santa Clara, which was the final decisive military victory of the revolution. In the six weeks leading up to the battle, there were times when his men were completely surrounded, armed, and captured. Che's final victory, despite the fact that his number exceeded 10:1, remains, in the opinion of some observers, a remarkable tour of de forces in modern warfare. Radio Rebelde broadcast the first reports that Guevara's column had taken Santa Clara on New Year's Eve 1958. This contradicted reports of heavily controlled national media, which at one stage reported Guevara's death during the Fighting. At 3 a.m. on January 1, 1959, upon learning that his generals were negotiating a separate world Guevara, Fulgencio Batista boarded a plane in Havana and fled to the Dominican Republic, and amassed a fortune of more than $300,000,000 through bribery and winnings. The next day, January 2, Guevara entered Havana to take final control of the capital. At the arrival of Fidel Castro on January 8, 1959, he stopped to rally support in several major cities en route to Havana. The final death toll in the two years of revolutionary fighting was 2,000. In mid-January 1959, Guevara went to live in a summer villa in Tarara to recover from a severe asthma attack. While he founded the Tarara Group, a group that discussed and shaped new plans for Cuba's social, political and economic development. Che also began writing his book Guerrilla War while on holiday in Tarara. In February, the revolutionary government declared Guevara a Cuban citizen by birth in recognition of his role in the triumph. When Hilda Gadea arrived in Cuba at the end of January, Guevara told her that he was related to another woman and they agreed to a divorce that was finalized on May 22. On June 2, 1959, he married Aleida March, a Cuban member of the movement on July 26, with whom he had lived since late 1958. Guevara returned to the seaside village of Tarara in June for his honeymoon with Aleida. In total, Guevara had five children from two marriages. La Cabana, land reform and literacy (right to left) rebel leader Camilo Cienfuegos, President of Cuba Manuel Urrutia and Guevara (January 1959) The first major political crisis arose because of what to do with the captured Batista officials, who carried out the worst repressions. During the uprising against the Batista dictatorship, the general command of the rebel army, led by Fidel Castro, introduced a 19th- century criminal law, commonly known as the Ley de la Sierra (Sierra Law) in the territories under its control. This law provided for the death penalty for serious crimes committed by the Batista regime or by supporters of the revolution. In 1959, the revolutionary government extended its use to the entire republic and to those considered war criminals captured and tested after the revolution. According to the Cuban Ministry of Justice, this latest extension was supported by the majority of the population and was carried out in the same manner as in the Nuremberg Trials, which was conducted by the Allies after world war II. Guevara, in his trademark olive-green military fatigue and beret For the implementation of part of this plan, Castro appointed Guevara commander of the prison of the fortress of La Cabana for five months (January 2 to June 12, 1959). Guevara has been accused by the new government of purging Batista's army and consolidating victory revolutionary justice for those considered traitors, chiato (informants) or war criminals. As commander of La Caban, Guevara considered the appeals of the convicts during the revolutionary tribunal process. The tribunals were conducted by two or three army officers, an appraiser and a respected local citizen. In some cases, the punishment handed down by the tribunal was death by firing squad. Raul Gomez Treto, senior legal adviser to Cuba's Ministry of Justice, argues that the death penalty was justified in order to prevent the citizens themselves from taking justice into their own hands, as happened twenty years ago during the uprising against Machado. Biographers note that in January 1959 the Cuban public was in a lynching mood and pointed to a poll showing 93% of public approval of the trial. Also, on January 22, 1959, Universal Newsreel was broadcast in the United States and narrated by Ed Herlihy featured Fidel Castro asking about one million Cubans if they approved the executions, and are greeted with a roar of Si! (Yes). It is estimated that up to 20,000 Cubans have been killed at the hands of Batista's collaborators, and many of the accused war criminals sentenced to death on charges of torture and physical atrocities have recently been executed, punctuated by cries from the Al Paredon mob! (to the wall!), which biographer Jorge Castaneda describes as no respect for due process. I have yet to find a single reliable source, pointing to the case of Che executing an innocent. Persons executed by guevara or on his orders have been convicted of ordinary crimes punishable by death during or after the war: desertion, treason or crimes such as rape, torture or murder. I would add that my study lasted five years and included Cuban- Cuban anti-Cubans among the Cuban-American exiles community in Miami and elsewhere. -John Lee Anderson, author of The Book of Che Guevara: Revolutionary Life, a PBS forum, although accounts vary, it is estimated that several hundred people were executed across the country during this time, with Guevara's jurisdictional death in La Cabana ranging from 55 to 105. There are conflicting views on Guevara's attitude to the executions in La Cabanier. Some exiled opposition biographers report that he enjoyed the rituals of the shooting and organized them with pleasure, while others said that Guevara had pardoned as many prisoners as possible. All parties recognize that Guevara has become a hardened man who has had no doubts about the death penalty or summary and collective trials. If the only way to protect the revolution was to execute its enemies, it would not be influenced by humanitarian or political arguments. On February 5, 1959 Luis Paredes Lopez in Buenos Aires Guevara makes it clear: Executions are not only a necessity for the people of Cuba, but also an imposition of the people. Along with ensuring revolutionary justice, Guevara's other key early platform was the beginning of agrarian land reform. Almost immediately after the success of the revolution, on January 27, 1959, Guevara made one of the most important speeches in which he spoke about the social ideas of the rebel army. During his statement, he stated that the main concern of the new Cuban Government was the social justice that land redistribution ensured. A few months later, on 17 May 1959, the Agrarian Reform Act was enacted, developed by Guevara, limiting the size of all farms to 1,000 acres (400 hectares). Any reserves above these restrictions have been expropriated by the Government and either redistributed to farmers in 67 acres (270,000 m2) of plots or held as public communities. The law also stipulated that foreigners could not own Cuban sugar plantations. Guevara, communicating with Tito during a visit to the Gaza Strip in 1959 in 1959, Castro sent Guevara on a three-month tour of 14 countries of the Bandung Pact (Morocco, Sudan, Egypt, Syria, Pakistan, India, Sri Lanka, Burma, Thailand, Indonesia, Japan, Yugoslavia, Greece) and the cities of Singapore and Hong Kong. Guevara's departure from Havana allowed Castro to distance himself from Guevara and his Marxist sympathies, which troubled both the United States and some members of the Castro Movement on July 26. While in Jakarta, Guevara visited Indonesian President Sukarno to discuss the recent 1945-1949 revolution in Indonesia and establish trade relations between the two countries. The two men quickly became closer, as Sukarno drew Guevara's energy and his relaxed informal approach; they also shared revolutionary leftist aspirations against Western imperialism. Guevara spent 12 days in Japan (July 15-27) in talks aimed at expanding Cuba's trade relations with the country. During the visit, he refused to visit and lay a wreath at the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier of Japan in memory of the soldiers who died during World War II, noting that the Japanese imperialists killed millions of Asians. Instead, Guevara said he would visit Hiroshima, where the U.S. military detonated an atomic bomb 14 years ago. Despite his condemnation of imperial Japan, Guevara considered President Truman a creepy clown for bombing, and after visiting Hiroshima and its Peace Memorial Museum, he sent back a postcard to Cuba that said, To fight for peace, you have to look at Hiroshima. After Guevara's return to Cuba in September 1959, it became apparent that Castro political power. The government has begun repossession of land under the Agrarian Reform Act, but has hedged offers to compensate landowners, instead offering low-interest bonds, a move that has put the United States on alert. At that point, the aggrieved wealthy Kamageya pastoralists mounted a campaign against land redistribution and recruited the recently disgruntled rebel leader Huber Matos, who, along with the anti-communist wing of the July 26 movement, joined them in condemning communist encroachment. At the time, Dominican dictator Rafael Trujillo offered to help the Anti-Communist Legion of the Caribbean who trained in the Dominican Republic. This multinational force, consisting mainly of Spaniards and Cubans, as well as Croats, Germans, Greeks and right-wing mercenaries, planned to overthrow the new Castro regime. Guevara in 1960, walking the streets of Havana with his wife Aleida March (right), such threats intensified when, on March 4, 1960, two powerful explosions occurred on the French cargo ship La Coubre, which was carrying Belgian munitions from the port of Antwerp, and docked in Havana's harbor. The blasts killed at least 76 people and injured several hundred, with Guevara personally providing first aid to some of the victims. Fidel Castro immediately accused the CIA of an act of terrorism and held a state funeral for the victims of the bombing the next day. At the memorial service Alberto Korda took a famous photograph of Guevara, now known as Guerriero Heroico. The perceived threats prompted Castro to eliminate more counterrevolution and use Guevara to dramatically increase the speed of land reform. To implement the plan, the Government of Cuba has established a new government body, the National Institute for Agricultural Reform (INDRA), to implement a new agrarian reform law. INRA quickly became the most important governing body in the country, with Guevara serving as its head as industry minister. Under Guevara's command, INDRA established its own militia for 100,000 people, which was first used to help the Government seize control of expropriated lands and control their distribution, and then establish cooperative farms. The confiscated land included 480,000 acres (190,000 hectares) owned by United States corporations. A few months later, in retaliation, U.S. President Dwight D. Eisenhower drastically reduced the import of Cuban sugar from the United States (Cuba's main cash crop), which led Guevara on July 10, 1960, to address more than 100,000 workers in front of the presidential palace at a rally to denounce the economic aggression of the United States. Time magazine reporters who met with at this time, described him as a guide (ING) Cuba with icy calculation, immense competence, high intelligence and shrewd insight Humor. Guevara was like a father to me... he raised me. He taught me how to think. He taught me the most beautiful thing that is to be human. - Urbano (aka Leonardo Tamayo), fought with Guevara in Cuba and Bolivia, along with land reform, Guevara stressed the need for national literacy. Until 1959, the official literacy rate in Cuba was between 60-76%, with access to education in rural areas and the lack of instructors as the main determining factors. As a result, the Cuban government called 1961 the year of education and mobilized more than 100,000 volunteers in the literacy brigades who were then sent to the countryside to build schools, train new educators and train mostly illiterate guajiros (peasants) to read and write. Unlike many of Guevara's later economic initiatives, the campaign was a remarkable success. By the end of the Cuban Literacy Campaign, 707,212 adults had been trained to read and write, bringing the national literacy rate to 96 per cent. Accompanying literacy, Guevara was also interested in establishing universal access to higher education. To do this, the new regime introduced affirmative action in universities. Announcing the new commitment, Guevara told fellow faculty and students at the University of Las Villa that the days when education was a white middle class privilege were over. The university, he said, should paint itself black, mulatto, worker and peasant. If that doesn't happen, he warned, people are going to break down its doors and paint the university colors they like. Marxist Ideological Influence Part of the series about Marxism Theoretical works Economic and PhilosophicalMans 1844 Thei on Feuerbach German ideology Wages of labor and capital Communist manifesto Eighteenth Brumer Lea Napoleon Grundrisse der Creteikder Politischen zconomy Contributed to theCritique Political Economics Das Capital Criticism of Goth Program Dialectics Nature Philosophy Economic determinism Historical materialism Marx dialectical Marx method of Philosophy of Nature Economics Capital (accumulation) Crisis theory Commodity factors exploitation Factors Production Means production means production means production Mode production Of Asian-capitalist socialist law values Productive forces Scientific forces Socialism Surplus Product Excess Value-Shape Wages Labor Sociology Base of Alienation and Add-on Bourgeoisie Class consciousness Class Struggle ClassLess Society Commodity Fetishism Communist Society Cultural Hegemony Dictatorship of the proletariat Exploitation Free Association General Intelligence Ideology of Human Nature Immiseration Lumpenproletariat Metabolic Split Marxism Philosophy in the Soviet Union Primitive accumulation of the Proletarian Revolution Proletarian Revolution Young Revolution Young Marx Aspects Aesthetics Archaeology Criminology Cultural Analysis Feminism Theory Film geography Literary criticism Of Marxism and religion Options Analytical Austro Budapest School Classic Democratic Socialism European Communists Frankfurt School of Freudian Hegelian Humanist Impulsive Instrumental Libertarian Autonomy Council of Communism De Leonism Left communism Bordigism Leninism Marxism-Leninism Maoism Trotskyism neo-grimcianism Neo-Neue Marx-Lectur Open Orthodox political post-revisionist Praxis School Social Democracy Structural Western people Karl Marx Marx Bebel Bernstein de Leon Kautsky Eleanor Marx Debs Hardy Plehanov zletkin Gorky Connolly Lenin Liebknecht Kollontai Pannekuk Bukharin Stalin Trotsky Borokhov Lukoch Korsh Ho Gramsci Benjamin Mao Horkheimer Ibarruri Reich Aragon Brecht Adorno Sartre Rubel Bovaru The Abesbaum Altosser Pasolini zinn Miliband Parentament Guevara Debaron Fanon Harvey Wolf Sankara Sycek Varoufakis Related Topics Critical Theory Criticism of Marxism Communism History of Communism Left Politics New Left Old Left Social Anarcho-Communism Socialism Libertarian Revolutionary Utopian Related Outline of communism portal Philosophy portal Socialism portalvte Merit Marx is that it suddenly produces qualitative changes in the history of social thought. He interprets history, understands its dynamics, predicts the future, but beyond prediction (to satisfy its scientific obligations), it expresses a revolutionary concept: the world must not only be interpreted, it must be transformed. Man ceases to be a slave and a tool of his surroundings and turns himself into an architect of his own destiny.- Che Guevara, Notes for the Study of the Ideology of The Cube, October 1960 (147) In September 1960, when Guevara was asked about the ideology of Cuba at the First Latin American Congress, he replied: If I was asked whether our communist revolution was Marxist, I would define it as Marxist. Our revolution by its own methods has opened the way that Marx pointed out. Therefore, while adopting and promoting Cuban politics, Guevara cited the political philosopher Karl Marx as his ideological inspiration. Defending his political position, Guevara confidently remarked: There are truths, so obvious, so much part of people's knowledge, that now it is useless to discuss them. One must be a Marxist with the same naturalness with which he is Newtonian in physics, or pasteurian in biology. According to Guevara, the practical revolutionaries of the Cuban Revolution had the goal of simply complying with (ing) laws Scientist. Using Marx's predictions and a system of dialectical materialism, Guevara stated that the laws of Marxism are present in the events of the Cuban Revolution, regardless of whether its leaders profess or fully know about these laws from a theoretical point of view. The economic vision and the man of the New Man really reaches its full human condition when he produces without being forced to physically sell himself as a commodity.- Che Guevara, Man and Socialism in Cuba at this stage, Guevara has acquired an additional position as Finance Minister, as well as President of the National Bank. These appointments, combined with his current position as Minister of Industry, have put Guevara at the zenith of his power as the virtual king of the Cuban economy. As a result of his position at the head of the central bank, Guevara was obliged to sign the Cuban currency, which by custom carried his signature. Instead of using his full name, he signed the bills exclusively to Che. It was through this symbolic act that horrified many in the Cuban financial sector that Guevara signaled his dislike of money and the class differences he brought. Guevara's longtime friend Ricardo Rojo later remarked that the day he signed Che on the accounts, (he) literally knocked the props out of the widely held belief that money is sacred. In March 1960, Guevara met with French existentialist philosophers, Ian-Paul Sartre and Simone de Beauvoir, in his office in Havana in March 1960. Sartre later wrote that Che was the most complete man of our time. In addition to Spanish, Guevara was fluent in French. In an attempt to address Guevara's social inequalities and Cuba's new leadership, they have moved to rapidly transform the country's political and economic base by nationalizing factories, banks and businesses in an attempt to provide affordable housing, health care and employment for all Cubans. In order for the true transformation of consciousness to take root, it was believed that such structural changes must be accompanied by a transformation into social attitudes and values of people. Believing that Cuba's attitude towards race, women, individualism and manual labor was the result of the island's outdated past, all people were urged to view each other as equals and to assume the values of what Guevara called El-Hombre Nuevo (New Man). Guevara hoped that his new man would eventually be selfless and cooperative, obedient and hardworking, gender blind, incorruptible, non-materialistic and anti-imperialist. To achieve this goal, Guevara emphasized the principles of Marxism-Leninism and wanted to use the state to emphasize qualities such as egalitarianism and self-sacrifice, while unity, equality and have become new maxims. Guevara Guevara the new man's desired economic goal, which coincided with his aversion to wealth condensation and economic inequality, was to see a nationwide elimination of material incentives in favor of moral. He negatively perceived capitalism as a competition among wolves where you can only win at the cost of others and thus wanted to see the creation of a new man and woman. Guevara has consistently stressed that the socialist economy itself is not worth the effort, sacrifice and risk of war and destruction if it ultimately encourages greed and individual ambitions at the expense of the collective spirit. Guevara's main goal, therefore, was to reform individual consciousness and values to create better workers and citizens. In his opinion, the Cuban new man will be able to overcome the selfishness and selfishness that he hated and saw, which was uniquely characteristic of individuals in capitalist societies. To promote this concept of new human beings, the Government has also established a number of party institutions and mechanisms at all levels of society, which have included organizations such as labour groups, youth leagues, women's groups, community centres and cultural houses to promote public art, music and literature. In this regard, all educational, media and artistic public institutions have been nationalized and used to inculcate the government's official socialist ideology. Describing this new method of development, Guevara said: There is a big difference between the development of free enterprise and revolutionary development. In one of them wealth is concentrated in the hands of a few lucky, friends of the government, the best car dealers. On the other hand, wealth is a national heritage. Another integral part of fostering a sense of unity between personality and mass, according to Guevara, was volunteer work and his will. To show this, Guevara led by example by working indefinitely in his work in the ministry, in construction and even cutting sugar cane on his day off. This behaviour symbolized Guevara's new moral incentive programme, in which each worker had to meet a quota and produce a certain number of goods. As a substitute for the pay increase abolished by Gevara, workers who exceeded their quota now receive only a grateful certificate, while workers who do not pay their quotas have been given a pay cut. Guevara unapologetically defended his personal philosophy of motivation and work, stating that Guevara was fishing off the coast of Havana on May 15, 1960. Together with Castro Guevara competed with the author-expatriate Ernest Hemingway at the so-famous competition of Hemingway fish. It's not a question of how many pounds meat could be eaten, or how many times a year someone could go to the beach, or how many decorations from abroad could be bought with his current salary. What really matters is that the person feels more complete, with much greater in-house wealth and much more responsibility. In the face of the loss of commercial ties with the Western States, Guevara tried to replace them with closer commercial relations with the Eastern Bloc states by visiting a number of Marxist states and signing trade agreements with them. In late 1960, he visited Czechoslovakia, the Soviet Union, North Korea, Hungary and East Germany and signed, for example, a trade agreement in East Berlin on December 17, 1960. Such agreements have contributed to some extent to cuba's economy, but have also been disadvantaged in the face of growing economic dependence on the Eastern Bloc. It was in East Germany that Guevara met Tamara Bunk (later known as Tanya), who was appointed his interpreter, and who joined him many years later and was killed with him in Bolivia. Whatever the pros or cons of Guevara's economic principles, its programmes have been unsuccessful and have been accompanied by a rapid decline in productivity and a rapid increase in absenteeism. At a meeting with the French economist Rene Dumont Guevara blamed the inadequacy of the agrarian reform law adopted by the Cuban Government in 1959, which turned large plantations into farm cooperatives or divided the land among peasants. According to Guevara, this situation continued to contribute to an increased sense of individual responsibility in which workers could not see the positive social benefits of their work, leaving them instead to seek individual material benefit as before. Decades later, former deputy Chen Ernesto Betancourt, then director of U.S.-funded Radio Marti and his early ally who became a critic of Castro, accused Guevara of not knowing the most basic economic principles. The Bay of Pigs, and the Missile Crisis Main Articles: The Gulf of Pigs invasion and the Cuban missile crisis on April 17, 1961, 1,400 U.S.-trained Cuban exiles invaded Cuba during the Bay of Pigs invasion. Guevara did not play a key role in the fighting, as the day before the invasion, a warship with Marines staged an invasion off the west coast of Pinar del Rio and brought forces under Guevara's command to the area. However, historians give him a share of the credit for winning as he was director of training for Cuba's armed forces at the time. Author Ted Szulc, in his explanation of the Cuban victory, assigns Guevara a partial credit, stating: The Revolutionaries won because Che Guevara as the Revolutionary Armed Forces training unit, responsible for the militia training program, did so well in preparing 200,000 men and women for war. It was during this deployment he the bullet grazed in the cheek when his gun fell out of the holster and accidentally discharged. Guevara (left) and Fidel Castro, photographed by Alberto Corda in 1961 in August 1961, during the economic conference of the Organization of American States in Punta del Este, Uruguay, Che Guevara sent a note of gratitude to U.S. President John F. Kennedy through Richard N. Goodwin, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs. It read: Thank you for Playa Giron (Bay of Pigs). Before the invasion, the revolution was shaky. Now he's stronger than ever. In response to a statement by U.S. Treasury Secretary Douglas Dillon representing the Alliance for Progress for ratification at the meeting, Guevara antagonistically criticized the United States statement that it was a democracy, saying that such a system was incompatible with financial oligarchy, discrimination against blacks and outrage of the Ku Klux Klan. Guevara went on to speak out against the persecution that he believed forced scholars like Oppenheimer to shine a world around for years of Paul Robson's miraculous voice and sent the Rosenbergs to their deaths against the protests of a shocked world. Guevara concluded his statement by hinting that the United States was not interested in real reforms, sardonically hinting that American experts never talk about agrarian reform; they prefer a safe item like the best water supply. In short, they seem to prepare a revolution of toilets. However, Goodwin said in a memo to President Kennedy after the meeting that Guevara viewed him as a new generation and that Guevara, whom Goodwin allegedly sent him a message the day after meeting through one of the Argentine participants in the meeting, whom he described as Darrell, also regarded the conversation, which they also viewed as pretty profitable. Guevara, who was practically the architect of Soviet-Cuban relations, then played a key role in bringing Soviet nuclear-armed ballistic missiles to Cuba, which accelerated the Cuban crisis in October 1962 and brought the world to the brink of nuclear war. Weeks after the crisis, during an interview with the British communist newspaper Daily Worker, Guevara was still fuming over the alleged Soviet betrayal and told reporter Sam Russell that if the missiles were under Cuban control, they would have fired them. The missile crisis further convinced Guevara that the two world superpowers (the United States and the Soviet Union) were using Cuba as a pawn in Since then, he has almost as often denounced the Soviets as americans. The countries of international diplomacy Che Guevara visited (red) and those in which he participated in the armed revolution (green) In December 1964, Che Guevara became a revolutionary statesman of world level and thus went to New York as the head of the Cuban delegation to speak at the United Nations. On 11 December 1964, during Guevara's hour-long, impassioned address to the United Nations, he criticized the united Nations' failure to confront the brutal policy of apartheid in South Africa, asking, Can the United Nations do nothing to stop it? those who allow black murderers to remain free to protect them, and, moreover, to punishing the black population because they demand their legitimate rights as free people, as those who do, can consider themselves guardians of freedom? An indignant Guevara ended his speech by reading the Second Havana Declaration, oding Latin America a family of 200 million brothers who suffer the same suffering. This epic, gu. gu. gu. gu. said, will be written by hungry Indian masses, peasants without land, exploited by workers and progressive masses. For Guevara, the conflict was a struggle of the masses and ideas to be carried out by those who badly treated and despised imperialism who were previously considered a weak and submissive flock. With this flock, Guevara has now claimed Yankees monopoly capitalism is being terrifyingly seen by their gravediggers. It was at this hour of justification that Guevara declared that the anonymous masses would begin to write their own story with their blood and return those rights that one and all laughed at for 500 years. Guevara concluded his speech to the General Assembly by suggesting that this wave of anger was sweeping the lands of Latin America and that the working masses who turn the wheel of history are now awakened for the first time from the long, cruel sleep to which they have been subjected. Guevara later learned of two failed attempts on his life by Cuban immigrants during his stop at the UN compound. The first is from Molly Gonzalez, who tried to break through the barricades on arrival with a seven-inch hunting knife, and then during his speech Guillermo Novo, who shot at the bazooka initiated by a timer, from a boat in the East River at United Nations headquarters, but missed and was out of target. Guevara then commented on both incidents, saying it was better to be killed by a woman with a knife than a man with a gun, adding with a langimen wave of cigars that given all this more taste. Walking through Red Square in Moscow, November 1964, Guevara appeared on the Sunday news program CBS Face the Nation, and met with a wide range of people, from U.S. Senator Eugene McCarthy to associates of Malcolm H. The latter expressed his admiration, declaring Guevara one of the most revolutionary people in this country right now, reading a statement from him to the crowd in the Odubon ballroom. On 17 December, Guevara left New York for Paris, France, and from there embarked on a three-month world tour that included visits to the People's Republic of China, North Korea, the United Arab Republic, Algeria, Ghana, Guinea, Mali, Dagomei, Congo-Brazzaville and Tanzania with stops in Ireland and Prague. While in Ireland, Guevara adopted his Irish heritage by celebrating St. Patrick's Day in Limerick. He wrote to his father during this visit, humorously declaring: I am in this green Ireland of your ancestors. When they found out television came to ask me about Lynch's genealogy, but in case they were horse thieves or something like that, I didn't say much. During this trip, he wrote a letter to Carlos Kijano, editor of the Uruguayan weekly, which was later renamed Socialism and The Man in Cuba. The treatise set out Guevara's agenda to create a new consciousness, a new status of work and a new role for the individual. He also laid out the motives of his anti-capitalist sentiments, stating: The laws of capitalism, blind and invisible to the majority, act on man without thinking about it. He sees only the expanse of the seemingly endless horizon in front of him. This is how capitalist propagandists draw it, who seek to learn from Rockefeller's example - whether it is true or not - about the possibilities of success. The amount of poverty and suffering required for Rockefeller's appearance, and the amount of depravity that the accumulation of a state of this magnitude entails, remain out of the picture, and it is not always possible for people in general to see it. Guevara concluded the essay by stating that a true revolutionary is guided by a great sense of love and beckons all revolutionaries to strive every day for this love of living humanity to be transformed into actions that serve as an example, thus becoming a driving force. Guevara's genesis was based on the fact that, in his view, the example of the Cuban revolution was something spiritual to transcend all borders. Algeria, the Soviets, and China In Algeria, Algeria, on 24 February 1965, Guevara made what turned out to be his last public appearance on the international stage when he gave a speech at an economic seminar on Afro-Asian He clarified the moral duty of the socialist countries, accusing them of tacit complicity in the exploitation of Western countries. He set out a series of measures that he said the communist bloc countries must implement in order to defeat imperialism. Criticizing the Soviet Union (Cuba's main financial defender) in such a public way, he returned to Cuba on March 14 for a ceremonial reception of Fidel and Raul Castro, Osvaldo Dortic and Carlos Rafael Rodriguez at Havana airport. As it turned out in his last public speech in Algeria, Guevara came to the view of the Northern Hemisphere, led by the United States in the West and the Soviet Union in the East, as the exploiter of the southern hemisphere. He strongly supported communist North Vietnam in the Vietnam War and urged the peoples of other developing countries to take up arms and create a lot of Vietnam. Che's denunciations of the Soviets made him popular with the intellectuals and artists of the Western European left, who lost faith in the Soviet Union, while his condemnation of imperialism and the call for revolution inspired young radical students in the United States who were impatient for social change. Marx described the psychological or philosophical manifestation of capitalist social relations as alienation and antagonism; as a result of the commodification of labor and the functioning of the law of value. For Guevara, the challenge was to replace the alienation of individuals from the production process and the antagonism generated by class relations, integration and solidarity, the development of a collective attitude towards production and the concept of work as a social debt. Helen Jaffe, author of Che Guevara: The Economy of the Revolution in Guevara's personal writings since its release, demonstrates his growing criticism of the Soviet political economy, believing that the Soviets had forgotten Marx. This led Guevara to condemn a number of Soviet practices, including what he saw as an attempt to cleanse the inherent violence of class struggle, an integral part of the transition from capitalism to socialism, their dangerous policy of peaceful coexistence with the United States, their inability to seek a change of consciousness to the idea of work and their attempt to liberalize the socialist economy. Guevara wanted the complete elimination of money, interest, commodity production, market economy and mercantile relations: all the conditions that the Soviets claimed would disappear only when world communism was achieved. Disagreeing with this incrementalist approach, Guevara criticized the Soviet Leadership on political economy, correctly predicting that if the USSR does not repeal the law on value (as Guevara wanted), it will eventually return to capitalism. Two weeks after his speech in Algeria and his Guevara left public life and then disappeared altogether. His whereabouts were a big mystery in Cuba, as he was generally considered the second in power for Castro himself. His disappearance was variously attributed to the failure of the Cuban industrialization scheme, which he championed while the Minister of Industry, the pressure exerted on Castro by Soviet officials who disapproved of Guevara's pro-Russian communist stance on the Sino-Soviet schism, and the serious divisions between Guevara and the pragmatic Castro over Cuba's economic development and ideological line. Under pressure from international speculation about the fate of Guevara, Castro said on 16 June 1965 that people would be informed when Guevara himself wished to inform them. However, rumours are circulating both inside and outside Cuba about the whereabouts of the missing Guevara. On October 3, 1965, Castro publicly revealed an undated letter allegedly written to him by Guevara about seven months ago, which was later called Che Guevara's farewell letter. In that letter, Guevara reaffirmed his enduring solidarity with the Cuban revolution, but declared his intention to leave Cuba to fight for a revolutionary cause abroad. He also resigned from all his posts in the Cuban Government and the Communist Party and renounced his honorary Cuban citizenship. Congo 37-year-old Guevara, holding a Congolese child and standing with another Afro-Cuban soldier during the congo crisis, 1965 In early 1965 Guevara went to Africa to offer his knowledge and experience as a guerrilla of the ongoing conflict in the Congo. According to Algerian President Ahmed Ben Bella, Guevara considered Africa a weak link of imperialism and therefore had a huge revolutionary potential. Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser, who has had a fraternal relationship with Che since his visit in 1959, saw Guevara's plan to fight in Congo as unreasonable and warned that he would become a Tarzan figure doomed to failure. Despite the warning, Guevara went to Congo under the pseudonym Ramon Benitez. He led the Cuban operation in support of the Marxist Simba movement, which emerged from the ongoing crisis in the Congo. Guevara, his second commander, Victor Dreke, and 12 other Cuban expeditioners arrived in the Congo on 24 April 1965, and were soon joined by a contingent of about 100 Afro-Cubans. For some time, they collaborated with guerrilla leader Laurent-Desiree Kabila, who had helped supporters of ousted President Patrice Lumumba lead a failed uprising a few months earlier. A fan of the late Lumumba, Guevara said his murder should be a lesson to all of us. Guevara, with limited knowledge of Swahili and local languages, was appointed a teenage translator by Freddie Iling. Over the course of seven Ilaanga grew up to admire Guevara, who showed the same respect for black people as he did for white people. Guevara soon became disillusioned with Kabila's poor discipline and then fired him, saying that nothing makes me believe he's a man of the hour. As an additional obstacle, white mercenaries of the Congolese National Army, led by Mike Hoar, with the support of anti-Castro Cuban pilots and the CIA, disrupted Guevara's movements from his base camp in the mountains near the village of Fizi on Lake Tanganyika in southeastern Congo. They were able to control his communications and thus anticipated his attacks and cut off his supply lines. Although Guevara tried to conceal his presence in the Congo, the United States Government was aware of his whereabouts and activities. The National Security Agency intercepted all of its incoming and outgoing transmissions through equipment aboard the USNS Private Jose F. Valdez (T-AG-169), a floating listening point that continuously cruised in the Indian Ocean from Dar es Salaam for this purpose. Listening to the zenith Trans-Oceanic shortwave radio receiver are (sitting left) Rogelio Olive, Jose Maria Martinez Tamayo (known as Mbili in Congo and Ricardo in Bolivia), and Guevara. Behind them is Roberto Sanchez (Lawton in Cuba and Changa in Congo), 1965. Guevara's goal was to export the revolution by instructing local fighters against Mobutu Simba in Marxist ideology and strategies for the foco theory of guerrilla warfare. In his book Diary of the Congo, he cites a combination of incompetence, intransigence and strife among Congolese rebels as the main reasons for the failure of the uprising. In the same year, on 20 November 1965, suffering from dysentery and acute asthma, and sadly after seven months of defeat and inactivity, Guevara left the Congo with six Cuban survivors from his convoy of 12 men. Guevara said he planned to send the wounded back to Cuba and fight in Congo alone until his death as a revolutionary example. But after being called by his comrades and two Cuban emissaries, personally ambassadors to Castro, he reluctantly agreed to leave Africa at the last minute. During that day and night, Guevara's forces quietly swiped their base camp, burned their huts and destroyed or threw weapons into Lake Tanganyika, which they could not take with them before crossing the border into Tanzania at night and by land to Dar es Salaam. Speaking about his experience in Congo a few months later, Guevara concluded that he had left rather than fight to the death because: The human factor had failed. There is no will to fight. Rebel leaders are corrupt. In the word ... there was nothing to do. Guevara also said that we cannot liberate the whole country that does not want to fight. A few weeks later he wrote a foreword to the diary, which he kept during the Congo That started: This is a story about failure. Guevara did not want to return to Cuba because Castro had already overran The farewell letter of Guevara, a letter that should have been disclosed only in the event of his death, in which he severed all ties to devote himself to revolutions around the world. As a result, Guevara spent the next six months secretly living in the Cuban Embassy in Dar es Salaam and then in a Cuban prison in Prague. While in Europe, Guevara made a secret visit to former Argentine President Juan Peron, who lived in exile in Francoist Spain, where he trusted Peron on his new plan to formulate a communist revolution to take all of Latin America under socialist control. Peron warned Guevara that his plans for a communist revolution across Latin America, starting in Bolivia, would be suicidal and futile, but the guevara had already been washed out. Peron later remarked that Guevara was an immature utopian... But one of us. I'm happy for that because it gives the Yankees a real headache. During this time abroad, Guevara compiled his memoirs about the Congo experience and wrote the projects of two more books, one in philosophy and the other on economics. Preparing for Bolivia, Guevara secretly traveled to Cuba on 21 July 1966 to visit Castro, as well as to see his wife and write a final letter to his five children, which will be read out after his death, which ended with him instructing them: above all, to be able to feel deeply any injustice committed against anyone, anywhere in the world. This is the most beautiful quality in the revolutionary. Bolivia's main article: Guerrilla Sancauase At the end of 1966, Guevara's whereabouts were still unknown to the public, although representatives of the Mozambique independence movement, FRELIMO, reported that they had met with Guevara in late 1966 in Dar es Salaam regarding his proposal to help in their revolutionary project, a proposal they eventually rejected. In a speech at a rally in support of the International Day of Workers 1967 in Havana, the Acting Minister of the Armed Forces, Major Juan Almeida, stated that Guevara serves a revolution somewhere in Latin America. Before leaving for Bolivia, Guevara changed his appearance, shaved off his beard and most of his hair, and also died gray, so that he was unrecognizable as Che Guevara. On November 3, 1966, Guevara secretly arrived in La Paz on a flight from Montevideo under the false name Adolfo Mena Gonzalez, posing as a middle-aged Uruguayan businessman working for the Organization of American States. Guevara in rural Bolivia, shortly before his death (1967) Three days after his arrival in Bolivia, Guevara left La Paz in the country's rural southeastern region to form his guerrilla army. Guevara's first base camp was located in dry forest in the remote region of the city. Training at the camp in the valley of the city of zankauase proved dangerous, and little was done to create a guerrilla army. Argentine-born East German operative Heide Tamara Bunk Bider, better known by her nom de Guerre Tania, was installed as Che's primary agent in La Paz. The Guevara Guerrilla Force, which purges about 50 people and acts as the ELN (Ej'rcito de Liberaci's Nacional de Bolivia, Bolivia's National Liberation Army), was well equipped and achieved a number of early successes in the fight against Bolivian army regulars in the difficult terrain of the mountainous region of Kuimiri in the early months of 1967. As a result of the victory of Guevara units in several skirmishes against Bolivian troops in the spring and summer of 1967, the Bolivian authorities began to overestimate the true size of the guerrilla forces. Researchers suggest that Guevara's plan to foment a revolution in Bolivia failed for a variety of reasons: Guevara expected help and cooperation from local dissidents he did not receive, and did not receive support from the Bolivian Communist Party under the leadership of Mario Monier, which was focused on Moscow, not Havana. In Guevara's own diary, captured after his death, he wrote about the Bolivian Communist Party, which he described as incredulous, disloyal and stupid. He expected to deal only with the Bolivian military, which was poorly trained and equipped, and did not know that the United States Government had sent a team of special forces and other CIA operatives to Bolivia to assist in the fight against the uprising. The Bolivian Army also trained, consulted and supplied U.S. Army special forces, including an elite battalion of U.S. Rangers trained in jungle fighting, who set up camp in La Esperanza, a small settlement near the location of the Guevara guerrillas. He expected to remain in radio with Havana. Two short-wave radio transmitters provided to him by Cuba were faulty; thus, the rebels were unable to communicate and resupply, leaving them isolated and stranded. Moreover, Guevara's known preference for confrontation rather than compromise, which had previously surfaced during his campaign of guerrilla warfare in Cuba, contributed to his inability to develop successful working relationships with local rebel leaders in Bolivia, as was the case in the Congo. This trend existed in Cuba, but was a sign of timely intervention and leadership of Fidel Castro. Guevara was eventually unable to recruit residents of the area to join his militias for eleven months as he tried recruitment. Many residents willingly informed bolivian authorities and the military about the guerrillas their movements in the area. Towards the end of the Bolivian enterprise Guevara wrote in his diary that the peasants do not give us any help, and they turn into informants. Felix Rodriguez, a Cuban exile who became an operative in the CIA's Special Operations Division, advised Bolivian troops during the hunt for Guevara in Bolivia. In addition, the 2007 documentary The Enemy of My Enemy alleges that Nazi war criminal Klaus Barbie advised and may have helped the CIA orchestrate Guevara's final capture. On 7 October 1967, the informant informed Bolivian special forces of the location of the Guevara guerrilla camp in the Yuro ravine. On the morning of 8 October, they surrounded the area with two 180-strong forces and advanced into a ravine, triggering a battle in which Guevara was wounded and captured, leading a detachment with Simeon Kuba Sarabia. Che's biographer John Lee Anderson reports on Bolivian Sergeant Bernardino Wake: when Bolivian rangers approached Guevara twice, his gun was useless, threw his hands in surrender and shouted to the soldiers, Don't shoot! I'm Che Guevara, and I stand more alive than dead for you. The company (CIA) was not afraid of a man who was more feared than Che Guevara because he had the ability and charisma necessary to lead the fight against the political repression of traditional power hierarchies in Latin America. Philip Aguere, a CIA agent from 1957 to 1968, later deserted cuba, was tied up and taken to a dilapidated mud schoolhouse in the nearby village of La Higuera on the evening of October 8. For the next afternoon, Guevara refused to be questioned by Bolivian officers and spoke only quietly with Bolivian soldiers. One of these Bolivian soldiers, a helicopter pilot named Jaime Nino de Guzman, describes Che as looking awful. According to Guzman, Guevara was shot through his right calf, his hair was mixed with dirt, his clothes were crushed, and his legs were covered with rough leather shells. Despite his haggard appearance, he says that Che held his head high, looked everyone right in the eye and asked just to smoke something. De Guzman claims that he took pity and gave him a small bag of tobacco for his pipe, and that Guevara then smiled and thanked him. Later, on the night of 8 October, Guevara, despite having his hands tied, struck a Bolivian army officer named Captain Espinosa on the wall after an officer entered the schoolhouse and tried to snatch Guevara's pipe from his mouth as a souvenir while he was still smoking it. In another case of defiance, Guevara spat in the face of Bolivian Rear Admiral Ugartech, who tried to interrogate Guevara hours before his execution. Following: On October 9, Guevara asked the village schoolteacher, a 22-year-old woman named Julia Cortez, to examine her. She later stated that she considered Guevara a pleasant person with a soft and ironic look and that during their conversation she was unable to look him in the eye because his look was unbearable, shrill and so calm. During his brief conversation, Guevara pointed to Cortez's poor state of the school, saying it would be anti-educational to expect Campesino students to be educated there, while government officials drive Mercedes cars; Guevara said: This is what we are fighting. Later in the morning of 9 October, Bolivian President Rene Barrientos ordered Guevara's assassination. The order was handed over to a unit held by Guevara's Felix Rodriguez, reportedly despite the United States Government's desire to bring Guevara to Panama for further questioning. The executioner who volunteered to kill Guevara was Mario Theron, a 27-year-old Bolivian army sergeant who, while half-drunk, asked to shoot Guevara because three of his friends from Company B, all of the same name Mario, had been killed in a shootout a few days earlier with a gang of Guevara guerrillas. In order for the bullet wounds to appear in accordance with the story that the Bolivian authorities had planned to make public, Felix Rodriguez ordered Theron not to shoot Guevara in the head, but to carefully ensure that it appeared that Guevara had been killed in action during a clash with the Bolivian army. Gary Prado, a Bolivian captain who commanded the army captain of the army company that captured Guevara, said the reasons why Barrientos ordered Guevara's immediate execution were such that Guevara could not escape from prison, and therefore there could be no drama of a public trial where there could be adverse publicity. About 30 minutes before Guevara was killed, Felix Rodriguez tried to question him about the whereabouts of other guerrillas who were currently at large, but Guevara remained silent. Rodriguez, who was assisted by several Bolivian soldiers, helped Guevara to his feet and took him outside the hut to expose him to other Bolivian soldiers, where he posed with Guara for a photo of the opportunity, where one soldier photographed Rodriguez and other soldiers standing next to Guara. Rodriguez then told Guevara that he would be executed. A little later, a Bolivian soldier asked Guevara if he was guarding his immortality. No, he replied, I think of the immortality of the revolution. A few minutes later, Sergeant Theron entered the hut to shoot him, after which Guevara reportedly got up and talked to Theron about what his last was. I know you're here to kill me. Shoot, coward! You're just going to kill a man! Theron hesitated, then pointed his M2 self-loading carbine at Guevara and opened fire, hitting him on the hands and feet. Then, when Guevara writhed on the ground, apparently biting one of his wrists to avoid screaming, Theron fired another explosion, fatally wounding him in the chest. Guevara was pronounced dead at 1:10 p.m. local time according to Rodriguez. In all, Guevara was shot nine times by Theron. This included five times in the legs, once in the right shoulder and arm, and once in the chest and throat. Months earlier, during his last public statement at the Tricontinental Conference, Guevara wrote his own epitaph, declaring, Wherever death surprises us, let it be welcomed, provided that our battle cry may have reached some receptive ear and the other hand may be extended to own our weapons. After the execution and remembrance, the day after the execution on 10 October 1967, Guevara's body was shown to the media in the laundry room of the Vallegrande Hospital. (Photo by Freddie Albort) Face Side Corner Shoes After his execution, Guevara's body was pounced on by a skid helicopter landing and flew to nearby Vallegrande, where photos were taken of him lying on a concrete slab in the laundry room of Nuestra Senora de Malta. Several witnesses were called to confirm his identity, a key one of which was British journalist Richard Gott, the only witness who met Guevara when he was alive. Exposed as hundreds of locals filed past the body, Guevara's corpse is considered by many to represent Christ-like make-up, with some even secretly clipping the locks of his hair as divine relics. Such comparisons were expanded when the English art historian John Berger, two weeks later after seeing the posthumous photographs, noticed that they resembled two famous paintings: The Lesson of the Anatomy of Dr. Nicholas Tulp by Rembrandt and The Cry of Andrea Mantegna over the Dead Christ. Four correspondents were also present when Guevara's body arrived in Vallegrande, including Bjorn Kumm of the Swedish Aftonbladet, who described the scene on November 11, 1967, exclusively for The New Republic. A declassified memorandum dated October 11, 1967, to U.S. President Lyndon B. Johnson from his national security adviser, Walt Whitman Rostow, called the decision to kill Guevara stupid but understandable from a Bolivian point of view. After the execution, Rodriguez took several personal belongings of Guevara, including a watch he continued to wear many years later, often showing them to reporters in later years. Today, some of these things, including his flashlight, are on display at the CIA. After a military doctor Bolivian army officers transferred Guevara's body to an unknown location and refused to say whether his remains had been buried or cremated. Hands were sent to Buenos Aires to identify fingerprints. They were later sent to Cuba. Plaza de la Revolution, Havana, Cuba. In addition to the Interior Ministry building where Guevara once worked, there is a 5-year-old steel outline of his face. Under the image of Guevara's motto, the Spanish phrase: Hasta la Victoria Siempre (English: Before Victory, always). On October 15 in Havana, Fidel Castro publicly acknowledged Guevara's death and declared three days of public mourning across Cuba. On October 18, Castro addressed a crowd of millions of mourners at Havana's Revolution Square and spoke about Guevara's character as a revolutionary. Fidel Castro closed his impassioned eulogy this way: if we want to express what we want to the people of future generations, we must say: Let them be like Che! If we want to say how we want our children to be educated, we must say without hesitation: We want them to be educated in the spirit of Che! If we want a model of a man who does not belong to our time, but to the future, I say from the depths of my heart that such a model, without a single stain on his behavior, without a single stain on his actions, is Che! In addition, when Guevara was captured, Guevara was captured, he wrote 30,000 words, a handwritten diary, a collection of his personal poetry and a story about a young communist guerrilla who learns to overcome his fears. His diary documented the events of the guerrilla campaign in Bolivia, the first entry was published on 7 November 1966, shortly after his arrival at the farm in the city of zankauase, and the last entry was dated 7 October 1967, the day before his capture. The diary describes how the guerrillas were forced to launch the operation prematurely because of the discovery of the Bolivian army, explains Guevara's decision to divide the convoy into two units, which were subsequently unable to restore contact, and describes their overall failure. It also records the gap between Guevara and the Communist Party of Bolivia, which resulted in Guevara having far fewer soldiers than originally expected, and shows that Guevara was very difficult to recruit from the local population, in part because the guerrilla group had learned Kechua without realizing that the local language was actually the language of the stupid guarani. As the campaign neared an unexpected end, Guevara became increasingly ill. He suffered from ever-deteriorating asthma attacks, and most of his recent offensives were carried out in an attempt to get the medication. The Bolivian diary was quickly and roughly translated by Ramparts magazine and distributed around the world. There are at least four additional diaries - diaries of Israel zias (Alias Braulio), Harry Villegas Tamayo (Pombo), Eliseo Reyes Rodriguez (Rolando) and Dariel Alarcon Ramirez (Benigno) - each of which reveals additional aspects of events. French intellectual Regis Debray, who was captured in April 1967 with Guevara in Bolivia, gave an interview from prison in August 1968 in which he described the circumstances of Guevara's capture. Debray, who lived for a time with Guevara's guerrilla gang, said he believed they were victims of the forest and were thus eaten by the jungle. Debray described a destitute situation in which Guevara's people suffered from malnutrition, lack of water, lack of shoes and possessed six blankets for 22 people. Debray says that Guevara and others suffered from a disease that swelled their hands and feet into mounds of flesh to such an extent that you could not discern the fingers on their hands. Debray described Guevara as optimistic about the future of Latin America despite the futile situation, and noted that Guevara resigned himself to death knowing that his death would be a kind of renaissance, noting that Guevara took death as a promise of rebirth and a ritual of renewal. To a certain extent, Guevara's faith in metaphorical resurrection has come true. While photographs of Guevara's dead were circulated and the circumstances of his death were discussed, the legend of Che began to spread. Demonstrations to protest his murder took place all over the world, and articles, tributes and poems were written about his life and death. Rallies in support of Guevara were held from Mexico to Santiago, from Algeria to Angola and from Cairo to Calcutta. The people of Budapest and Prague lit candles in honor of Guevara's death; and a picture of a smiling Che appeared in London and Paris. When riots broke out in Berlin, France and Chicago a few months later, and riots spread to American campuses, young men and women wore Che Guevara T-shirts and carried photos of him during protest marches. According to military historian Erik Durshmied: In those years of 1968, Che Guevara did not die. He was very much alive. The removal of the remains Main article: The mausoleum of Che Guevara Che Guevara and the mausoleum in Santa Clara, Cuba In late 1995, retired Bolivian General Mario Vargas showed John Lee Anderson, author of Che Guevara: Revolutionary Life, that Guevara's corpse was lying next to the runway of Vallegrande. The result was a multinational search for the remains, which lasted more than a year. In July 1997, a team of Cuban geologists and Argentine forensic anthropologists discovered the remains of seven bodies in two mass graves, including one without hands (as guevara might have been). Bolivian government officials The Interior Ministry later identified the body as Guevara when the excavated teeth perfectly matched the plaster shape of Che's teeth made in Cuba prior to his Congolese expedition. The clincher then arrived when Argentine forensic anthropologist Alejandro Inchaurregi examined the inner hidden pocket of a blue jacket dug next to a corpse with handles, and found a small bag of pipe-covered tobacco. Nino de Guzman, the Bolivian helicopter pilot who gave Che a small bag of tobacco, later remarked that he had serious doubts at first and thought that the Cubans would just find any old bones and call him Che; but when I hear about the tobacco bag, I have no doubt. On 17 October 1997, Guevara's remains, together with six of his fellow combatants, were buried with military honours in a purpose-built mausoleum in the Cuban city of Santa Clara, where he commanded a decisive military victory for the Cuban Revolution. In July 2008, the Bolivian government of Evo Morales published Guevara's previously sealed diaries, compiled in two worn notebooks, as well as a magazine and several black-and-white photographs. At the event, Bolivia's Deputy Minister of Culture Pablo Gru said he planned to publish photographs of each handwritten page later this year. Meanwhile, in August 2009, anthropologists working for Bolivia's Ministry of Justice discovered and found the bodies of five Guevara guerrillas near the Bolivian city of Teopante. Legacy Main Articles: The legacy of Che Guevara and Che Guevara in popular culture The discovery of Che's remains metonically activated a number of interconnected associations - rebels, martyrs, outcasts from the Picar adventure, savior, renegade, extremist, in which there was no fixed gap between them. The current court opinion puts Che on a continuum that balances between viewing him as a misguided rebel, coruscatingly brilliant guerrilla philosopher, poet-warrior jousting at windmills, a brazen warrior who has thrown down the gauntlet of the bourgeoisie, the object of fervent paeans to his holiness, or a mass murderer disguised as a vengeling angel, whose every act is imbricated by an angry fanatic. , author Che Guevara, Paulo Freire, and Educator of the Revolution 261 Stylized graphics of Guevara's face on the flag over the words of El Che Vive! (Che lives!) Guevara's life and legacy remain controversial. The perceived contradictions of his ethics at various points in his life created a complex character of duality that was capable of owning a pen and a submachine gun with equal skill, while probing that the most important revolutionary ambition was to see a man freed from alienation. Guevara's paradoxical situation is further complicated by its array of seemingly opposite qualities. Secular humanist and sympathetic practitioner of medicine, who did not hesitate to shoot his enemies, the famous leader of the internationalists, who advocated violence to provide a utopian philosophy of collective good, an idealistic intellectual who loved literature but refused to allow dissent, an anti-imperialist Marxist rebel who was radically willing to create a less impoverished new world on the apocalyptic ashes of the old, and finally, a outspoken anti-capitalist, whose image was compt. Che's story continues to be rewritten and re-imagined. Moreover, the sociologist Michael Levy argues that many aspects of Guevara's life (i.e. physician and economist, revolutionary and banker, military theorist and ambassador, deep thinker and political agitator) have illuminated the rise of the che myth, allowing him to invariably crystallize in his many meatarary roles as Red Robin Hood, Don quixote of communism, the new Marxist, the new Marxist, the new Marxist. and the Bolshevik devil who pursues the dreams of the rich, unleashed by the roasters of subversion all over the world. The burning of a painting containing Che's face after the 1973 coup that established the Pinochet regime in Chile as such, various well-known personalities praised Guevara; for example, Nelson Mandela called him an inspiration to every person who loves freedom, while Ian-Paul Sartre described him as not only an intellectual, but the most complete person of our time. Others who expressed their admiration included authors Graham Greene, who noted that Guevara represented the idea of gallantry, chivalry and adventure, and Susan Sontag, who suggested that Che's purpose was nothing more than the cause of humanity itself. In the pan-African community, the philosopher Franz Fanon professed Guevara as a global symbol of one man's capabilities, while Black Power leader Stockley Carmichael praised that Che Guevara is not dead, his ideas are with us. The praise was reflected across the political spectrum, with libertarian theorist Murray Rothbard extolling Guevara as a heroic figure who, more than any man of our era, or even our century, was a living embodiment of the principle of revolution, while journalist Christopher Hitchens recalled that Che's death meant a lot to me and countless times as I at the time, he was a role model. although impossible for us bourgeois romantics because he went and did what the revolutionaries had to do- fought and died for their beliefs. Author Michael Casey notes how Che's image has become such a recognizable logo as Nike swoosh or golden arches. Conversely, Jacobo Machover, author of the exiled opposition, rejects all praise and portrays him as an ugly executioner. Exiled former Cuban prisoners expressed similar views, among them Armando Valladares, who declared Guevara a man full of hatred who executed dozens without trial, and Carlos Alberto Montaner, who claimed that Guevara had a Robespierre mentality in which cruelty to the enemies of the revolution was a virtue. Alvaro Vargas Llosa of the Independent Institute suggested that Guevara's current followers were misguided by clinging to the myth, describing Guevara as a Marxist puritan who used his hard power to suppress dissent and also acted as a cold-blooded killing machine. Llosa also accuses Guevara of fanatical disposition as the linchpin of the Sovietization of the Cuban revolution, speculating that he possessed a complete subordination to the reality of blind ideological orthodoxy. At the macro level, William Ratliff, a research fellow at the Hoover Institution, sees Guevara as more of a historical medium, calling him a fearless and strong figure of the Messiah, which was the product of a martyr in Love with Latin American culture who encouraged people to seek and follow paternalistic miracle workers. Ratliff also suggests that the economic conditions in the region were in line with Guevara's commitment to bring justice to the oppressed by suppressing centuries-old tyrannies; Describing Latin America as suffering from what Moisas Naim called legendary malignancies of inequality, poverty, dysfunctional politics and faulty institutions. In 1961, Brazilian President Janio Cuadros awarded Guevara the Order of the Southern Cross. In a controversial assessment, the British historian Hugh Thomas opined that Guevara was a brave, sincere and determined man who was also stubborn, narrow and dogmatic. At the end of his life, Thomas said, he seems to have become convinced of the virtues of violence for his own sake, while his influence on Castro for good or evil grew after his death, as Fidel took on many of his views. Similarly, Cuban- American sociologist Samuel Farber praises Che Guevara as an honest and dedicated revolutionary, but also criticizes the fact that he never accepted socialism in his most democratic essence. However, Guevara remains a national hero in Cuba, where his image adorns a 3 pesos banknote, and schoolchildren start every morning promising, We will be like Che. In his homeland, Argentina, where high schools bear his name, a 12-foot (3.7 m) bronze statue of his birth was unveiled in the city of his birth. Guevara was consecrated by some Bolivian campesinos as St. Ernesto who prays for his help. Guevara, by contrast, a hated figure among the many in Cuban exile and the Cuban-American community of the United States, who regard him as the butcher of La Caban. Despite this polarized status, Che's highly contrasting monochrome facial graphics, created in 1968 by Irish artist Jim Fitzpatrick, became a universally merchandised and objectified image found on an endless array of items including T-shirts, hats, tattoo posters, and bikinis. Nevertheless, he remains a transcendent figure both in specific political contexts and as a broad folk icon of the youth uprising. During his life, Guevara received several state awards. 1960: Knight's Grand Cross of the Order of the White Lion 1961: Knight's Grand Cross of the Order of the Southern Cross December 11, 1964, archive footage from Guevara's video of himself speaking at the United Nations General Assembly, (6:21), public domain footage uploaded by the UN, video clip of Guevara interviewing Face the Nation on December 13, 1964, (29:11), from CBS, a video clip of Guevara's interview in 1964 during a visit to Dublin , Ireland, (2:53), English translation, from the libraries and archives of RTS, a video clip of Guevara reads a poem, (0:58), English subtitles, from El Che: Exploring legends - Kultur Video 2001, video clip of Guevara showing support for Fidel Castro, (0:22), English subtitles, from El Che: Exploring legend - Kultur Video 2001, video clip Guevara talking about labor , (0:28), English subtitles, from El Che: Investigation of legends - Kultur Video 2001, video clip of Guevara talking about the bay talking about the bay , (0:17), English subtitles, from El Che: Investigation of legends - Kultur Video 2001, video clip of Guevara speaking out against imperialism, (1:20), English subtitles, from El Che: Exploring Legends - Kultur Video 2001, video clip of Guevara interview in Paris and speaking French in 1964, (4:47), English subtitles, interview with Jean Dumoor, audio recording video of Guevara interview on ABC questions and answers, (22:27), English translation, narrated by Lisa Howard, March 24, 1964 , audio clip List of English- language works Main article: Che Guevara New Society bibliography: Reflections for the Modern World, Ocean Press, 1996, ISBN 1-875284-06-0 Back on the Road: Journey to Latin America , Grove Press, 2002, ISBN 0-8021-3942-6 Che Guevara, Cuba, and the Path to Socialism, Pathfinder Press, 1991, ISBN 0-87348-643-9 Che Guevara on Global Justice, Ocean Press (AU), 2002, ISBN 1-876175-45-1 Che Guevara: Radical Letters on Guerrilla Warfare , Politics and Revolution, Philicarian Publishing, 2006, ISBN 1-59986-6999-3 Che Guevara Reader: Letters on Politics and Revolution, Ocean Press, 2003, ISBN 1-876175-69-9 Che Guevara Says: Selected Speeches and Writings, Pathfinder Press (NY), NY ISBN 0-87348-602-1 Che Guevara Conversations with Youth, Pathfinder, 2000, ISBN 0-87348-911-X Che: Diaries by Ernesto Che Guevara, Ocean Press (AU), 2008, ISBN 1-920888-93-4 1964, ASIN B0010AAN1K Congo Diary: The Story of Che Guevara The Lost Year in Africa Ocean Press, 2011, ISBN 978-0-98042 Critical notes on political economics: Revolutionary Humanist Approach to Marxist Economics, Ocean Press, 2008, ISBN 1-876175-55-9 Combatant Diary : The Diary of the Revolution That Made Che Guevara a Legend, Ocean Press, 2013, ISBN 978-0-9870779-4-3 Episodes of the Cuban Revolutionary War, 1956-58, Pathfinder Press (NY), 1996, ISBN 0-87348-824-5 Guerrilla War: Authorized Edition Ocean, Press, 2006, ISBN 1-920888-28-4 Latin America: The Awakening of the Continent, Ocean Press, 2005, ISBN 1-876175-73-7 Latin America 1-87617 5-73-7 Latin America : Continuation of Motorcycle Diaries, Ocean Press, 2011, ISBN 978-0-9804292-7-5 Marx and Engels: Introduction, Ocean Press, 2007 , ISBN 1-920888-92-6 Our America and them: Kennedy and the Alliance for Progress, Ocean Press, 2006, ISBN 1-876175-81-8 Memories of the Cuban War of Independence: Authorized Edition, Ocean Press, 2005, ISBN 1-920888-33-0 Self-Portrait of Che Gaeva Ocean Press (AU), 2004, ISBN 1-876175-82-6 Socialism and Man in Cuba, Pathfinder Press (NY), 1989, ISBN 0-8 7348-577-7 African Dream: Diaries of the War of Independence in Congo, Grove Press, 2001, ISBN 0-8021-3834-9 Argentinian , Ocean Press (AU), 2008, ISBN 1-920888-93-4 Awakening Latin America: Letters, Letters and Speeches on Latin America, 1950-67, Ocean Press, 2012, ISBN 978-0- 9804292-8-2 Bolivian Ernesto Che Guevara, Pathder Press 1994, ISBN 0-87348-766-4 Great Debate on Political Economy, Ocean Press, 2006, ISBN 1-876175-54-54-6 0 Motorcycle Diaries: A Journey through South America, London: Verso, 1996, ISBN 1-85702-399-4 Secret Revolutionary Documents: Che Guevara's Diary, American Reprint Co , 1975, ASIN B0007GW08W Telling the Truth: Why Washington's Cold War Against Cuba Is Not Ending, Pathfinder, 1993, ISBN 0-87348-633-1 See also Main: Che Guevara (pictured) Che Guevara in the popular culture Legacy of Che Guevara Guvarism Books : Motorcycle Diaries Guerrilla War Episodes of Cuban Revolutionary War Films: Che - Part 1 and Part 2 Motorcycle Diaries Che! Hands of Che Guevara Links - Sinclair, Andrew Annandale. Che Guevara. Encyclopedia Britannica Online. Received on October 4, 2018. Party Unido de la Revoluci'n Socialist de Cuba, a.a. PURSC. How to pronounce Che Guevara - Forvo features various sound clips of international Spanish speakers, pronouncing his name. a b Date the birth certificate was recorded on June 14, 1928, although one tertiary source (Julia Constenla, quoted by John Lee Anderson) claims that he was in fact born on May 14 of that year. Constenla claims that Che's mother, Celia de la Serna, told her that she was already pregnant when she and Ernesto Guevara Lynch were married, and that the date on their son's birth certificate was tampered with to make it appear that he was born a month later than the actual date to avoid the scandal. (Anderson 1997, page 3, 769.) Casey 2009, page 128. - b c Che Guevara's speech on revolutionary medicine to the Cuban militia on 19 August 1960. Because of the circumstances in which I traveled, first as a student and then as a doctor, I came into close contact with poverty, hunger and disease; with the inability to treat the child for lack of money; with a hood provoked by constant hunger and punishment, to such an extent that the father can accept the loss of his son as an unimportant accident, as is often the case in the oppressed classrooms of our American homeland. And while I began to realize that there were things that were almost as important to me as becoming famous or making a significant contribution to medical science: I wanted to help these people. Bobien, NPR Audio Report, 2009, 00:09-00:13. b c d e Brain Castro, 1960. b c d e Taibo 1999, page 267. a b c Kellner 1989, page 69-70. Anderson 1997, page 526-530. - Che Guevara's speech on development at the plenary session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, held in Switzerland on 25 March 1964. The inflow of capital from developed countries is a prerequisite for establishing economic dependence. This influx takes many forms: loans issued on onerous conditions; Investments that give the country the power of investors; almost complete technological subordination of a dependent country to a developed country; control over the country's foreign trade by major international monopolies; and in extreme cases, the use of force as an economic weapon in support of other forms of exploitation. - At the Afro-Asian conference in Algeria, Che Guevara speak at the Second Economic Seminar of Afro-Asian Solidarity in Algeria, Algeria, on 24 February 1965. The struggle against imperialism, for liberation from colonial or neo-colonial shackles, which is waged with political weapons, weapons or their combination, is not separated from the struggle against backwardness and poverty. Both stages are on the same path leading to the creation of a new society of justice and abundance. ... Since the monopoly capital took over the world, it has kept most of humanity in poverty, sharing all profits among groups of the most powerful countries. Teh life in these countries is based on the extreme poverty of our countries. Therefore, in order to improve the standard of living of underdeveloped countries, we must fight against imperialism. ... The practice of proletarian internationalism is not only the responsibility of peoples fighting for a better future, but also an inevitable necessity. Footnote for Socialism and HumanIsm in Cuba (1965): Che argued that the complete liberation of humanity is achieved when work becomes a social duty, carried out with full satisfaction and a sustainable system of values, which promotes conscious action in the pursuit of tasks. This can only be achieved through systematic education, acquired through various stages in which collective action has intensified. Che acknowledged that it would be difficult and time consuming. However, in his efforts to speed up the process, he has developed methods of mobilizing people, bringing together their collective and individual interests. One of the most significant of these tools was moral and material incentives, deepening consciousness as a way of development to socialism. Watch Che's speeches: Tribute to the Emulation Award winners (1962) and The New Attitude to Work (1964). - The Maryland Institute of the Arts, referred to by BBC News on May 26, 2001. Che Guevara's surname comes from the Castilian form of Basque hebara, a habitat from the province of Alava, while his grandmother, Ana Lynch, was a descendant of Patrick Lynch, who emigrated from County Galway, Ireland in the 1740s. surnames of his or her father, as well as his or her mother's, albeit in that order. Some people carry both, others only the father. In Guevara's case, many people of Irish descent will add Lynch to highlight his Irish relationship. Others will add de la Serna to pay their respects to Guevara's mother. Lavretsky 1976. Kellner 1989, page 23. Argentina: Che Red Mother Time Magazine, 14 July 1961. Anderson 1997, 22-23. Sandison 1996, page 8. Kellner 1989, page 24. - Argentine Rugby Inspired by Che Guevara Brendan Gallagher, The Daily Telegraph, October 5, 2007 - Kane, Nick and Growden, Greg. Chapter 21: Ten Peculiar Facts about rugby union teapots (2nd edition), John Wylie and Sons; ISBN 978-0-470-03537-5, page 293. Anderson 1997, page 28. a b Hart 2004, page 98. - Haney 2005, page 164. a b c d (Anderson 1997, page 37-38). Sandison 1996, page 10. Kellner 1989, page 26. Ratner 1997, page 25. Anderson 1997, page 89. Anderson 1997, 64. Anderson 1997, 59-64. Anderson 1997, page 83. Anderson 1997, 75-76. a b 1989, page 27. NYT bestseller list: #38 Paperback nonfiction for 2005-02-20, #9 Nonfiction on 2004-10-07 and on more occasions. George Galloway, a very modern icon, New Statesman, June 12, 2006, Che Guevara spent time at the Miami Archives on February 4, 2013 at Alfonso Chardy's Archive.today, The Miami Herald July 8, 2008 - Anderson 1997, page 98. A copy of the transcript of the University of Guevara, showing the award of his medical degree, can be found on page 75 of Becoming Che: Guevara's Second and Last Journey through Latin America, by Carlos 'Calica' Ferrer (translated from Spanish by Sarah L. Smith), Marea Editorial, 2006, ISBN 987-1307-07-1. Ferrer was a longtime childhood friend of Che', and when Guevara passed the last of his 12 exams in 1953, he gave him a copy to prove to Ferrer, who told Guevara that he would never finish that he had finally completed his studies. Anderson 1997, page 126. Taibo 1999, page 31. Kellner 1989, page 31. a b Guevara Lynch 2000, page 26. Ignacio 2007, page 172. John Anderson (2010). Che Guevara: Revolutionary life. New York, New York: Grove/Atlantic, Inc. p. 139. ISBN 978- 0-802-19725-2. Received on July 25, 2015. Anderson (2010), page 126 - Poetry Che presented with great success in Guatemala. Cuba Headlines. November 26, 2007. Emmerman 1982, page 155-160. Emmerman 1982, page 161-163. Gleijeses 1991, page 345-349. Gleijeses 1991, page 354-357. Emmerman 1982, page 198-201. Callater 2006, page 113. Gleijeses 1991, page 382. a b Kellner 1989, page 32. Taibo 1999, page 39. Che Guevara 1960-67 Frank E. Smith. Andrew Sinclair (1970). Che Guevara. Viking press. page 12. Manzanos, Rosario (October 8, 2012). Documentary sobre el Che Guevara, doctor en Mexico. Proceso (in Spanish). Received on July 1, 2016. BIOGRAFIA de ERNESTO CHE GUEVARA Fundaci'n Che Guevara, FUNCHE (PDF) (in Spanish). educarchile.cl archive from the original (PDF) dated August 17, 2016. Received on July 1, 2016. FIDEL Y HANK: PASAJES DE LA REVOLUCI'N (in Spanish). lagacetametropolitana.com archive from the original dated January 4, 2017. Received on July 1, 2016. Kellner 1989, page 33. - b Rebel Wife, Review of My Life with Che: Making a Revolutionary Hilda Gadea by Tom Gjelten, Washington Post, October 12, 2008. Taibo 1999, page 55. Fidel and Che: Simon Reed-Henry's Revolutionary Friendship audio slideshow by The Guardian, 9 January 2009 - Sandison 1996, page 28. Kellner 1989, page 37. Anderson 1997, page 194. Snow, Anita. My Life with Che' Hilda Gadea Archive 2012-12-05 at Archive.today. Associated Press on WJXX-TV. August 16, 2008; received on February 23, 2009. Anderson 1997, page 213. Anderson 1997, page 211. Sandison 1996, page 32. DePalma 2006, page 110-11. - b c Lessons in Latin: What can we learn from the world's most ambitious literacy campaign? By Independent, 7 2010 - b Kellner 1989, page 45. Anderson 1997, page 269-270. Castaneda 1998, page 105, 119. Anderson 1997, page 237-238, 269-270, 277-278. a b c Luther 2001, page 97-99. a b c Anderson 1997, page 237. Sandison 1996, page 35. Cuba remembers Che Guevara 40 years after his fall Archive 13 February 2008 on the Wayback Machine By Rosa Tania Valdez, Reuters, October 8, 2007 - Ignacio 2007, p. 177. Ignacio 2007, page 193. Poster Boy of the Revolution Saul Landau, Washington Post, October 19, 1997, page X01. Moore, Don. Revolution! Underground radio and Fidel Castro's rebellion. Radio Pateplum. Kellner 1989, page 42. Bockman 1984. Kellner 1989, page 40. a b Kellner 1989, page 47. Castro 1972, page 439-442. Dorsner 1980, page 41-47, 81-87. Sandison 1996, page 39. Kellner 1989, page 48. Kellner 1989, page 13. Kellner 1989, page 51. Castaneda, page 145-146. b Castaneda, page 146. Anderson 1997, 397. Anderson 1997, page 400-401. Anderson 1997, page 424. Castaneda, page 159. (Castaneda 1998, page 264-265). b Skidmore 2008, page 273. Gomez Treto 1991, p. 115. The Criminal Law on the War of Independence (28 July 1896) was strengthened by Rule 1 of the Criminal Regulation of the Rebel Army, approved in the Sierra Maestra on 21 February 1958 and published in the official bulletin of the Army (Ley penal de Cuba en armas, 1959) (Gomes Treto 1991, p. 123). Gomez Treto 1991, page 115-116. Anderson 1997, page 372, 425. Anderson 1997, page 376. Kellner 1989, page 52. - Niess 2007, page 60. Gomez Treto 1991, page 116. Anderson 1997, page 388. Rally for Castro: One Million Roar Si to Cuba Execution - Video clip by Universal-International News, narrated by Ed Herlihy, January 22, 1959 - Conflict, Order and Peace in America, Lyndon B. Johnson School of Public Affairs, 1978, p. 121. The U.S.-backed Batista regime killed 20,000 Cubans - The World Guide 1997/98: View from the South, University of Texas, 1997, ISBN 1-869847-43-1, pg 209. Batista designed another coup by establishing a dictatorial regime that was responsible for the deaths of 20,000 Cubans. (2001). Directed by Estela Bravo. Features of the first launch. (91 mins). Watch the clip. An estimated 20,000 people were killed by government forces during the Batista dictatorship. a b c Castaneda 1998, page 143-144. Che Guevara's Legacy - PBS online forum with author John Lee Anderson, November 20, 1997 - Various sources cite the different number of executions attributed to Guevara, with some discrepancies due to the question of which deaths can be attributed directly to Guevara and to the regime as a whole. Anderson (1997) cites a number specifically in La Cabana prison as 55 (p. 387.), and stating that several hundred people have been formally tried carried out throughout Cuba as a whole (p. 387). (Castaneda 1998) notes that historians disagree with the total number of people killed, with various studies showing that it is between 200 and 700 across the country (p. 143), although he notes that after a certain date most executions occurred outside the jurisdiction of Che (p. 143). These figures are supported by the opposition-based Free Society/Cuba Archives project, which cites a figure of 144 executions ordered by Guevara in Cuba in three years (1957- 1959) and 105 victims, specifically in La Cabanier, who they said were carried out without due process. It should also be noted that most of the discrepancies in the estimates between the 55 and 105 executed in La Cabagna relate to whether Guevara rejected the appeal and signed the death sentence, but when the sentence was handed down during his trip abroad from 4 June to 8 September or after he relinquished command on 12 June 1959. Anderson 1997, page 375. Kellner 1989, page 54. Kellner 1989, page 57. a b c Kellner 1989, page 58. Taibo 1999, page 282-285. Anderson 1997, page 423. Ramadian Fadilla (June 13, 2012). Soekarno soal cerutu Kuba, Che dan Castro (in Indonesian). Merdeka.com. received on June 15, 2013. a b Anderson 1997, page 431. Taibo 1999, page 300. Che Guevara's daughter attends the Hiroshima Bomb Memorial, The Japan Times, May 16, 2008 - b Anderson 1997, p. 435. Casey 2009, page 25. Casey 2009, 25-50. a b Kellner 1989, page 55. - A New Look at Che Daniel Schweimler, BBC News, October 9, 2007. a b c Kellner 1989, page 61. Anderson 1997, p. 449 - b c c d Notes on the ideology of the Cuban revolution Che Guevara, published in Verde-Oevo, October 8, 1960 - Cuba: Samuel Shapiro Dissent Report, New Republic, September 12, 1960, p. 8-26, 21. Man and Socialism at the Cuba Archive 2010-11-28 on the Wayback Machine by Che Guevara and Ernesto Che Guevara. a b Crompton 2009, page 71. a b Kellner 1989, page 60. Dumur 1964 video interview 1964 Che Guevara speaks French (with English subtitles). b c d e Hansing 2002, page 41-42. b c d Socialism and a Man in Cuba Letter to Carlos Kijano, editor of the weekly newspaper Marcha, published in Montevideo, Uruguay; Published as From Algeria, for Marsh: The Cuban Revolution Today Che Guevara March 12, 1965. b c d e Kellner 1989, page 62. Kellner 1989, page 59. PBS: Che Guevara, popular but ineffective. Kellner 1989, page 75. Latin America Report (JPRS-LAM-84-037). Foreign Broadcast Information Service (FBIS). March 23, 1984: 24. Received on October 30, 2010. The citation of the magazine requires the magazine (help) Kellner 1989, page 63. Kellner 1989, page 74. Taibo 1999, page 269. Taibo 1999, page 306. a b c Vargas Llosa 2005. Anderson 1997, page 507. page 509. - b Economy cannot be separated from the policy speech of Che Guevara at the ministerial meeting of the Inter-American Economic and Social Council (MEB) in Punta del Este, Uruguay, on 8 August 1961. Kellner 1989, page 78. a b c Anderson 1997, page 492. Anderson 1997, page 530. Anderson 1997, page 545. Guevara 1997, page 304 and Kellner 1989, page 73. - b c d e Colonialism doomed to speak on 11 December 1964 at the 19th United Nations General Assembly in New York by the representative of Cuba, Che Guevara. - b Bazooka, dismissed at the UN, as The Cuban says Homer Biggart, The New York Times, 12 December 1964, p. 1. - CBS Video Che Guevara Being Interviewed by Face the Nation on December 13, 1964, (29:11) - Hart 2004, p. 271. Anderson 1997, page 618. Che Guevara: Father of the Revolution, son of Galway. Fantompowa.net. received on October 31, 2010. Gerry Adams Featured in New Che Guevara Documentary by Kenneth Haines, Irish Central, 8 September 2009 - Guevara 1969, page 350. Guevara, Che. Che Guevara at the Afro-Asian Conference in Algeria. marxists.org. Received on November 4, 2018. Cite has an empty unknown setting: 1 (help) Guevara 1969, page 352-59. - b Message to the Tricontinental (1967) Che Guevara's letter from his jungle camp in Bolivia to the Tricontinental Solidarity Organization in Havana, Cuba, in the spring of 1967. a b Brand Che: Revolutionary as a dream marketer Michiko Kakutani, The New York Times, April 20, 2009 - b d Ernesto 'Che' Guevara: Rebel Against the Soviet Political Economy by Helen Jaffe (author of Che Guevara: The Economy of the Revolution), 2006 - Abrams 2010, page 100 and Abrams 2010. Ben Bella 1997. Anderson 1997, page 624. Anderson 1997, page 629. Galvez 1999, page 62. Gott 2004 page 219. Kellner 1989, page 86. - Dr Congo's Rebel-Turned- Brain Surgeon Mark Doyle, BBC World Affairs, 13 December 2005. - BBC News january 17, 2001. The intercept operators knew that Dar es Salaam was a communications center for the militants, receiving messages from Castro in Cuba and passing them to the guerrillas deep in the bushes. (Bamford 2002, p. 181) - Ireland's own 2000. Kellner 1989, page 87. - From Cuba to Congo, the dream of disaster for Che Guevara in the Guardian newspaper, August 12, 2000 - Guevara 2000, page 1. Castaneda 1998, page 316. Che Guevara Central Czech Hideaway articles and audio by Ian Willoughby, Sheske rozhlas, 27 June 2010 - O'Donnell, Pacho. Opinions about Peron Sobre el Che. Pagina/12 (in Spanish). Received on May 23, 2015. Guevara 2009, page 167. Mittlman 1981, page 38. Jacobson, Sid and Ernie Colon. Che: Graphic biography. Hill and Wang, 2009. 96–97. Jacobson, Sid and Ernie Colon. Che: Graphic biography. Hill and Wang, 2009. 98. a b Selvage Anderson 1997, page 693. Members of the Che Guevara Guerrilla Movement in Bolivia, members of the Latin American Research Organization - Kellner 1989, p. 97. Bidding for Che, Time Magazine, December 15, 1967. 1967 U.S. Army and Ryan 1998, page 82-102, in particular. U.S. military personnel in Bolivia have never exceeded 53 advisers, including a mobile training group from the 8th Special Operations Group based in Fort Gulik, the Panama Canal area (Selvage 1985). Guevara 1972. Castaneda 1998, page 107-112; 131–132. Wright 2000, page 86. Rodriguez and Weissman 1989. Barbie Boasted hunting down Che David Smith, The Observer, 23 December 2007. Green Takes for The Capture of Che Guevara by Richard Gott, Age, 8 September 2010 - Rothman, Lily (October 9, 2017). Read TIME's original report on Che Guevara's death. It's time. Received on October 9, 2020. Anderson 1997, page 733. a b Guevara 2009, page II. a b The Man Who Buried the Che Archive 2008-12-07 on The Wayback Machine by Juan O. Tamayo, Miami Herald, September 19, 1997. a b c d e Ray, Michelle (March 1968). In cold blood: Execution of Che CIA. Ramparts magazine. Edward M. Keating. 21-37. Received on October 29, 2016. Grant 2007 - Grant 2007 Renee Barrientos never disclosed his motives for ordering Guevara's summary execution, instead of bringing him to justice, expelling him from the country or extraditing him to the United States authorities. Almudevar, Lola. Bolivia celebrates the capture, execution of Che Guevara 40 years ago, the San Francisco Chronicle. October 9, 2007; November 7, 2009. - Time Magazine 1970. Che Guevara's death: declassified. National Security Archive. Received on January 24, 2016. a b Anderson 1997, page 739. Obituary: Che Guevara, Marxist architect of the Richard Bourne Revolution, The Guardian, October 11, 1967 - Almudevar 2007 and Gott 2005. Casey 2009, page 179. Casey 2009, page 183. The Death of Che Guevara by Bjorn Kumma, New Republic, originally published on November 11, 1967. Lacey 2007a. - After the Cuban Revolution, seeing that Guevara did not have a watch, his friend Oscarito Fernandez Mell gave him his gold watch. Some time later, Che handed him a piece of paper; A receipt from the National Bank stating that Mell had donated his gold bracelet to Cuba's gold reserve. Guevara was still wearing the watch, but now he had a leather bracelet (Anderson 1997, p. 503). Kornbludh 1997. Laura Garza (December 18, 1995). A Bolivian general shows the burial place of Che Guevara. Action. Received on February 10, 2012. Anderson 1997, page 740. Anderson 1997, page 741. Kellner 1989, page 101. Bidding for Che, Time Magazine, December 15, 1967. Guevara 1967. Ryan 1998, page 45. Ryan 1998, page 104. Ryan 1998, page 148. Ramirez 1997. a b Nadle, Marlene (August 24, 1968). Regis Debray speaks from prison. Tape: 42. - Durschmied 2002, page 307-09. - Durschmied 2002, page 305. - Durschmied 2002, page 305-06. - Durshmied 2002, page 306. Cuba Welcomes 'Che' Guevara: Revolutionary Icon Finally Laid to Rest, CNN, October 17, 1997 - Bolivia presents the original diary of Che Guevara Eduardo Garcia, Reuters, July 7, 2008. - Have che Guevara's soldiers been found? Video report by National Geographic, August 21, 2009. McLaren 2000, page 7. a b Levi 1973, page 7. Levi 1973, page 33. Levi 1973, page 7, 9, 15, 25, 75, 106. Spark That Doesn't Die From Michael Levey, International Viewpoint, July 1997 - Moynihan 2006. Sinclair 1968/2006, page 80. Sinclair 1968/2006, page 127. McLaren 2000, page 3. Sinclair 1968/2006, 67. Ernesto Che Guevara R.I.P. Rothbard, Murray, left and right: journal of libertarian thought, Volume 3, number 3 (spring-autumn 1967). a b O'Hagan 2004. Behind the Che Guevara Mask, Cold Executioner Archive 21 November 2008 at Wayback Machine Times Online, 16 September 2007. 'Che' Spurs Debate, Del Toro Walkout, Washington Times, January 27, 2009. A short interview about Che Guevara with Carlos Alberto Montaner for the Freedom Collection - b Che is Patron Saint of War by William Ratliff, Independent Institute, October 9, 2007. From the National Archives of Brazil. a b Kellner 1989, page 106. Samuel Farber (May 23, 2016). Score Che. Jacobin. Che Guevara Ideals of Losing Land in Cuba by Anthony Boadle, Reuters, October 4, 2007: He is a poster boy of communist Cuba, held as a selfless leader who is an example of volunteering with his own sweat, pushing a wheelbarrow on a construction site or cutting sugar cane in fields with machetes. Argentina pays belated tribute to Che Guevara Helen Popper, Reuters, June 14, 2008 - Statue of Che Daniel Schweimler's 80th birthday, BBC News, June 15, 2008. On a hiking trail in the mountains of Bolivia, Fame Che lives on Hector Tobar, Los Angeles Times, October 17, 2004. Shipani 2007. Casey 2009, page 235, 325. 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Che Guevara (Critical Life). Penguin Group (USA). page 276. ISBN 0-02-864199-X. McLaren, Peter (2000). Che Guevara, Paulo Freire and Educator of the Revolution. Rowman and Littlefield. ISBN 0-8476-9533-6. Mittlman, James H (1981). Backwardness and transition to socialism - Mozambique and Tanzania. New York: Academic press. ISBN 0-12-500660-8 Moynihan, Michael. Neutering Sartre in Dagens Nyheter. Stockholm Spectator. Access to access on February 26, 2006. Che Guevara, Frank Nies, Haus Publishers Ltd, 2007, ISBN 1-904341-99-3. Sean O'Hagan (11) 2004). Just a beautiful face?. Keeper. Access to access on October 25, 2006. Mariy ramirez, Daree Alarcon (1997). Le Che en Bolivia. Paris: Decia du Roche. ISBN 2-268-02437-7. Ramonet, Ignacio (2007). Translated by Andrew Hurley. Fidel Castro: My Life London: Penguin Books. ISBN 978-0-14-102626-8 Ratner, Michael (1997). Che Guevara and the FBI: U.S. political police dossier on a Latino revolutionary. Ocean Press. ISBN 1-875284-76-1. Rodriguez, Felix E. and John Weissman (1989). Shadow Warrior/Hero of the CIA hundreds of unknown battles. New York: Simon Schuster. ISBN 0-671-66721-1. Ryan, Henry Butterfield (1998). The Fall of Che Guevara: A History of Soldiers, Spies and Diplomats. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-511879-0. David Sandison (1996). In the life and times of Che Guevara. Paragon. ISBN 0-7525-1776-7. Shipani, Andres (September 23, 2007). The final Triumph of St. Che. Observer. (Reporting from La Higuera.) Selveage, Major Donald R. - USMC (April 1, 1985). Che Guevara in Bolivia. Globalsecurity.org. Access was on 5 January 2006. Andrew Sinclair (2006) (1968). Viva Che!: The Strange Death and Life of Che Guevara. Sutton Publishing. ISBN 0-7509-4310-6. Skidmore, Thomas E.; Smith, Peter H. (2008). Modern Latin America. Oxford University Press. 436. ISBN 0-19-505533-0. Taibo II, Paco Ignacio (1999). Guevara, also known as Che. Griffin St. Martin. 2nd edition. ISBN 0-312-20652-6. Cover of Time magazine (August 8, 1960). Castro's brain. Time Magazine (October 12, 1970). Che: A myth embalmed in the matrix of ignorance. U.S. Army (April 28, 1967). Memorandum of Understanding on the revitalization, organization and training of the 2nd Ranger Battalion, the Bolivian Army. Access to access on June 19, 2006. Vargas Llosa, Alvaro (July 11, 2005). Killing machine: Che Guevara, from communist firebrand to capitalist brand. An independent institution. Access to access on November 10, 2006. World Combined Sources (October 2, 2004). Che Guevara remains a hero for the Cubans. People's Weekly World. Thomas K. Wright (2000). Latin America during the Cuban Revolution. ISBN 0-275-96706-9. External Links ASE Biography: Che Guevara - Revolutionary Rebel BBC Audio Archive: Profile of Che Guevara BBC News - Che Guevara Images: Set 1, Set 2, Set 3 Che Guevara Online Archive: Speeches, Images of Democracy Now: The Life and Legacy of Che Guevara Encyclopedia Britannica: Che Guevara Entry History of ASE Video: Che Guevara Fast Facts in Defense of Marxism: 40 Anniversary Part 1 --- Part 2 National Security Archive: Death of Che Guevara NPR Audio Report: Che Guevara Still An Icon of the New York Times Interactive Gallery: Revolutionary Afterlife Slate Magazine: Picture Essay Che Slide Show: Fidel and Che: Revolutionary Friendship Keeper: Creating a Marxist Че Гевара The Wall Street Journal Gallery: Повсеместный Че извлечен из che guevara biography in malayalam pdf free download

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