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EL DIALEGTO ARANES

A study of the speech and way of life of the inhabitants of the central reach of the Vald'Aran in the province of Lerida, taking as its limits the towns of Viella and Bosost and incorporating the villages of Casau, Gausach, Vilach, Montj Montcorbau, BetIan, Aubert, Vila, Arros, Vilamos, Arres, Begos, Benos, Arru, Las Bordas arid La Bordeta

submitted by

David Bamford

for the degree of B.Phil, in Hispanic Studies in the University of St. Andrews

S t. And rews July 1973 'Tu. % Bm&SXst&L1

I hereby certify that David Bamford 1ms spent 6 terms engaged in part-time research work under my direction and that he has fulfilled the conditions of General Ordinance Ho. 12 (Resolution of the University Court No# 8, 1969)» and that he is qualified to submit the accompanying thesis for the degree of Eaohelor of Philosophy.

SupervliSar

I hereby declare that the following thesis is based on work carried out by me, that the thesis is my own composition and that no part of it has been presented previously for a higher degree.

I was admitted as a research student in April 1969 under General Ordinance No# 12 and enrolled as a candidate for the degree of B.Phil, under this Resolution. The research was conducted in the Val d'Aran during the summer of 1970 and 1971 and in the Department of Spanish, University of St. Andrews, under the direction of Mr. D.J. Gifford.

• • • Candidate LIST OF CONTENTS

Page Acknowledgements i

List of Informants ii

Note on Transcription iii

List of Abbreviations v

INTRODUCTION: The Val d 'Aran 1 1. The geographical situation 1 2. The historical situation 3 3. The linguistic situation 7 4» The present social situation 10

CHAPTER I : The Valley and the Livelihood that it Provides . 13 1. The village 13 2. Industry 16 3« Agriculture 18 (a) The year's cycle 18 (b) Cattle 19 (c) Sheep 21 (d) Crops 22 4. Tourism 25

CHAPTER II : The Aranes Dialect 29 1. Phonology 29 (a) Tonic vowels 29 (b) Atonic vovrels 34 (c) Consonants 36 (d) Groups 43 2. Morpho-Syntax 49 (a) The definite article 49 (b) The indefinite article 51 (c) The partitive article 51 (d) Nouns 51 (e) Pronouns 56 (f) Adverbs 61 b (g) Affirmation 61 d (h) Negation 61 d (j) Verbs ' 61 e

(k) Note on construction que + affirmative statement . 61j

CHAPTER III : What is Aranes? 62

1. The basic differences between Aranes and Catalan .. . 65 (a) Vowels 65 (b) Consonants 66 (c) Groups 67 2. List of Contents (continued)

page

2. The similarities with southern French dialects .. .67

3. The relationship with other northern Spanish dialects . 69 4. Present linguistic influences in Aranes 71 VOCABULARY OF THE STUDY AREA 7g APPENDICES: A. Transcriptions of Tape Recordings 88

B. , Poems . 90 C. Maps of the Val d'Aran, showing 1. Geographical location 94

2. Boundaries and communications . .. .95 3. Area of study 96 D. Photographs 97

BIBLIOGRAPHY . 105 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I am much indebted to D. Jose Calberto Barra, mayor of Viella, and to the staff of the avuntamiento for furnishing me with valuable historical data from the town's archives." I was unable to gain access to the archives themselves as re- cataloguing was in progress throughout the period of my study.

Information concerning livelihood v^as gained from informants in the villages (listed overleaf) during two visits to the valley, In August 197^ fund July-August 1971* Informa¬ tion relating to industry and tourism was supplied by the ayuntamiento in Viella.

'I wish to express my gratitude to Mile Suzanne Castaing for her help with Gascon vocabulary. In the vocabulary section all Gascon forms were supplied by her unless otherwise stated.

Sources of geographical JLnformationJ -

Michelin Carte Regionale no. 86 (Luchon-Perpignan)

Ramon do Semir i Arquer, La Vail d'Aran, turistica y documental Editorial Alpina, 1968 IHFOIMAM'S

For information regarding livelihood and vocabulary I am deeply indebted to:-

D. Luis Puig Forcada (82), shopkeeper and poet — Les. Jose Bernadets Socasau (56), farmer — Vilamos. Andres For Vilanova (55)» forest warden—Las Bordas. Mercedes Aunos (5^0? bar proprietress — Las Bordas. Angel Coronas Rxu (59)» painter and decorator — Benos. Antonio Caubet (38), cattle farmer — Arros. Rosalia Sans Puig (50)5 bar proprietress — Vilach.

Valuable additional and corroborative information was provided by the following people J - Magdalena Aunos de Eyo (52) —Benos. Francisca Arro (56)? bar proprietress — Arros. Pedro Bemadets (53)? sheep farmer—Las Bordas. Joaquin Bemadets (87)5 farmer — Arru. Francisco Carita (54)5 farmer — Montcorbau. Jose Castet (59)? farmer — Arres. Prudenciano Castet (7^)? builder — Mont. Manuel Caubet Farrer (6l), farmer—Benos. Eugenia Condo (71)—Betlan. Pedro Condo (48), farmer — Arres. Juan Cuny (67)j bar proprietor — Casau. Antonio Farrer (54), farmer — Vilamos.

Maid ome ro Masip (47) ? farme r — Mont. Fernando Monge (75)? farmer — Mont. Francisco Pena (38), farmer — Vilamos. Maria Puig (78), bar proprietress—Vilach. Maldomero Rodriguez (55)? sheep farmer—Las Bordas. Jose Servat (58), cattle farmer—Vila- Riqueta Villamates (64)? bar proprietress—Arres /figures in brackets indicate age/

Informant on Gasc.s-

Mlle Suzanne Castaing, jeweller—Rieumes (Toulouse).

(ii) NOTE CM TRANSCRIPTION

There is no set system of written conventions for Aranes, as it is not used as a written medium of communication, except by those inhabitants of the valley who write poetry in the dialect. There are not many of these and those with whom I talked made up their own spelling and maintained that it was correct. In the Introduction to his Estudio sobre el Dialecto

Aranes Adema states that he was criticised on account of the orthographic system that he adopted in the first edition of the book (1966):-

Los conocedores ... de las normas aceptadas por el Institut d'Estudis Occitans, me recriminaron no haber usado la ortografla aceptada y

propugnada por esta institucion. ... RecibI, entre otras, 'una carta de un provenzal, en la que ... se pemitla hacerme estas dos reflexio- nesi (a) que el dialecto aranes, no es mas que una variente sub- dialectal del gascon, una de las ramas de la lengua occitana, por lo que no hay necesidad de buscarle otra filiacion, y, (b) que no siendo el aranes, mas que una variedad del gascon, integrado dentro de la gran familia de las lenguas occitanas, debe escribirse segun la orto¬ grafia moderna de esta lengua. (Adem4 p# ^

The first of these two points is valid, but not the second as it disregards the role of the national frontier as a dividing wall between the national standard speeches of the people living on either side of it. The ortho¬ graphic system of modern Gascon is based on that of French, but the written norm of speakers of Aranes is Castilian Spanish; it is therefore more logical for the orthography of Aranes to be based on that of the latter than on that of Gascon. For this reason I have adopted, in the main,

Adema's system, making amendments where these are required.

The points to note in my transcription are the followings-

a - same value as in Cast. | a | in phonetic transcription. In individual final position heard in individual instances as neutral vowel | s>, | in phonetic transcription, e - stressed close /e7 I^Fr. b_le.), ( ej in phon. trans, e - stressed open /e/ (Fr. tres),1 in phon. trans. (NB: In orthographic transcriptions I offer no diacritics to distin¬ guish between pronunciation of close and open atonic /&/ as I do not consider there to be a significant phonemic difference

(iii) (iv)

between thenu In phonetic transcriptions I use the symbols above.) i - as in Cast. |_i_| in phon. trans., j_ij_ |_in positions of major stress. As semi-consonhnt and semi-vowel j j | in phon. trans, o - represents open /o/, as in Cast, rooa; |_oJ_in phon. trans, u - has same value as in Cast, as full vowel; |_u_| in phon. trans., | u:J in position of major stress; also as semi-consonant and semi-vowel, |_w | in phon. trans, u - as in Pr. vue, fy-] in phon. trans. axr

en in final position in /n/ is velar as in Eng. bring, | nj in phon. trans. Einal on /-nc/ has same value, same phon. symbol. Phon. symbol

un |_n_| in final position represents /-nt/ in orthographic transcrip¬ tion. un> l>jV,d,g - as in Cast, occlusive in initial position, .DO »J dD »_LaD in phon. trans. Intervocalically, fricative: j_b j, | §""] |^Jin phon. trans. In initial /gua-/,_/gue-/ consonant is'not pro¬ nounced in study area: | wa j, |_we (, I wj. | in phon. trans, c - voiceless occlusive |_k j. Before /e/,/i/ voiceless sibilant ( s j. 5 - voiceless sibilant, (~s~| in phon. trans. Corresponds to Cast. f© | which does not exist in Ar. ch - as in Cast, chico, |_tj" | in phon. trans, dj - as in Eng. general Pd3J in Phon» trans. h - never pronounced. Used in orthographic trans, where L. root word has /f/. j - as in Fr. jouer, | 3J in phon. trans. 11 - as in Cast, calle j~x~j in phon. trans, nn - "long" /n/, |_nn | in phon. trans, ny - as in Cast, cana, jjiJ in phon. trans. r - as in Cast._ Initially rolled, | rl in phon. trans.; medially flapped, j_rj . irr - rolled in medial position, |~r [. s - voiceless sibilant, |_sj in phon. trans. In intervocalic position voiced, j z (. ss - voiceless sibilant | s | in intervocalic position, tj - between /ch/ and /j/: |_t3J_in_ phon. trans, x - palatal, as in Eng. ship; j £ ) in phon. trans, z - as in Fr. douze, j_z~| in phon. trans. Only found in non-inter¬ vocalic position.

Tonic /e/ always bears an accent to show its phonetic value. Otherwise I have used the same system of stress as in Cast.

In instances where I have quoted phonemic forris used in other works

I have used the author's- transcription. LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

(for full details of works referred to in the text in abbreviated form, see Bibliography)

adj. adjective L. - latin adv. adverb Lang. - Languedoc

Ar. Aranes fllclSC • -masculine

Arab. - Arabic Mod.Occ. -Modern Occitan

Arag. Aragones N. - Northern A.Rib. Alta Ribagorza neg. -negative

a.s.l. above sea level N.W. - North-Western

Ast. - Asturias obj. - object Bal. Balearic Islands 0.Prov. - Old Provenpal Beam. - Beamese part.art. -partitive article Cast. Castilian past part. -past participle r\ i oat. Oat alan perf. - perfect Gatal. — Oatalonia pers.pron. - personal pronoun cent. central plur. - plural cond. conditional poss. - possessive dof.art. definite article pre s. - present dir.obj. direct object pret. - preterite S. Eastern pron. - pronoun Eng. English Prov. - Provenpal

fern. ' - feminine Rous. - Ro ussil 1 o nr»«i s

Fr. French sing. - singulo.r Gal. Galicia sub j. - subject

G - a s c. — Gascon sub j unc. subjunctive Ger. Germanic V.L. -Vulgar Latin

- Gk . — Greek W. Western

iraperf. - imperfect

indef.art. - indefinite article indie. indicative ind.obj. indirect object inf. infinitive It. Italian

(v) INTRODUCTION INTRODUCTION: THE VAL B'AEAN

1. The Geographical Situation of the Valley

The Val d'Ahari is situated in the central Frrenees, in the north¬ west corner of Catalonia, on the quaternary glacier of the Garonne.

It is in the peculiar position of being politically a part of Spain, but geographically a part of France. To the west of the valley the frontier with France runs north-south from the Pic de Burat (215Qa.) to the Pic de Poujastou'(1928m.), the Col du Portillon (1308m.), the

Sommet de I'Escalette (2454®-) and then turns westwards. South of the

Escalette, forming the south-west corner of the valley, is the Maladeta, dominated by the Pico de la Maladeta (3312m.), the Pico de Aneto

(34O4®.) and the Pico de Mulieres (3008m.). To the east of the Mala¬ deta, marking the southern limit of the valley, is the Sierra de

Montarto (Biciberri, 3014m-j Montarto, 2827m.). Further to the east, on the northern boundary of the Parque Nacional de Aigties Tortes, are the peaks of Colonies (2930m.) and Saburedo (2764m.). To the north of these, the eastern limit of the valley is marked by the Pico Sandrous

(2o89m.), the Pico de la Llanca (2656m.), the Pico de Marimanya (266Q11.) and the Pic de Barlonguere (2801m.). From here, the national frontier with France marks the northern limit of the'valley westwards to the Pic de Burat. In winter, physical communication with the rest of Spain is difficult as the Port de Beret (l86Qn.), to the east along the valley of the Noguera Pallaresa, and the Port de la Bonaigua (2072m.), to the south¬ east, above Salardu and Tredos, are generally impassable between November and mid-April, and the Port de la Picada (268G11.), over the Maladeta, and the Port de Viella (2430m.), between the Maladeta and the Sierra de - 2 -

Montarto, are often impassable until June. The only route between

the valley and the rest of Spain that is open all the year round is

from Vielia along the N.230, through the Tunel de Viella, which was

opened to traffic in 1948? then south along the Noguera Ribagorzana.

The only natural way out of the valley that is open all through the

winter, however, lies north along the Garonne and into Prance across

the Pont de Rei. It is this fact that is used as the basis of the

argument that the Val d'Aran is geographically a part of Prance: in ft A) the words of my informant in Casau, "Aqui estamos enclavado^/ en Prancia.

Las montanas constituyen la verdadera frontera."

The valley belongs to the Partido Judicial of Viella in the

Province of Lerida. Its northern and v/estern limits are the depart¬

ments of Ariege and Haute Garonne and it is bounded on its south-?/estern,

southern and eastern sides by Aragon and Catalonia. It covers an area

of 825 sq.km. The Garonne flows along the valley for a distance of

46 km., rising at the southern end of the Pla de Beret (Guell det Garuna)^

The Barranguet det Garuna meets the Ruda and the Aiguamotx at Tredos, the

Garuna then flows down the valley and into France at the Pont de Rei.

Its principal tributaries are these

Malo, joining the Ruda below the Pla de Beret; Aiguamotx, " " at Tredos; Unyola, joining the Garuna at Salardu; Valarties, " at Arties; " Nere, at Viella; " Gausach, below Gausach; Salient, belo?/ Vilach; Barrados, at Puente de Arros; Jueu, at Las Boraas; Baresta, at La Bordeta; Margalida, at Bosost; Bausen, below Bausen; Toran, below Carejan.

The height of the valley floor above sea level is 1268m. at Salardu,

9?Qii. at Viella, 7I8bi. at Bosost and 582m. at Pont de Rei.

Prom Tredos to Viella the valley is wide and open with rocky sides,

but after Viella the sides are steeper and more widely cultivated. Between Viella and Bosost, which are both astride the river, the only villages on the left bank are Cas&u, Gausach, Las Bordas and La Bordeta; all the others, Vilacb, Mont, Montcorbau, Betlan, Aubert, Vila, Arros,

Begos, Benos, Arru, VilamSs and Arres, are on the right bank which, between Viella and Puente Ge Arros, is the more gently sloping ox the two. Grazing and cultivating are dealt with below in the section devoted to livelihood; suffice it here to give a description of the physical appearance of the valley. Around the villages and along the banks of the river and the lower reaches of its tributaries the land is cultivated, providing food for those who farm it, spring grazing and winter fodder for the cattle and sheep. On the steeper lower slopes and above the villages, to a height of c.15CGti., the ground is thickly wooded and above the trees are the luxuriant, gently undulating summer pastures, where the cattle remain until the cold weather comes end they are driven back to their villages.

2. The Historical Situation of the Valley

The geographical situation of the valley has, naturally enough? led to disputes as to its ownership. Under Roman rule it was integra¬ ted into the Civitas Convenarum and Pompey rebuilt the road from Toulouse along the valley of the Garonne to Salardu and over the Port de la

Bonaigua. With the Germanic invasions, Roman dominions in the Pyrenees disintegrated and the mountain valleys returned to the individual existence they had known before the Roman occupation.

In the tenth century the Vai d'Aran was part of the feudal Condado de Comminges; it was this that marked the beginning of the disputes over the ownership of the valley, for early in the following century it was claimed by the Condado de Ribagorza. Guillermo Isarnez, Count of Riba- gorza, was killed in 1008, fighting for possession of Aran. - 4 -

In IO36 the valley became part of Aragon through the marriage of

Ramiro I of Aragon with Gilborte de Foix, heiress of Haut Comminges.

During the following century ties with Gomminges weakened as the counts of Pallars, who had also been fighting for possession of the valley, gained a foothold. In c.1145 the people of Aran signed an agreement with Count Arnau de Pallars to follow him against all except the king of

Aragon and not to sign any treaty with the count of Comminges without

Amau's consent. The counts of Pallars had land rights in Aran until

1150, but these constituted no extensive territorial possession and-the disputes continued between the king of Aragon and Catalonia and the counts of Gomminges and Pallars. In 1175> however, Alfonso II of

Aragon and Catalonia put an end to the influence of the counts and a treaty was signed whereby the king assured the inhabitants of the valley of his protection in return for a tribute of wheat payable by each household.

This was by no means the end of the struggle. In the same year

Alfonso bestowed the valley on Count Centulo of Eigorre and his wife

Matella on condition that they and their successors remained vassals of

Aragon. In 1192 he gave the Condado de Eigorre to Gaston de Beam as a wedding gift and took back Aran. In 1201 Pedro II gave Aran to Count

Bernard de Comminges and the latter thus became the vassal of the king for Comminges and Aran. After the defeat of Pedro at Muret in 1213 during the Albigensian Crusade the kingdom of Aragon and Catalonia disintegrated, but Aran was regained by the kingdom of Aragon in 1220; in 1226 the count of Comminges swore fealty to the king of Prance, which began the consolidation of the national frontier in the Pyrenees. The frontier was further consolidated in 1286 when Beam was incorporated into the house of Foix and the latter swore allegiance to Philippe le Beau.

The people of Aran had always shown a preference for a king rather than for a feudal overlord, the more so because, by virtue of the diffi- - 5 - .

culty of access to the valley from the south and east, they were able to live their own lives while belonging to a Spanish kingdom, whereas they were easily approachable from the north and open to direct taxation and administration as part of the Gondado de Comminges. Nevertheless,

Jaime I of Aragon was anxious to secure the loyalty of the people and visited the valley in 1239> thanking the inhabitants for their allegiance and promising to keep the valley under his direct jurisdiction. He went to the valley again in 1265 to review the question of taxes; until that time the only tax paid by the people of Aran was the "fogage", the wheat tribute fixed by Alfonso II ninety years previously. 1'his was part of

Jaime's plan for raising money to finance his campaign against the king of

France for supremacy in the western Mediterranean. His successor, Pedro

III, continued this struggle and the people of Aran contributed extensive¬ ly to his war effort in terms of horses, provisions and money. The year

1283 saw the conquest of Sicily, for which Pedro was excoimmunicated by

Pope Martin IV, and the occupation of Aran by the French. The fortress of Castell Leo was built after this invasion, at the confluence of the

Jueu and the Garonne, where Las Bordas now stands, and was occupied by the

French as a frontier stronghold. The French occupation of Aran gave rise to another dispute over the ownership of the valley; Philippe IV claimed that, according to the theory of natural frontiers, it was part of France, and when in 1295 he renounced all rights in the kingdom of Aragon he refused to part with Aran. His reason for this was that the terms of' the treaty in which he renounced these rights, and which was signed by him and Jaime II, who had succeeded Pedro III as king of Aragon, stated that

France should return all territories in the kingdom of Aragon occupied during or after Pedro Ill's campaign i.n Sicily; whereas Aran, as he maintained, had always belonged to France. Jaime claimed to prove that it had been a part of the kingdom of Aragon during the reign cf Pedro III and the matter was placed in the hands of the Pope. A legal wrangle - 6 -

followed, daring which the valley was given in sequestration to Jaime, king of Majorca; he was chosen because he was related to both the king of France and the king of Aragon. During the sequestration the valley was'integrated into the lieutenancy of RoussHlon, Vallespir, Conflent and Cerdana, caning directly under the jurisdiction of a governor who, in turn, was subordinate to the lieutenant of the king of Majorca in these territories. The sequestration lasted from 1298 until 1313, during which time there were three governors: Arnau de San Marsal

(1298-1307/, Pedro Bernardo de Asnova (1307-1310), and Pedro de Castell

(1310-1313). loyal.ties within the valley were divided: the sequestra¬ tion was accepted in the upper and middle valley, but the inhabitants of Bosost and Les were opposed to it because of strong ties with France, v/ith which they felt that their true loyalty lay. Because of this and the fact that the inhabitants of the middle and upper valley felt that they were being treated unfairly, as the first two governors shewed allegiance to France, there was fighting among the valley people. From

1289 until 1310 Aran was allowed to import only from France, which meant that the inhabitants were to a certain extent dependent on France for their welfare. This situation was altered by Pedro de Castell at the beginning of his governorship when he requested the right to import from

Aragon, claiming that, until the dispute over ownership was settled, the people of the valley ought to have as much right to trade v/ith Spain as with France. The question was finally settled in 1312 and the following year Aran was returned to the king of Aragon. On 22nd September 1313s

Jaime II went to Viella and rode round the square, mounted on a white horse, collecting taxes from the people; this action was known as

"Queremonia" and became a condition whereby the king of Aragon was assured of the loyalty of the people of Aran. This historic visit is commemora¬ ted by a stone plaque on the east wall of the ayuntamlento in Viella.

Jaime then created Aran a Bailia General, dividing it into terzones which are known today; these are Valle Superior (Cap d'Aran-Garos), Valle

Medio (Casarill-Arros), and Val'le Inferior (Segos-Canejan).

Since that time the valley has belonged to Spain but because of its geographical location the people, especially those of the lower valley, have tended to have a greater affinity with, their neighbours on the other side of the frontier than with the people of Catalonia. Until the last Civil War it was possible for people who lived in the valley to go and work in Prance in the winter, when there was nothing to do in their villages except look after the sheep and cattle in the stables.

Those who did this would return to the valley in the spring when work began in the fields. This free movement gave rise to marriages of mixed nationality and to a strengthening of ties across the frontier.

Many present inhabitants of the valley have relatives of French nationality.

3. The Linguistic Situation of the Valley

The typical inhabitant of the valley reflects his historical evolution. He is quadrilingual, speaking Aranes (his own dialect),

Catalan, Castilian and French; indeed many of the older inhabitants speak French better than they do Castilian. Normally he speaks all four with equal facility, either through necessity if he is involved in trade across the frontier and with other areas of Spain, or through the kind of multi-nationality caused by the migration of members. One particular family will serve as an example of this. The husband and wife live in Arros. They have two sons, one of whom lives with them in Arros, wox*ks the land and has a wife from Lerida, while the other lives in Toulouse and has a French wife. When talking to me in Castilian, the wife would refer to her sons as "el espanol" and "el frances" - 8 -

respectively; she would talk to her daughters-in-law in Catalan and

French and to her sons in her own dialect, which was understood by both.

This family is representative of many others that I came across, though it usually happens that its members eme united only once a year, for a few weeks in the summer when the French branch of the family is on ho3 id ay.

It is in the speech of the inhabitants of the valley that the result of centuries of social, economic and commercial intercourse with the people on the other side of the political frontier is most clearly seen, for Aranes bears a greater resemblance to Gascon dialects than to those cf Catalonia or Aragon. Initial enquiries as to the nature of

Aranes prompted the following!-

"En Tolosa /Toulouse/ casi casi hablando el aranes te comprenden muy bien." A. Coronas (Benos).

"Lleva muchas palabras como Francia. Esta parte de arriba de Francia, ahora ya se habla mas frances, pero en el tiempo de la generacion pasada algunos de estos sitios, estos pueblos de arriba, algunos hablaban ese patues. Es un poco parecido al aranes. Esto todo, Fos, St. Beat, Montrejeau, St. Gaudens, hasta por arriba, hasta Tolosa y por la parte de Burdeos he oido yo el

pa,tues este que es casi ... igual queeLaranes. Los viejos por alii, hablanao el aranes por alii, lo entienden todo, que casi casi el patues ese es parecido al aranes, casi igual; el patues lo llaman alii. Alii es patues y nosotros es aranes." A. Farrer (Vilamos).

Basically, the dialect is fairly Ur\t Porm; an inhabitant of Sal- ardu will understand and be understood by an inhabitant of Canejan, but there are variations; a question as to whether Aranes is spoken through¬ out the valley received this answer

"0 /for "sxjy , todos, desde Les hasta Salardu. Pero lo que pasa que dentro del valle, no lo hablamos igual; es diferente, el aranes." P. Bernadets (Las 3ordas).

The variations correspond roughly to the limits of the three terzones.

In Alto Aran there are strong Catalan influences and in Bajo Aran many

French words have been taken into the dialect. For the purpose of my study I chose an area comprising part of Medio Aran and part of Bajo

Aran, between Vielia and Bosost, though not including these two towns as they are resorts catering largely for the tourist. The villages I chose were those away from the main road, where the dialect was likely to be less exposed to outside influences. In Mont I was told:-

"Bs donde major se habla el aranes, desde Betren hasta Las Bordas. Por arriba, por Pujolo, ya hablan un poco tirando muchas palabras y hablando Catalan, y abajo, francesas muchas. Pero se entiende igual

This may not be a fair example on its own as it would seem normal for the inhabitant of any village to claim that he speaks the pure form of the dialect5 as was, in fact, the case. This claim, however, is reinforced by other factors. First, there is the assumption that linguistic influences merge; it is therefore logical that the part of the valley that is near to Catalonia proper will come under the linguistic influence of Catalan and that the French language will have the same effect on the speech of the northern end of the valley; indeed, lexical variations are noted within the area of my study—these consist of the use of Catalan words in the speech of the villages near Viella. The second factor, anticipating the argument that the centre of the valley could come under the influences of both Catalan and French, the resultant speech form being more impure than those of Alto and Bajo Aran, is that all informant were agreed that the purest form of the dialect is spoken within the area between Betren and Arres, though the exact delineation varied from one informant to another. A consideration of this initial information led me to conclude that the villages between Viella and Bosost and away from the tourist route would provide the best field for my investigation.

These villages were the least easily accessible and among the oldest.

In the main there was agreement in all of them regarding vocabulary, with a slight increase in the use of Catalan forms being noted south of Betlan - 10 -

As. The Present Social Situation of the Valley

At the time of survey, 1970-1971* the valley was found to be

subject to a numbetf of influences, coming both from within and from

outside, which could, in the short and long terra, have a far-reaching

effect on its economy, life or even death. The first of these is the

rapid decrease in the indigenous population. The following table shows

the difference in the population of each village in the area between the years 1906 and 1971• The figures for 1906 are taken from Schaedei

(1908); those for 1971 were obtained by a census carried out personally

in each village.

1906 1971

Houses Inhabitants Houses Inhabitants

Casau 20 83 13 75 Gausach 30 114 •32 120 Vilach 39 158 25 100 Mont 20 74 7 20 Monteorbau 18 69 5 15 Betlan 10 35 3 10 Aubert 32 127 28 74 Vila 26 111 10 23 Arros 44 196 15 59 Vilamos S8 234- 20 74 Arres 40 45 18 67 Begos 7 38 6 20 Benos 13 56 3 11

Las Bordas ) 4Tr 32 116 La Bordeta ) 7 21 Arru 23 90 8 44

In addition to these figures, the populations of Viella and Bosost as given by Schaedei (1908, p. 143) are 705 and 964 respectively. The figures for these two towns that I was given at the ayuntamiento in

Viella in the summer of 1971 were! Viella c4100, Bosost c.750. At the same time I was told that these numbers were slightly over-estimated. It is difficult to explain the increase in the population of Arres, if

Schaedel's figures are correct, which I am inclined to doubt as a popu¬ lation average of 1«125 inhabitants per house seems unlikely. The growth of Gausach and Viella is explained by the provision of new jobs in shops, hotels and the building trade caused by the opening up of the valley to tourism.

The decrease in the population of the other villages is explained by the fact that the young people move away, some within the valley itself, but most of them outside, to towns in Catalonia or elsewhere in

Spain; others go to France or to Germany. The land holds no attraction for them; the life is too hard and there is no money. Those who stay are either* dedicated to the land farmed by their forefathers or too lazy to move. The villages are populated mainly by old people and children, with a small number of families from outside the valley—the families of those who work in the woods and the hydro-electric plants—some of whom are looking for a better situation elsewhere. As people leave the valley or die, houses go empty, derelict and fall to ruin. One village,

Montgarri, on the Noguera Pallaresa, is completely deserted and it may well be a matter of years before some of the others, particularly BetIan, go the same way.

At the same time a certain prosperity is being brought into the valley from outside by tourists. The towns on the main road, especially

Les, Bosost and Viella, are flourishing. Les has the Customs post;

Bosost is at the junction of the valley road and the C.141 to the French frontier and Bagneres de Luchon and is full of visitors throughout the summer. Viella is at the junction of the N.23O and the C.I42, thus drawing traffic from three directions: from the south along the N.23O and through the tunnel, from the east along the C.142 and over the Port de la Bonaigua, and from the north along the N.230 from France. This town contains one sixth of the valley's population and boasts a modern Parador Nacional de Turismo completed in 1966. Visitors return year after year; some of them even buy property in the valley, derelict houses which they repair or have repaired for use as summer retreats and, in many cases, winter chalets. In summer the weather is good, the countryside is beautiful; there are numerous roads,tracks and paths to be followed; the air is pure and healthy and living is cheap.

In winter there is snow and the ski resort on the slopes of the Muntanya de Baqueira above Tredos (inaugurated 1962) is not far away. Here it

is possible to ski more cheaply than in French Pyrenean resorts. A

timber merchant in Las Bordas, taking advantage of current trends, has

concentrated his whole business on the manufacture of prefabricated

chalets, but it yet remains to be seen how the valley as a whole absorbs

the present peaceful invasion and how it adapts itself to cater for need

other than those of its own inhabitants. A fuller examination of the

present state of tourism in the valley is to be found in Chapter I, §4 below. CHAPTER I CHAPTER I

THE VALLET AND TEE LIVELIHOOD IT PROVIDES

1. The Village

The typical village in the central part of the Val d'Aran is situated above the main road on the slopes of the valley; the only exception is Vilamos, which is in a hollow and»• with Arres, not visible from the road. Las Bordas, Vilamos, Gausach, Casau and Vilach arc reached by carre from the main road, all the others by camin: La Bor- deta, Arru, Benos, Begos and Betlan from the main road, Arres from

Vilamos, Arros from the main road and from the banks of the Barrados,

Vila from the main road and .from Arros, Mont and Montcorbau from the road to Vilach. It is also possible to follow es pistes between villages; these are used by the villagers when they go on foot from one village to another.

In all cases, the road that leads to the villages takes one to era plassa, which is the social centre of the village. Here there will always be found ua cum ada, filled by ua hunt which is the water supply for houses without running water. In many villages, et lauade is next to era cumada, fed by the same source. As a rule, the trough is up¬ stream from the washplace so that the drinking '.vater is not contaminated by soap from the latter. Strangely, it is in Arres de Jus, the most remote of the villages, that the most ingenious of these is to be seen; the construction is L-shaped with the wash-place and the trough at right angles to one another. The water flows in behind et lauade, which in this case is upstream from the trough; the greater part of the water flows directly into the washplace, while the rest is channelled separately

- 13 - - 14 -

round behind it and into the trough; both have their own outlet. In

this way the two systems are independent of each others the supply

divides when it enters the complex and there is no further contact

until the overflows meet in the gutter. In the smallest villages this

is often the only source of water, but by no means always; Las Bordas,

for example, has three drinking troughs near era plassa and three

lauades, one at the entrance to the village, one near the square, oppo¬

site the church, and the third a quarter of a mile outside the village,

beside one of the field paths. This is not exceptional, although no

other village has a washplace as far out as that.

Of houses in the Val d'Aran, Giese (1951? ?• 589) observes that

they form, together with stables, "cortijos cenidos de muros". This

is true of larger houses standing on their own, but not of those that

border the streets (if such they may be called) of the villages; these

stand in rows. In either case, the construction of houses is of a

uniform pattern. As regards their external appearance, they are made

of peires; et tet is steeply sloping and is covered with ua taulada of

loses. Most houses have two floors and an attic and some have uri balcu

on the first floor. Ss hi'estres of et bax and et naut are glazed, with

two placars, each containing 4-8 veires. These open inwards; outside

are es cuntravents which may be kept shut by means of era espanyuleta on

the inside. Daylight is let into et humerau through es capuchines,

so-called because they are similar in shape to a monk's cowl. These

are not glazed, except in houses that have been modernized, and have

cuntravents that can be shut when necessary. Era porta, on the ground

floor in the middle of the front wall, is of wood, usually decorated with

a simple, boldly carved pattern. Inside this is era entrada, a space of

approximately 2-2*5®. x 5-6®. with a door opening off either side and

es escales at the far end. On either side of era entrada is a room, the use of each depending on the taste of the occupants. In houses that are also used as tauemes the room on the right is the bar and the room on the left serves as kitchen-living-room for the family. In almost all cases the room on the left is the one containing era tumene.ia, a large open fireplace about l»6m. square) which used to be used for heating and cooking; this room was used as cudina and mind.jadu (see also

Violant y Simorra5 1950? P- 447) • in winter) as it was the warmest room in the house) it was used as living-room. The room on the right was used in summer as un recibidu, where the wife v/ould talk to the neighbours who came to visit her5 or where the husband would dx'ink with his friends. There are not many houses left in which cooking is still done on et huec; butane or propane stoves have taken over) but the use of the rooms is generally the same as it was. In the case of my chief informant in Benos, however, the room on the left is used solely as et recibidu, or et salun as he calls it. (He was the only informant to use this word, though it is used in Gasc. according to Castaing.) The room on the right is et mind.jadu and era cudina is a separate room off the dining-room. It must be added that this informant works as a painter and decorator, which means that he has a greater income than those who live around him; he therefore lives in greater comfort than they do.

A feature of houses is the baking oven set into the wall beside era tumene.ia and visible from the outside as a semi-cylindrical bulge.

Violant y Simorra (1950, P« 442) mentions its use in the Val d'Aran, hut it is rarely, if at all, that a household uses its oven, for no-one makes their own bread any more; it all comes from Bosost or Viella- Finally, et sule of et bax is of peira, usually without any kind of covering, and et plafun consists of the floor of the rooms above supported by massive wooden tiranfcs. The floor above is et naut; here are found es cuartus, usually four of them. Above these is et humerau, which is used as a lumber-room, though in the case of a number of houses that have been bought by French visitors and modernized et humerau has been converted - 16 -

for use as extra sleeping-space.

So far there is a significant lack of any mention of essential

plumbing. The reason is that the plumbing itself is lacking. Houses

in most of the more accessible villages have lavatories, some of them

have bathrooms as well, but elsewhere, in more remote parts where the

march of progress has not yet passed, these modern luxuries do not exist

and I was told in Arises that the stables were used by animals and humans

alike in winter. People relieving themselves against the outside walls

of houses in stable yards are not an uncommon sight.

The stables have two levels. The upper level is et oalle, where

et fuen is stored, and below this is era borda, where the cattle spend

the winter. It is rectangular in shape, with un purtau, a stable door

in two halves, giving access. Along the length of era parbt opposite

the door is et restille, containing the fodder which has been pulled or

pushed down from et palle through et gripiau situated directly above.

Thus the fodder is always under cover, so is sure of remaining dry.

Beneath et restille is era gripia (both are rendered by "el pesebre" in

Cast.), the purpose of which is to catch the hay that falls when the

animals pull it from et restille; it acts as a second manger and pre¬ vents the fodder from falling to the floor and becoming mixed up with the bedding which, especially towards the end of the winter, is apt to be

■somewhat foul. In some villages es garies are to be seen sharing era borda with ct bestia, but this is not considered to be the best arrange¬ ment and they are usually housed in un c.urrau beside era casa; this is known as et currau aes garies.

•

2. Industry

The Val d'Aran was once rich in minerals, especially iron and zinc.

Remains of old mine workings are visible at Bosost (Victoria and Margalida) and high above Les (Liat); these have fallen into disuse, for the mines have not been worked since 1920. There are thermal springs at

Les and Arties: these are still used and there are indications in the toponymy that other places were once used as health resorts, albeit on a very small scale. Examples of this are Bs Banys,, Pont des Banys,

Banys de Tredos, all on the Aiguamotx, containing sulphurous water at

30°G, all now disused, and era Hunt de Sieja, on the Valarties, and era

Hunt det Sola, below the Pia de Beret, both of which are also in disuse.

There is also a sulphurous stream, era Hunt det Sufre, its presence announced by a stone plaque set into the face of the rock from which the stream issues and by a pungent smell, on the camin furestau following the Barrados above Arros.

The two principal sources of income are tourism and wood. There is a link betv:een the two in that the tracks that have been made through the forests, primarily to make the trees accessible to the fellers and their lorries, are also used by tourists for excursions. Of touriam more is said in the relevant section. The woods were first considered as a source of income after the zinc arid iron mines in the lower part of the valley were worked out, and tree-felling is now carried on on a large scale, with tracks being blasted further into the forests each year. The trees that are felled are auet, hay. and pin, and the wood goes to the national market in Leriaa and Barcelona, to be used for building and for furniture. The companies that work in the woods come from outside the valley, most of them from Catalonia proper, and employ very few natives of the valley. The reason for this is that the inhabitants of the valley have their own land to work and are not prepared to forsake it, hard though their work may be. Most of these who work for the timber companies are from either Galicia or Andalusia; they live en pension in the villages or, if they are married, they may buy property and settle. Generally they are regarded as furastes by the inhabitants. - 18 -

The greatest indication of the advancement of civilisation in the valley is the harnessing of the energy of the Garonne's tributaries in hydro-electric schemes. To date there are six "centrales", those of

Arties, Viella, Benos, Bosost, Cledes and Pont de Rei. Arties, the first one, was completed in 1944 and that of Pont de Rei in i960.

Here again, as with the timber companies, most of the employees are from outside the valley.

3. Agriculture

(a) The year's cycle

The impression gained on passing through the Val d'Aran is that the fields are widely cultivated; this Impression is a little mislead¬ ing as the crops that are grown are grown for food, not for profit, and the actual area devoted to crops is small, greater importance being given to the growing of herba and sanfuen. The principal crops grown, however, are milloc, blat, hurment and urgui, the first for personal consumption and the others for es garies. Formerly, when the people depended entirely on themselves, they made their own bread and more wheat was grown. Now there is little. As far as vegetables are con¬ cerned, trues, caulets and mund.jetes are the chief ones, the first being grown in small fields, the others in hurts.

The year's cycle is clearly defined and unvarying, beginning when work is possible in the fields. This may be any time between hereue and abrieUf depending on the season; and the first task is to limpia es bordes—this entails cleaning out the winter's accumulation of hiens, which is then loaded into curbellus and taken to abuna es prats and es terres. The crop fields are then prepared, the ground first being laurada with erarai. The next tasks are to semia et blat and sa.ucla er hurment, the latter being done with ua pioxa. Es trues and er u.rgui

are then sown and the cattle are taken out of era borda to graze in et

cumunau. At the end of March et sanfuen is cut for the first time.

In es hurts, es cebss end es cauletc are sown in March. In April, es beteraves are planted and the second dall of sanfuen is made. In May,

et milloc, es mund.ietes and all other vegetables for domestic use are

sown and planted. The most common of these are cedes, haues, beletes,

carrot es and beteraves de mind.ja. Bs giielles go up to the summer

pastures in May and the cattle are taken up in June. The main task of

the summer, the cutting of era herba, then begins and et sanfuen is cut

for the third time. The cutting of the grass continues through July

and August; er hurra ent is reaped at the beginning of August, er urgui at

the same time and et milloc in September or October. Era herb a is cut

for the second time in October and in that month the cattle leave the

summer pastures and return to the villages for the winter; the sheep

are brought down on 31st October. At the beginning of November er

hurme'nt is sown for the following year and the people prepare themselves

for the winter, which is spent indoors, the only activities being to

keep warm, to eat and to look after et bestia until the spring, when the

cycle begins again.

(b) Cattle

Most cattle in the valley are reared for breeding and meat (vaques

tierreres and vaques de car). There are also a number of vaques de lei;

these, however, are few in comparison—they are chiefly vagues hulande-

ses and are kept in the villages all the year round. There are three

types of breeding cattle in the valley: era vaca det pais (this is the

name by which the breed is known), era suissa parda and a cross between

the two which is a recent and, apparently, successful experiment. All

three breeds spend the year in the same way and no distinction is made - 20 -

between them as far as the life cycle is concerned.

The stud bull (et taure) for each herd is selected by the village, so that the purity of the race may be assured. The cows go to the bull between March and June and es bedets are born nine months late??.

They are sold after they have reached the age of four months (despus des cuate mesi). Until it is one year old, a calf is known as un bedet

(fem. ua bedera); after a year it becomes un anull (fem. ua anulla). from two to three years it is un dublc. (fem. ua aublera) and after three years it is On taure (fem. ua vac a). A cow can. produce good calves up to the age of twelve years (hasta es dutze anys), though it is not unusual for them to go on breeding up to the age of fifteen or sixteen years. When a cow is considered to be too old for breeding, or if she is mana, she is sold tara car. At the beginning of the summer, before going up to the summer pastures, the herd is usually vacunat against et malagas and era rusupeda, of which the former is considered to be the more dangerous, being fatal to calves. The latter is not feared so much as in this country and is not counteracted by such stringent measures; it is reckoned to be curable, informants told me. The only other dangerous disease to which they are prone is era bornyera, which, if caught in its early stages, is curable, though the eye can be lost.

The cattle are taken out of era, borda in March or April, depending on the weather and on the village; in Arres it may be as late as May.

They are put out to graze in et cumunau until the beginning or middle of June when the time comes for them to pu.ja tara muntanya. They are accompanied by un pastu, who guides them up the mountain tracks with his agullada and remains with them the whole summer, living in ua cabana and having his food and drink taken up to him by someone from the village.

In the first place the cattle go to pastures that are 1500-l600m. a.s.l.j as the summer advances and the weather becomes warmer, they go up higher to 1800m. or 2000m., rarely any higher, though previously when the herds - 21 -

were bigger than they are now, they used to go up to 2200m. Each

beast wears ua esquera, each one with a different note, and herds are

recognised by the tune that these make. Ballarin Cornel (l97®, P« 127)

says, "caaa dueno, oyendo las esquilas, a menudo una sola, sabe si el

ganado que se aproxima es el suyo." Beasts that are to be sold are

taken down from the pastures to era, fire, the biggest of which are in

Las Bordas (25th June, 7th September), Viella (8th October, 18th-Octo¬ ber) and Bosost (20th October). Usually, in fact, they are already down before the first fire in Viella as the herds belonging to the villages near to that town come down on 7th October. During er hiuer

the cattle remain in era borda the whole time, feeding on et fuen that has been cut and stored in et palle during the summer.

(.£•) Sheen

There are not many sheep in the valley, except in Vilamos, where there are approximately 1,000 (an average of 50 head per house). In Las

Bordas there is one flock, numbering 43 head in 1971? an average of approximately 1*4 head per house. It is the same in the other villages near the floor of the valley; in Arros there are none. The reason is that the sheep thrive better on the coarser, less lush grass of the higher slopes; that of the lower slopes, well watered by the tributaries of the Garonne and sheltered from extremes of temperature, is on the whole too rich for them. Sheep go up to summer grazing grounds earlier than cattle, leaving the villages in May accompanied by un giielle and returning on October 31st. During the winter they remain in the villages but are kept dehora as far as possible, weather permitting. When there is too much snow they are kept laguens.

There is one mardan to a flock of guelles; he stays with the flock the whole time and es anyets are born between the months of January and

March. When they are a year old they are known as prlmaus. Most of the - 22 -

lambs in the flock are sold when they reach the weight of vintac-inc kilos, though some of the best are kept to maintain the stock. The

sheep and lambs that are sold are sold tara car and sales always take

place at the fire in each village the day before era hesta ma.ju.

Et lan is not considered a source of profit, though individual-

families may shear their own sheep and sell or trade the wool locally.

As far as disease is concerned, sheep are on the whole healthier

than cattle and cases of rusupeda and run.ya are rare.

(d) Crops be- There are three crops that should^mentioned: alfalfa and grass, because they are an essential part of the valley's livelihood, and wheat,

because the way in which it is harvested merits description.

(i ) Alfal fa

Et sanfuen is a perennial crop that provides summer fodder for vagues ds lei that remain in the villages and, together with era herba,

food for the rest of the cattle throughout the winter. It is cut four

times a year, in March, April, June and August. The cutting is an

operation that is usually undertaken by one person, working with ua dalla

and ua pletera; he cuts the alfalfa with the former, rakes it into heaps with the latter, loads it on to et machu, era cabala or et sume and

transports it to et palle. In order to carry its load, the animal has

on its back a wooden construction, es ar.jes, which is also used in other

parts of the iyrenees and which is known, at any rate in Alta Ribagorza, by the same name, "las archas" (Haensch, I960, p. 2O3). Es ar.jes are

placed over ua aubarda (Haensch, I960, p. 203! "albardas") for the com¬

fort of the animal and kept in place by ua cingla ("la sinlla"—Haensch,

I960, p. 2O4) and ua tafarra. At the bottom of each side of es ar.jes are es brassi; the ends of these are slotted into struts on the framework - 23 -

and open out to provide a support on which the load can rest. Before being loaded the sanfuen is bound up with andortes which have been put to soak in era cumada to give them flexibility; then, once in place, it is tied on with gams and is ready to be pui'tat tat palle.

(i_i) Grass

Era herba is the most important of 1he valley's crops, for it is the staple diet of et bestia during er hiuer. The cutting of it is a greater operation than the cutting of alfalfa as it takes longer and needs the right conditions. When fields of grass are to be cut the whole family is mobilised and it is not unusual to see elderly ?romen and young children working in the fields. One informant, who keeps a bar in Las Bordas, closes her bar during the daytime and she and her daughter go and help hex* husband, who has to take time off from his job of guardabosc to reap the few prats that are to provide food for their vaques de lei during the winter. The cows belonging to these people are the source of a very small supplementary income and, as Andres arid Mer¬ cedes both have their jobs to do, the hay harvest comes as something of an inconvenience, breaking the normal routine. To people whose living depends on cattle, however, the harvest is a different matter. The quantity of fuen x*equired to feed a stable of fifteen to twenty beasts for foux* months is quite considerable, and the job of harvesting this amount of hay is the main task of the summer. They begin to recuelle the grass in June and et dall lasts until the end of August. In big fields et redall usually takes place in October. Ss segadus go out to the fields as early as possible, at 5*30-6.30 a.m., to start work; they return home at midday or 1.00 p.m. depending on et calu to eat and they go out again at any time after 3*00 p.m., again depending on the heat; they then work until et sulei has gone.

The pattern of the hay harvest is as follows: the first thing to - 24 -

do is to dalla era herb a. which is done, as is the alfalfa, with ua dalla, kept sharp by ua orgs,. Once it is cut it is known as et fuen and is at once desandat and left to seca. After this, era hurca is used to da-li vuelta, so that it is thoroughly dry before being aims sat into mud ell us with era pletera or et rastht. The following day it is cntrussat into trosses and purtat to et palle, where it is destrupat to ensure an even spread over the whole loft. There are three methods by which hay may transported.' the first is using a single animal and es ar.jes, as de¬ scribed above; this is the most common and is done in all fields that are accessible by path. The second is using un carru; this is the most convenient method, as a greater load can be carried, but is practicable only when the field can be reached by carre or camin furestau, as et carru can only be used where passage is wide enough and smooth enough for es rodes. The hay is piled up and kept in place with barrus providing vertical extensions to the sides of the cart. The third method, found only in steeply sloping fields, is by using era lubia. In this case the hay is loaded on to era lubia and taken to the edge of the field, where it is transferred to es ar.jes or to et carru. It is rare for era lubia to be used to take the load back to the village.

For et redall the procedure is slightly different and varies according to et tens, which is notoriously capricious. The quantity of hay gathered is always much smaller than at the first harvest and small fields are not harvested. St redall takes place in October; in ideal conditions, sunshine and dry weather, et fuen remains dehora for eight days, as opposed to less than a week at the first harvest. If the not uncommon balaguera occurs, hov/ever, the hay is taken in after three days.

(iii) Winter wheat

Cereals are no longer grown as staple crops and people no longer make their own bread. The need for grass is such that there is not - 25 -

enough space to grow any other crops to any great extent, so any cereals that there are are used for little more than feeding es garfes. Er hurra ent is the principal cereal that is grown; it is semi at at the beginning of November, left for the winter, sauclat with un rastcret in era primauera and harvested at the beginning of August. The first task is to sega the crop using er haus or et bulan; as this is done, a little at a time, it is estacat, or liat in garbes. 'fthen the whole field has been cut, the garbes are stacked in garberes and left for a fortnight until mi-agus; they are then taken in and et gran is removed by the primitive, yet effective, process known as escarrla, after which it is ventat. Era palla then goes to provide bedding for the cattle.

4. Tourism

The Val d'Aran has always attracted tourists. Until a short tine ago these were people v/ho found the region ideal for walking, climbing or the study of wild life and flowers. Visitors were also attracted to the thermal springs previously mentioned. It was not until comparatively recently, however, that visitors began to arrive in anything approaching their present numbers. No definite figures are available to give an exact idea of the present state of tourism in the valley but it is estimated by the ayuntamiento at Viella that there were approximately

350,000 visitors to the valley in 1968* 4^0?000 in 1969 and 45^?000 in

1970« These figures include summer and winter visitors and were obtained from the staff of the ayuntamiento by questionnaire. No member of the staff was able to give any suggestion as to the ratio of Spanish to French to other nationalities, but my own observations lead me to infer that

French tourists are in the majority, while those from the rest of Spain take second place—by how much it is hard to say» though it is logical - 26 -

to assume that the difference is a reasonably wide one. Most Spanish

visitors come from Catalonia proper, judging by the preponderance of

vehicle registration plates from Barcelona and Gerona. Visitors from

other countries make up a negligible percentage.

These statements need substantiating; here again it is impossible

to give infallible evidence, but it is to be hoped that the facts set

out below lend weight to the case.

A random survey taken between 11.00 and 13.00 on Friday, 14th

August, I97O5 ori the x'oad below Las Bordas revealed the following figures s-

Birection No, and type of vehicles of traffic Spanish French Other

30 private cars 36 private cars A. towards 1 lorry Viella! 1 private 1st hour motorcycle I _2 police " 0 I 34 . 36 ( 19 private cars 22 private cars 3 private cars 2nd hour ) 1 tradesman's (Morocco, Switz., van _ U.S.A.) 20 22 3

Total 54 58

B. towards 12 private cars Bosost: | 23 private cars 1st hour la 12 23 private cars 14 private cars 0 4 lorries 1 tourist coach 2nd hour 1 service bus 1 taxi 1 moped 31 14

Total 54 26 0

Total no. of vehicles passing in 2 hours, both directions:- 195

These figures on their own prove nothing, but a number of assumptions can be made on considering them. It is noticed that there is an even flow of Spanish traffic, the same number of vehicles passing each way; moreover

the number of French cars travelling towards Viella is greater than the number of Spanish cars travelling that way and more than double the number of French cars travelling in the other direction. This seams to

imply that many people are coming into the valley from France at that

time of the summer', and that few are leaving it. It would need a

traffic census to ascertain how many of the vehicles going towards Viella were going beyond the valley, but a look at the map is enough to show

that that road is not the one to be taken by those heading for points on

Spain's coastline, unless they are anxious to make the journey last as long as possible. It is true that the road is, used by some who are looking for a way of avoiding the congestion that is found on the main frontier roads in the summer, as was the case with most of the few British people I met in the valley and who were all heading north; but in the main, foreigners travelling south along the valley road do so with intent to stop somewhere along it.

The reason for this growing popularity is plain to see. Here is a little-known part of Spain, less than half a day's drive away from

Toulouse, where living is extremely cheap and where there is property available for purchase. In the villages on the slopes of the valley above the road, the effects of the tourist invasion are not, as yet, particularly marked; although French cars are to be seen parked in most of the villages and the unmistakable tones of meridional French speech are heard everywhere, clothes still have to be washed in et lauade and water has to be fetched from era hunt. The painter in Benos boasts that his is the only house in the village with running water; this is because he has laid a pipe from a nearby stream to a tank behind his house. He has also built a bathroom and installed a water-heater, but this case is far from typical. He told me that it is hoped to take water to all the• houses in the village before 1974 in order to make them more inhabitable. - 28 -

In the towns on the main road, the modernisation that tourism brings with it is very much in evidence. Bosost and Les, which invite

the day tripper from over the frontier, are full of souvenir shops

offering goods such ;as those that are found wherever tourism flourishes

in Spain, while Viella is spreading its boundaries? new shops, hotels,

houses and chalets are being built and the two villages Gausach and Casau

are extending down the hill, being considered more as part of Viella

than as villages in their own right. It is significant that these are

the only two villages in which I was told that the population is in¬

creasing, -which is indicative of the fact that there is employment to be

had in Viella and that the opportunities that are being offered are being

taken. As well as allowing the valley to be visited by tourists, an

agency in Viella runs excursions by coach to other parts of the Pyrenees

on both sides of the frontier, a recently opened tourist office provides

an information service, and all shops are anxious for the tourist's

custom. They are hardly to be blamed. CHAPTER II CHAPTER II

THE ARANES DIALECT

1. Phonology; a historical

examination of the phonetics of Aranes

In this section, as we are concerned with the sounds of the dialect,

I have used phonetic, not orthographic, representations for Ar. words.

Where a form is quoted as Ar. it is common to all villages in the study area according to my findings; more restricted forms are followed "by the name of the village if common to all speakers in that village, or by the name of the speaker if hears in more isolated cases. Forms obtained from documented sources are followed by an identification of that source.

(a) Tonic vowels

(1) M

(_l) For the most part, remains unaffected (Rohlfs 197^> P* 116):-

faba> habo; c an e ca; c a p r a -> crabo; cantata ;> cant at;

1 a n a ;=» la (lang in Gasc.)

Ar. has; |_'awa|, |_kag | , j_'krawa|, |_kan'tat_|, ("lagJ.

(2) /a/ + yod fgj 1-

1 a c t e (_l£ jj ; f a c i t > I £_| j priraariu :>|_pri 'me |;

fraxinu ^.|_e'rej"u |

Same occurs in Gasc. (Rohlfs 1970> P* 116) /ay/ through assimilation

> /ey/; diphthong reduced to /e/:~

pomariu poume; factum > heyt; 1 a c t e m > leyt

L. aqna |_1 aj.^ waJ ; also in Gasc. (aigo, Rohlfs 1970j P* H7)»

- 29 - - 30 -

(1) Suffix /-ariu/;> |_£j :-

primariu>| pri 'm£ | (Adema 1969, P» 43 has prume, Condo 1915 > P« 22

prume); s a gm a r i u su'mej

(4.) Diphthong /au/ remains:-

tauru i=-|_'tawrej (Schaedel 1908, p. 146 taure); paupere >

|_'praw^ej (Garcia de Diego 1946, p. 239 praube)

Also in Gasc. taure, praube (Rohlfs 1970, P» H7)«-

Only exception noted in study area:-*

paucu > | pok |. Also in Gasc. poc (Rohlfs 1970, p. 117).

Remains also where diphthong formed by reduction of intervocalic

consonant

parabola o |_pa' rawlaj ; tabula :> | 1 tawlaj

(ii) JM

Retains open value

Garcia de Diego 1946, p. 238, terra o terra; dece> des;

martellu > martet (in study area |_'teraj , [ d&ts j, | mar'tst |)

Also in Gasc. (Rohlfs 1970, §423)

pe

In study area noted in following cases:-

— L. diminutive /- e 1 1 u/ |_etJ ;

v i t e 1 1 u r=» |_be '%£t J ; a g n e 1 1 u |_a 'jietJ

—* preceding L. groups reduced*

Se* obov>v~j t' e- f ore. L

— as reduced diphthong:

pariete ;>|_pa'r£t_|

—after elided nasal:

fenestra r=»|1 jestraj

(2) Rohlfs (1970, §423) states that in Gasc. V.L. /g/ closes before a nasal (yendre, gendre g e n e r u; ,jen < g e n t e; terns <,t empu). - 31 -

Also in Ar., though not consistently

| ur'men | <. frumentu; | 'brente | < v e n t r u ; but | '^endrej

and |_ '^endrej g e n e r u , |_t£ns_| < t empu s

Condo quotes iendre (1915, P* 13) and brente (1915s P« 5); of. Rohlfs

(1970, §423), bente, bentre, brente.

(1) Rohlfs also states (1970, §423) that in some regional variants

of Gasc. /g/ closes after a nasal. Not in Ar. of study area:-

| mew )■= m e 1 e ; | meg. | < m e um (Gasc. meu, meu; me, 1970, §506)

(1) Following developments also noteds-

sex >| 'sises j ; me li or >| 'mi:Au|

Cf. development in Gasc. whereby "quand _e ouvert est suivi d'une palatale,

il passe a la triphtonge £]sic~| iei qui souvent est reduite, selon les

influences des consonnes avoisinantes, a ey ou ye" (Rohlfs 1970, §424).

For above Gasc. has sies; mielhe, mielhe, mielhou (Rohlfs 1970, §424).

Ar. |_'mi:/\u_| shows further reduction, cf. Gasc. melhou, melhou. Also:-

m e d i u ;> |_m&j J, | mjej j , the former general, the latter heard in

Las Bordas (v. p. 88, 1st tape transcription); lectu >j/et (

(Gasc. miei; lieit, liet, lhet, liet, lheit—Rohlfs 1970, §424).

(iii) A/? Ill

(1) A/5 A/ > fell:"

f e m i n a > | 1 enna | ; seta >)_' seSal ; apicula > |_a' fie /aj ;

n i g r u > |_'netfre_|

Also in Gasc.s sedo; negre, ne, nere (Rohlfs 1970,1426). Rohlfs (197P,

§426) notes opening of /e/ to e before palatal in some areas of Gasc. and quotes tectu > tet (also tet, teyt). All villages in study area have | tet |. Also heard in Las Bordas (generally) and in Benos (one case),

£"'6nnaJ as opposed to|_'ennaj

(2) One case of /i/ | after a nasals-

* n£v e ;> wj (Las Bordas, La Bordeia), | ji£wJ (all other villages) - 32 -

Rohlfs notes latter in Luchon and Fos; cf. O.Prov. neu, Arag. nieu.

(1) One case of /i/ > J_±: J: —

libru >|_'li:bre_| (all villages)

(iz) Hi

(.l) remainsJ-

amicu > | a'mi:kj; vinu> |_bi:r}_|;

Also when nasal elided:

farina> |_a' ri: aJ ; g a 1 1 i n a > | g a1 ri s aj

(2) When consonant in group /-vu-/ is elided result is tri pht hong |_j ewj s -

aestivu 7>|_es'tjew_| (Condo 1915, P* 24j has ustieu), |_es'tjewu |

heard in Arros (A. Caubet); rivu > | rjewj

This triphthong also occurs when tonic /-i-/ is followed by /l/:

apri le > |_ab 'rjewj

Gasc. has variants estieu, arrieu, abrieu in some parts of Beam and

Bigorre (Rohlfs 1970, §427)•

(v) Jo/

a) exists as single open vowels-

rota > |_'roSa j; s c h o 1 a >| s 'kalaj (Gasc. arrod o, escolo — Rohlfs

1970, §424)

(2) before a nasal

f 0 n t e > |_usnj ; monte > |_mu:nj

Condo (1915, p. 12) has hont. Heard in study area in one instance only

(M. Aupos de Eyo, Benos). In Gasc. hount, houn, hon, ont (Rohlfs 1970,

§428). But:-

(_pmej -< h 0 m i n e ; LP^nJ

Q) Rohlfs (1970, §428) notes that closing also occurs after a nasal,

o - 33 -

and quotes moulo (as well as molo)

jmu'lis, mu'lisijJ

Mola occurs in Alto Aran (Adema 1969, p. 75)« Ar. has nostru

J 'noste |, Gasc. nouste (as well as noste).

(4.) Before palatal or velar >| w£.|,| wej:-

f o c u >|_w£,kj ; 0 c u 1 u j_weXJ ; octo > |_we jtJ ; hod i e fa'wejj

But | ni:t |'

(1) nove > | naw~] ; n 0 v u > |_naw | (n 0 v a 5> |_' nawaj). Of thi s

Rohlfs says, "Devant la consonne v la voyelle o se transforme en a. Dans les cas, ou v se trouve a la fin d'un mot ou en contact avec une autre consonne, v se vocalise, donnant ainsi origine a la diphtongue an" (1970,

§430). Of novu nau he states that this is due to analogous influ¬

ence nova and n 0 v 0 s . of Also noted, die Jovi s >i di ^awsj .

(vi) AA A/ (1) A/t A/ >|~u:Js-

calore> |_ka'lu: |; nepote > |_ne1 J3u:t J ; p a v 0 n e > j_pa'u:mj ; pullu )> Tpustj*-)

Also in Gasc. (Rohlfs 1970, §431). Note:- Suffix (_Su: | exists as equi¬ valent to Cast, -dor in words of analogous formation, e.g. Cast, comer, cornedor, Ar. fmin'd^aj, | mind3a'Su:J .

Exists as j_uj in Cast, loan words:-

r'ku:tj"e | < coche

(2) /u/ + nasal (_y ):-

humeru > ['jme |; un g u 1 a 3> |_'yijgla |

Also in Gasc. ume, umi; unglo. Occurs when /o/ precedes nasal, especially when the latter is in contact with a palatal (Rohlfs 1970, §433). «

- 34 -

(2.) Suffix /-oria/> |_e J t -

1 a v at o r i u I> | lawa'<3e | (Gasc. labade —Rohlfs 1970> §432)

(vii) M

/u/ > |>J , particularly in conjunction with nasals:-

lumine p> i_lyml; luna >[' lyaj ; unu > | yijj , heard as

in Arros (A. Caubet); una l_'ya_|

Also common in Gasc. (Rohlfs 1970j §434). Rot limited to L. words, but

occurs in "toute une serie de mots ou s'etait developpe un ou, arrive

juste a temps pour suivre la nouvelle mode qui portait au changement de

ou en u." However, as his examples are of atonic c>u, they need not con¬

cern us here.

Also | 'tryaj

Note;- This phoneme corresponds to Cast. |_u:J in words common to

Cast, and Ar., e.g. place-name Salardu, in Ar. pronounced | salar'Sy f,

J_salar'8yJ .

(b_) Atonic vowels (i) Id

(_l) Remains in all positions:-

agnellu 3>l_a 5 g a 1 1 i n a > |_g a' ri: a J; habere >|_a' weJ

Evolution |_o_| that occurs in final position in most areas of mod. Gasc.

only found sporadically in Ar. of study area in speech of older inhabitants

of the more isolated villages, except as regards pronunciation of fern. sing, indef. art. (jjoj •

Rote:- In final position, heard in Betlan, Montcorbau, Mont, Vilach,

Gausach and Casau as

illa vacca^^'era '|3akaJ

Rohlfs (1970, §439) notes this in Gasc. of Luchon and upper Garonne valleys. - 35 -

Badia Margarit (l965> P« 79) notes that atonic /a/ and /e/ are both pro¬ nounced | a | in Cent. Catal., Rous, and Bal., but that this pronunciation is not found in W. Catal., nor in Valencia. In Ar. it occurs in Cent, and Alto Aran.

(ii) JM

(l_) Remains in initial and medial position. Inference from Condo is that it closes in atonic position, e.g. bremba (< memorare, 1915 j p. 5), ere we ( P« 8), legum ( <; legumine,

1915, P« 18). This is often the case, though there were differences between informants: |_£re'w£_| (R. Sans, Vilach), |_ere'w£_| (a. Caubet,

Arros). |_br£m'ba_| and (brem'baj were both noted; | le'yym | was general-

(j?) Disappears in final position

cane > |_kaJ3j » Pane > Tp^I » nocte > jjni: ^ J

But remains as |_e j as support vowel

("'ome | < honine ; |_'amej < famine

(iii.) /§/, /i/

(l) In initial syllable > ) e

intrat a 3> (_en'traSa_|; seminare > (_se 'mjaj

(.2) /i/ sometimes elided in post-tonic position:-

a qui la 3>|_'asla | (Garcia de Diego 1948, p. 239, has agla);

lacrima ~> |_'l£maj

(iv) Jll

Evolution to |_yj noted by Condo (l915> P* 22, prang) and Adema

(1969, p. 43, prume) not found in study area, where

primariu> |_pri'm E |.

o - 36 -

(z) /of, /oA A/

(JL) In initial syllable l>|uj:-

hospitale > fuspi 'taw] ; port ale ;> J_pur * t au/J

Rohlfs (197°j §435) notes further closing of phoneme /q / in initial syl¬ lable of Gasc. words to /u/, |_y j. Not generalised in Ar., but does occur

podiare fjpy '3a!; juntare >| 3yn 'taj

Note:- This phoneme also exists as equivalent to Fr. /u/, | yj and

Cast, /u/, |~uj in loan words, e.g. |_kusty'rjera | (Fr. couturiere) and [a,3ynta,menj (Cast, ayuntamiento).

(2) In final position /u/ generally disappears:-

caminu> |_ka 'mi :i}J ; porcu > |_pork_|; 0 c u 1 u > |_w £/vJ

As support vowel O }_e |:-

nigru> |_'ne^re_|; v i t r i u 'bej rej ; m e d i c u > |_'met3e |

In Cast, loan words, final /o/ , e.g. | 'kwartuj (Cast, cuarto),

| 'matju | (Cast, macho).

(jc) Consonants

(i) Voiced occlusives /b/ (/v/), /d/, /g/

(1) Occlusive in initial position:-

bene > l_^£J » bibere > |_ 'bewe]] ; v a c c a > |_ 'bakaj ;

vitellu > |_be 1 Set J ; die Mart i s > |_di: 'marsj ; duodecim

3> f'dutzej; gallina >|_ga'ri:a_j; grande 3> |_g ranJ except where placed in intervocalic position by preceding word. In this case, fricative

| ' era 1 ^akaj < ilia vacca; | j 0 ya1 ri: aJ -< u n a gallina; &(iSc , LtdJc'ca AJ bi,dt [e,r_re. 3d<(]

(2) In intervocalic position before /o//o//u/, /b//v/ disappear:-

p a r a b 0 1 a > {_pa'rawla_|; t ab u 1 a > | 'taulaj ; p a v 0 n e > }_pa'u:mj

* c OVU > £wew j - 37 -

Before any other vowel, serai-consonant | wj :-

f ab a >| 1 awaj ; bibere>|_ 'b ewe |; die Veneris >|_di' wend- resj Note:- When this phoneme occurs intervocalically in a breath group the result is the same:-

f eni1 wer kwa'jiewa, pw£la'/3£ kwi:'oa bes'tja; £ po'ne'wum,

pwgmusentreten'djem alim1 pjasj3b:r5es_| (J. Bernadets Socasau, Vilamos)

"en el invierno cuando nieva, pues entonces, cuidar el ganado; y

cuando se hace bueno, pues nos ocupamos en limpiar las cuadras."

Q) Initial / (o) v-/ > semi-consonant | w | :-

ovicula >|_'weXaJ; ovu > |_w£u_| (Adema 1969 has giislla, p. 73?

_gueu, p. 74; Condo 1915? P* H? has guela, gueu) A • \» A •

No occlusion noted in study area.

(4_) Interdental fricative /d/ (c/-d-/) > dental /z/ that Rohlfs notes in some areas of Gasc. (1970? §442) does not feature in Ar. of study area; /d/ disappears in circumstances where Gasc. has dental:-

|a'fi:J

fbejj <; videre (Gasc. bese)

Where /d/ remains in intervocalic position, it is as fricative | 8 j:-

a d D e u > | a' 3 j£'W_|; aud i re > | avv' 3i: J

CS) /g/ fricative in intervocalic position:-

fraga >|_a'raYaJ; legumine >|le'yym_|

Elision that Rohlfs notes in rare cases before /a/ and /u/ (/ou/):-

fagu > hau (l97°? §443) not in Ar.; in this case /-g-/ 3> semi-vowel |_j~}? |_aj | •

(ii) Voiceless occlusives /p/, /t/, /k/

(_l) Remain in initial and final position:-

p a n e > |_Pai)J ; pastore > |_pas 'tu:J ; campu > |_kampJ ;

t a r d o r e 3> (_tar' 5u: J ; t e c t u )> {_t £tJ ; p r a t u > j prat J ; - 38 -

colurabu >| ku'lu:m~| ; corona >| ku'rusnaJ ; p o r c u >• |_p:>rkj

(2,) Rohlfs (1970, §453) final /t/ 3>/tch/ in high Garonne valleys-

pa r i e t e 3> paretch; p r a t u > nratch; ab i e t e 3> awetch;

nepote 3> neb out ch

Not in study area ( |_pa'r£t |, |_praO , |_a1 w£.tJ , | ne'^ustj ). Bee (1968,

§169) states that absence of this phoneme is common element between

Ar., Luchonnais and speech of Canejan,

(ji.) In final position after a nasal, /1/ is not pronounced, but its presence affects pronunciation of nasal |_n_| (not velar j 1} | ):-

f o n t e (_u:nj ; p 0 n t e > |_pm_|

M in same position is elideds-

barrancu > |_ba' r.a nj

(4.) In intervocalic position, > voiced fricativess-

apiculu > |~a'jBeXaJ ; tripaliare > QtrejBa'XaJ ; vitellu 7>

{_be' Set |; lavatoriu 3> |_lawa' SeJ ; secare > [st' SaJ >

hoc anno > {_aw'ya/i |

One instance of intervocalic /p/ > f jij > | w j development on analogy with that of L. phoneme /b/:

c a p r a 3> | 1 krawaj was heard in Begos, spoken by a lady of 78 years old who was delighted to help with information but refused to give her name for fear of recrimina¬ tions. This pronunciation was not accepted by another elderly lady (73)3 who also insisted upon remaining anonymous for the above reason. The latter offered the more widely accepted |_'kra(Ja|.

Rohlfs (197O3 §445) quotes instances in Beam, where intervocalic

/p/3 /t/, /k/ remain as voiceless occlusives. Not in Ar.; nor is voic¬ ing after nasal and vibrant that Rohlfs (I97O3 §449) notices in same regions:-

a 1 t am > haud o; brincare "> bringar; jumpare > .jumba

(Ar. |_'a*d;aj, .|_'nawtaj, j_brir}'kaj, j_3ym'paj) - 39 -

(Mi) /c6'1/

(1) > (~sj as in Gasc. (Rohlfs 1970, §452):-

c e p a > |~se|3aj ; centu > |_senj ; cingula > |_1 si : rj^laJ;

c i c e r e > | 1 se$e J

(_2) In final position, preceded by a vowel > |_ts_| as in Gasc.

(Rohlfs 1970, §452):-

dece > |_dEt sj ; dicet > |_1 di: t sJ

Q) In intervocalic position > interdental fricative (_3J s —

avicellu> | aw' Set | ; cocina > |_ku' 5i inaj ; r a c i m u >•

| ra'Si:m |

Occurs only in certain areas of Gasc.: cede, coudino (Luchon, Fos), and

more generally, cese, cousino (Rohlfs 1970, §452).

(iv) /ge'V, hi

Initially > |_3J s~

generu >|_' 3endreJ , l_3£ndreJ ; germanu 5>i 3€r 'ma |;

januariu >| 3eJ

Rohlfs has /y/^in many areas of Gasc. (1970, §455)• Rot in Ar.

(▼) Jsl

(l_) In intervocalic position >| z |j-

c a s a > |_'kaza_|; ecclesia>|'g lej.za | Rohlfs (1970, §456) notes that this phoneme > interdental fricative (_5 |

in areas where cocina' > coudino, and quotes lodo (Fr. ardoise),

gle.ydo (Fr. eglise) and caudo (Pr. chose). Rot so in Ar. ( I 'Ifrza I -- 5 f]'kawzaj ), where | 5 |

(2) Palatalisation of initial /s/ referred to by Rohlfs (1970, §457)

as widespread phenomenon in S.W. France. Rot common in Ar. Occurs

before a front vowel:- - 40 -

fJi ' JantaJ

QTika'naJ ("haeer trampas", Adema 1969j P« 77)

Also found in other loan words where it exists in root word:-

| Ja'pfew | ("sombrero")

(l) Rohlfs (1970s §458) notes aspiration of /s/ before voiced con¬

sonant (less frequently before voiceless consonant)} evolution follows

palatalisation of /s/. Aspiration does not occur in Ar., owing to rarity

- of palatalisation.

(vi) M

5> palatal

fraxinu >| e'refu |, Gasc. herechou, rachou (Rohlfs 19769 §459);

b u x u 5>j_bu.:J' j, Gasc. bouch (Rohlfs 1970> §459); sexaginta > C/i- 'vfantaj

(vii) hi

In Gasc., aspirates > j hJ ; Rohlfs (1970 §460) states aspiration nil

in Luchon, High Garonne valley and Val d'Aran (also Bee 1968, §169). In

Ar., the following phenomena are observed

(1) ^ initial position followed by a vowel, disappears:-

f ab a > |_'awa_|; f e s t a > |_'£sta_| ; f i 1 i u > |~i :X | ; f o n t e >|_u:i

Note:- This does not happen in loan words (Garcia de Diego 1946, p. 39):-

| fsblej

(2) In initial position followed by /r/, undergoes same process as

above, with epenthetic vowel inserted, approximating to vowel following

second element

f r a g a "> |_a1 rayaj ; fraxinu |_e 1 r e Ju j; frigidu D> |_ej ' retJ

*fromaticu > |_ur'mat3e |, Gasc. houroumadye, hroumad.ye, roumadye,

as well as houmadye (Rohlfs 1970, §46l); frumentu >Qir'men| - 41 -

Rohlfs (1970} §46l) notes that this development is confined to Pyrenean sub-dialects of Gasc. In many areas /f/ > /h/ > zeros rechou, roumico

(formica)} roumen, roumadye.

Q) In initial position followed by /l/ remains intact:-

flagrare >- |_flaj 1 raj ; f 1 o r e > )_flu: J

Rohlfs (l970> §462) states that in Gasc. generally /f 1-/^/hl/ 3> /ehl/ through development of support vowel. This result still found in Les

Landes. In Bearn. and some Pyr. speeches ^ /esl-/. In Ar. 1st element lost; elsewhere L. group reconstructed. | flaj'ra| and | flu: { heard in all villages of study area. It would seem that L. group has been reconstructed in Ar., contrary to Rohlfs1 evidence.

(4.) In intervocalic position and in contact with a consonant} dis- appearss-

*b u f a r e 7> |_bu:'aj } Gasc. bouha (Rohlfs 1970} §463); confesare

7> J_ku:e*sa| (Adema 1969} P« 72} cueissa); t r um f a t> | 'tryaJ

Aspirated in Gasc.: Rohlfs (l970> §463) quotes ahrrounta (Fr. affronter)

—Adema has afrunta (Cast, avergonzar) in Ar. (1969} p. 71)5 no findings from study area on this word; place-name Couflens pronounced Couhlens.

No findings for intervocalic /fl/} except i_alu'^aj} possibly <" af ful- gere (via *af flugere >*af f lugare).

(viii) /r/

(l_) As initial consonant} commonly undergoes prosthesis in Gasc.: arrod0, arrasim, arride■ Bee (1968, p. 304) notes absence of prosthesis in Ar. (yet quotes arryew). My findings show prosthesis to occur in Ar., but in a limited number of instances:-

| a'resJ < res ; |_a'r£nj < rem ; |_a'ri 0 < ridere

In many cases where there is prosthesis in Gasc. this does not occur in Ar.:-

r a c i m u > Qra ' $i :m J ; rota 3> ro^aj ; rivu > Qrj ewj (arryew

as quoted by Bee not heard in any of the villages in study area) - 42 -

(2.) As consonant in final syllable, disappears:-

cantare Qcan 1 taj ; habere >|a" we |; bibere >| 1 beweJ ;

venire 3>| 'bise j; f 1 ore > |_flu: |

Also in Gasc. (Rohlfs 197^? §465)•

(ix) A/

(l,) As initial consonant, remains:-

1 a c t e > fiej~l 5 1 a t r a r e > j_laj ' ra |; luna>|_' lya j

One instance of palatalisation, |_/(£tJ

(j?) In L. final syllable /-1 u/, vocalises:-

c a e 1 u > £sgwj ; m a 1 u > |_maw_|

After /o/, vocalised consonant disappears

scuriolu>| eski 1 roJ

Also in Gasc.: dolu >> d_o, radiolu 1> array0 (Rohlfs 1970j §467)*

(x) AV

(_l) As final before disappearing L. vowel | tjs-

avicellu > faw' cktJ ; castellu > |_kas 't£tJ ; vitellu > 03 e1 SgtJ

Barnils (1913> P- 51) has final /-ll/ bedell, audell. Garcia de Diego (1946), p. 24l) states final /-1 l/ 3> |_ts | (puts, martets, castets), quoting anet as an exception; Rohlfs (l970j §468), final /-ll/

> /-tch/ in Ar. and surrounding area of Beam, and Gasc. Only instance of this heard in study area is |_putj^ |

(2) Intervocalically, > | rJ , as in Gasc. (Rohlfs 1970, §468):-

b e 1 1 a 7> £1 bsraj ; callare >[]ka' raj ; g a 1 1 i n a >► Qj.a1 ri: aj ;

ilia ^>|_'era | ; abellana>| aw'rai^J (Condo 1915 > P* 3, has awerwan)

c - 43 -

(xi) M

(_l) As final before disappearing L. vowel, velarised:-

nianu > [maqj ; pane > |_paijJ ; v i n u > |_bi: rjJ

Rohlfs (1970, §473) notes that in Ar. when nasal is preceded by rounded vowel /ou/ it becomes | m | in final position: faucoum (Fr. faucon), poudoum (Fr. poison), paoum (Fr. paon), bourn (Fr. bon). This is not always the case; | pu1 Su:mJ , |_pa'u:m |,| busmj heard in study area but also } bu:ij | and:- QcurJiteAusi} | (J"kur1 |3eAa|

| melusij | <^"melone; )_mu5e'Xu:rj_|

Also heard, |bal'ku: | instead of |bal'ku:rj| in all villages.

(2) Disappears in intervocalic position:-

fenestra > (_' jgstraj ; 1 u n a > (_1 lya |; seminare >| se'm jaJ

Loss of intervocalic /n/ common in Aquitaine (Rohlfs 1970> §472).

Ci) Of plural, Schaedel (19O8, p. 148) states that in group /ns/,

/n/ remains in Cat. (e.g. camins), disappears in Lang, and Rous., both found in Ar. My findings do not agree with this. In plur. of words ending in nasal, this phoneme is elided in accordance with loss of inter¬ vocalic /n/:-

c aminos >£ka'mi:sj; manus 3>fma:s|

(d.) Groups

(i ) /Occlusive + r/

1st element vocalises:-

c aperire > [daw'ri: |; laborare> (_law'ra |; latrare

Qaj ' raj ; 1 a t r 0 n e )> | laj 'rusnj ; cadere ^> | k&jj (with loss

of /r/)i fl a g r a r e | flaj 'raj ; ni gru > | 'nerej as well as C'nepeJ

o - 44 -

blitu 3>|_'bleta_J, also heard j_be'leta_|, |_be'reta_|; pi i care !>

Q?le aj ; p 1 u v i u > J_plo_|

(2.) .Medially, 1st element of /b'l-/ becomes semi-vowel :-

parabola > £pa1 rawlaj ; tabula >| 11 awlaJ

1st element of /-b'l-/ voicess-

populu > |_'pojilej

(iii ) /-It-/, /-I d-/, /-I c-/

1st element vocalises

altu > £awtJ , |_nawt | ; alt eru >| ' awtej , |_'awtrej (nus alt e-

ros >f nu' satiJ ); c a 1 d u > )_kawd j; cald ariu > |_kaw' ;

calceare >| kaw'sa j

(iv) /- c t -/

lst element vocalises

pectu |_'pejtu | (ilvar 1962, p. 38; also in Arag., Rohlfs 1970,

§455); octo > | wejtj

In some cases it is elided:-

1 e c t u _/£tJ ; tectu > |_tet |

Rohlfs (197P, §455) states 1st element > /y/, which forms diphthong with preceding vowel. When result is triphthong, last element disappears, e.g. Oct 0 > ouey. Not heard in study area except in | deza'wejj

(Cast, dieciocho), all villages. - 45 -

Rohlfs 1970, §478, med.je; hidye, hld.je, fid.je, hi.je (-<; fiticus

f icatua) in Gasc.)

(vi) /c 1 -/, /- c 11/, /- g ' 1 -/, /- t ' 1 -/

(1) /d-/ as initial group remainss-

c 1 a v u 7>[klawJ

(_2) All three groups palatalise in medial position:-

apicula 9> j~a'/3e/aj ; c 0 n i c u 1 u > |_ku'ni:4J ; oculu >|_w£/{j;

coagulare ">(~ka'Xa_| (Adema 1969> P» 72, callada = "leche cuajada"); v e t u 1 u (> v e c 1 u) > |_b je/J

(vii) /- m b -/

> OJJ-

c a m b a > |_ 'kama |; columbu > | ku' lusmj (Garcia de Diego 1946,

p. 242, calum); septembre> (_s£'tsmej. But novembre

£nu' |3embreJ , d e c e m b r e 7> j_de 1 zembrej , tambene >|_ta'j3£j (Gasc. tamien, tame — Rohlfs 1970j §47®)

(viii) /-m 1 n -/

(_l) Usually > |_m_| (Garcia de Diego 1946, p. 242):-

f am i n e > |_'amej ; h 0 m i n e )> | ome~| ; 1 e gum i n e )> | le'yymj

(2) > |~nn~|:-

femina > L' ennaJ

(ix) /-m ' r -/

> pbr"): - memorare >■ | brem 'ba j ( *[b£m 'bra |); merendare D> |_br£'na |

c - 46 -

(x) /- n d -/ > OJ

comprehendere > | kumpre 'ng | ; merendare >J_brs'naJ;

secunda > |_se'yusnaj

(xi) /-gn-A /-n«-/

> l>j s-

a g,n e 11 u fa 'p£t j; cognatu > | ku 'patJ ; congesta D>.

Oy'p£stral (Garcia de Diego 1946, p. 243, cunestra)

(xii) /qu-/? /-qu-/

(1) Remains in initial position:-

quattuor >|_ 'kwateJ ; quand o > |_kwanj

(2.) Medially, voices. Usually fricatives-

aqua > |_ 'ajywaj ; aquila>[' aylaj

One case of occlusive noted:-

equa> L'e9waJ

This pronunciation in all villages of study area in which the word was encountered.

(xiii) Consonant + yod

(1) a i -/ > on 5 ex J in intervocalic position:-

cantione> |_kan 'su:r}l ; tristitia > |_tris 'tezaj

(2) /-li-/>[/! :-

f i 1 i u > O :Ai ' tripaliare > |_tre/3a'/aj (1) /-di-/ >UJ,r3J--

m e d i u > [m£ dj ' O jeJ_l> P o d i a r e >|_py13aJ (i) /-si-/ >01'- ecclesia>| glejzaj - 47 -

(xiv) Reduction of proparoxytones

The three principal causes of reduction are

(3.) amalgamation of stressed syllable and syllable following:-

f e m i n a > | 'enna |; homine >| 1 Sine]] ; medicu > |_'m£t3ej-

(2) loss of post-tonic vowel:-

cantaru > pkantreJ ; avunculu >pu: ijkleJ ; paupere !>

| 'prawfie | (via *paubre); a 11 e r u > |_ 'awtrej

Q) loss of final syllable (Rohlfs 1970? §479? states that this is the most common reason in Gasc.? though many of his examples show final vowel still intact? with consonant in final syllable elided: asou asinu; lebe

c a dere > fk£g 15 t a b a n u > !ta'wan | (also with change of stres

vocabulariu 7>|_bokaPu1 lariJ

(xv) Metathesis

Involving /-r-/:-

c a p r a O I 'kraj^a | ; pauper e > | ' prawjiej ; ventru > |_ 'brent

Rohlfs (197G? §480) posits rule that /r/ after occlusive in post-tonic

syllable is attracted to initial consonant of 1st syllable. The three instances cited above all occur in Gasc.

Reciprocal metathesis mentioned by Rohlfs (1970? §480), e.g. ceriso cesiro, not encountered in study area ((~se 1riSaJ )? except |_brsm'baj

*bembra

(xvi) Epenthesis

(j.) Mentioned in connection with initial /f r-/ in §(c)(vii)(2) above (page 40).

{2) Initial /b 1 -/:-

b li t u > | be 'letaj; also | be 'Itcza | ? Fr. blouse (belousa in Gasc. ?

Rohlfs 1970, §482) - 48 -

(xvii) , Prosthesis

Involves initial /r-/ as mentioned in §(c)(viii)(l) above (page 4l)-'-

j_a1 res | < res ; J a' renj Crem; |_a1 ri: J < r i d e r e ;

also arremassa, quoted by Adema (1969, P* 7l) but not encountered

in study area? Gasc. ramassa (Castaing), cf. Fr. ramasser

(xvili) Assimilation

(l) Regressive. Common in Gasc. (Rohlfs 1970, §483)' gram pay -=cT

gran pay; gram may

of noun: |_ek kaw'l£t_|, |_eg gu^atj, fern maj'nat3ej, |~en na'petj, fer

resti'/&_!» Heard in all villages.

(j?) Progressive. Between masc. sing. def. art. and initial

(

|_et 'twekj et huec

et humerau <7 i 1 1 u umerale (Vilamos)

2. Morpho-Syntax

(a) The definite article

(i) Masculine singular: i 1 1 u > et

Schaedel (1908, p. 149) and Corominas (1926, p. 64) have et

Barnils (1913, P» 55) says def. art. < i lie through process

final /l 1/ > /t/.

Garcia de Diego (1946, p. 244) says ille >er, ed before voiced

consonant.

Schaedel and Corominas must be seen to be mistaken in their assumption:

o - 49 -

process final /l l/ 1>/t/ is amply demonstrated in Ar. (see §(c)(x)(l) above, p. 42)

What Garcia de Diego takes as def. art. is masc. sing. def. art. followed by a vowel (see Note below). His alternative pronunciation of this article before a voiced consonant is caused by regressive influence of initial voiced consonant and assimilation to the latter. His example

(1946, p. 244) is ed gusset = "el cerdo". This means in fact "el perro" and is found in Alto Aran, also heard in Casau, Gausach, Mont and Vilach, pronounced | eggu'sst^); cf. Adema 19&9, P« '39* "Hay que hacer constar que para la pronunciacion del articulo et_, la t final se asimila a la consonante de la palabra siguiente; as£, en realided, et mainat.je se pro- nuncia em-mainat.je." Also Rohlfs 1970j P« 172s "Dans 1'ensemble de la phrase les formes de 1'article masculin sont transfoimees profondement par

1'assimiliation." He quotes, inter alia, em martet; er azou, ed.j azou; e.j' ouncle ; ez bents.

Notes- Before a vowel, this article is pronounced J_ea?J, following the process, intervocalic /l 1/ D>/r/.

(ii) Feminine singulars ilia > era (see Note above)

Notes- Rohlfs (1970s §489) states that Gasc. def. art. ejt, era (<^f i 1 1 u, ilia) limited to Pyrenean valleys; elsewhere more modern forms lou, la occur, "due a 1*influence des grandes villes (Bordea'ux, Toulouse) et des parlers provenpaux".

(iii) Masculine and feminine plurals e_s

Catalan (1954, P- ll), illos > ejs, i 1 1 a s > eras in Arag.

Rohlfs (I97O5 §489) notes fem. plur. eras, eres in Bigorre (Bareges,

St. Bary), e_s in Barousse (St. Manet, Fos) and S.W. Ariege (Bethmale).

Former not heard in Ar. though it may be supposed that it once existed; - 50 -

i 1 1 a s eras, eres is a development in accordance with phenetic evolu¬

tion of dialect. Present form of fern, cannot be explained in terms of

phonetic evolution, as final /-a/ remains. It must be assumed that fem.

form *eres has been ousted by masc. form es.

In Gasc. masc. plur. form edz before vowel (Rohlfs 1970, p. 172).

Not in Ar.

(iv) Contracted forms

These are found when def. art. preceded by part, art., or by certain

prepositions. The contractions are these:-

de + et_ > det (Adema 1969? P« 40, de't)

de + era dera (Adema 1969? P« 40, de'ra)

de + es > des (Adema 1969, p. 40, de's)

a + et > at (Adema 1969» P« 40, a't)

a + > ara (Adema 1969, P« 40, a'ra)

a + J§IL "> as (Adema 1969, P» 40, a's)

ta + et > tat ta + era > tara

ta + es. tas

per + jet > pet (Adema 1969, p« 40, pe't) per + era 9> pera (Adema 1969? P« 40,oeJ_ra)

per + ej3 pes (Adema 1969? P- 40, pe's) en + _et 9> gjit

en + era ena

en + es 9> ens

Adema's spelling of these contracted forms is based on the assumption that the elided vowel is the first vowel of the article (1969? p« 62). It is evident that he does this for the sake of consistency; the rule a + era

a'ra, de + era de'ra, is more consistent than a + era a'ra, de + era d'era, which is found in popular written representations of Ar., e.g.: "Val d'Aran, pulida e bera. Si tu'n es brdmbate'n d'era."

(verse on car window stickers). I find it more convenient to do away - 51 - with the apostrophe for the sake of simplicity.

There is also contraction of part. art. when followed by a vowel, and of genitive pron. en when preceded by a vowel: see above verse.

(b) The indefinite article

(i) Masculine singular: un |_y :rj_|

(ii) Feminine singular: m < una. In study area pronounced |_ j oj in unstressed position: |_,jo1 jiakaj ; |,joya'ri:al. In stressed position and when meaning "one", pronounced | 'y:a_j: |_'y:a pezgtaj .

(iii) Masculine plural: us |_yJs_|

(iv) Feminine plural: ues |_'y:esj < unas .

(c.) The partitive article: de

Not used before nouns expressing partitive or plural indefinite sense: He min.iat pan 'He comido pan' (Adema 1969? P« 41)» aquieu hi ha vagues 'Alii hay vacas' (A. Caubet, Arros).

Rohlfs notes non-existence in Gasc. except where noun is qualified by adjective; in such cases the following construction is common: qu'ey minyat pruos de las (deras) berdos "j'ai mange des prunes (des) vertes"

("de celles qui sont vertes") (l970> §495)* This construction is not noted in Ar. of study area (vos vin negre u blanc—M. Aunos, Las Bordas).

Fart. art. used with emphatic negative: Ne he brie de pan "No tengo ni pizca de pan" (Adema 1969> P- 43); Aquera sumera d'aigua nu hauie brie

"Aquella burra no tenia ni pizca de agua" (heard in Vilamos). Not used with simple neg.: Nu he dines "No tengo dinero" (M. Aunos, Las Bordas).

(d_) Nouns

(i) Genders

In Gasc. nouns have same gender as Fr. or Prov. equivalents (Rohlfs - 52 -

1970, §491)' It may be said that in Ar. genders have remained from L., especially as regards nouns that originally ended in /-u/, /-a/s ilia vitellu > et bedet; illu caminu > et_cam£n; illu populu

> et poble; ilia fenestra era hiestra; ilia gallina

~~> era garia; ilia tabula era taula.

Rohlfs (197O5 §491) notes that when nouns do not have same gender as

Fr. or Prov. equivalents, this is often same as Cast. He quotes era leyt

"la leche"; era sau "la sal"; era meu "la miel". This is also so in Ar. where the above nouns are the same. It should be noted, however, that there are cases in which gender is different from both Cast, and Fr., especially as regards names of trees! e.g. era nerera, era pumera (Cast.

el peral , el manzano , Fr. le poirier, le pommier) (L. pomarium

"fruit garden", "orchard", is neuter). Here may be seen a link with Cat. where these are either masc. or fem.J perera, perer; pomera, pomer (Adema

1969, p. 41).

(ii) Masculine nouns

Adema (19699 P« 4l) states that masc. nouns end in /e/, /u/ or con¬ sonant. YThile this is true in itself it is a simplification of the case, as the first category includes phonemes of different values and different originss-

(JL) Stressed fgj

caude <7 caldariu; prime

(2) Stressed J eJ

lauade

(1) Unstressed |_ej (a)

b rente <;ventru; lib re <7 1 i b r u ; taure <7 t a u r u

(b) Vowel of support after reduced groupi-

arbe

(4.) /u/ n°l Pcxond as form of final L. vowel /-u/, as this is lost (see §(b)(v)(2) above, page 36), but occurs in Cast, loan words: carru

(Cast, carro), cuartu (Cast, cuarto), machu (Cast, macho).

(jj) Consonant. Caused by loss of final L. vowel:-

audet

can cane ; culum

f o n t e

(iii) Feminine nouns

(1) Most common fem. ending |_a_| <1 L. /- a/: -

agla <" aqui 1 a ; crab a

h e r b a ; gleisa.

r i m a ; rod a

(2) L. final /-el la/ 3>Ar. /-era/: fem. forms anyera (masc. anyet), bedera (masc. bedet) formed from L. fem. forms *agnella, *v i t e 1 1 a , through process intervocalic /-ll-/ > /-r-/.

Where this does not happen (gu.jat, gu.jata "mancebo", "mujer joven"), final /-t/ not from /-ll/; in this case possibly

Q) Other masc.-fem. correspondences:-

anulla (masc. anull) < anucula; hilla (masc. hill) f i 1 i a ;

cusia (masc. cusin) consobrina (loss of intervocalic /— n -/)

Also with adjectives:-

plia (masc. pien) < plena

Note:- This does not happen with a back vowel: buna (masc. bun) b on a; nor when there would be hiatus: cane *>-can (fem. canya).

(iv) Traces of L, cases in Ar.

(1) Accusative most often found in that majority of nouns derived from L. are formed from this case.

(2) Rohlfs (1970, §492) notes cases in S. Bearn. of nouns derived - 54 -

from nominative:-

ouncles

rus (in Landes); dius

Not in Ar. of study area (uncle, .jendre, dieu). Only cases noted were:-

arres

(1) L. genitive found in names of certain days of the week:-

dimars < die Marti s ; dimercles < d i e Mercurisj di.jaus

(4.) Rohlfs (1970? §492) notes comparatives:-

mielha

Ar. hasi-

millu me li or ; ma.iu

In other cases comparative in Ar. is formed as in Cast.: mes petit (A. Co¬ ronas, Benos), mes aut (A. Caubet, Arros) (Cast, mas pequeno, mas alto).

(v) Formation of plural of nouns and adjectives

(1) Formed from accusative plur. of L. nouns and adjectives:-

am i c 0 s > amies; avicellos > audets; campos camps;

p r a t 0 s > prats

(j>) In fern. plur. L. post-tonic /-a/ o/e/s-

casas > cases; feminas > hennes; gallinas garies;

v a c c a s 3> vagues

Q) In some areas of Gasc. nouns ending in /-c/ have plur. in /-ts/

(Rohlfs 1970, §493). Not in Ar. of study area: amic, amies; huec, huecs.

(4.) Intervocalic /-n-/ in final syllable lost:-

cam£s

mudellun)

(jq) Rohlfs (197O5 §493) notes that desinence /-es/ is added to some nouns that are already plural, quoting abellanas I> auberas aube- rasse3 "noisettes"; cap: cats *> catses, cadzes "tetes"; den-tes > den: - 55 -

plur. dens denses. Not encountered in Ar. of study area: these

plurals were heard as auras, caps, dents. In one case (J. Cuny, Casau)

only did I hear auras si; informant held sing, to be auras (not auran<^7

abellana, as did all other informants), and had formed plural by

adding desinence /—i/ to singular, a common regular transformation in Ar.

(cf. 6 below).

(6) Plural desinence /—i/. Rohlfs (l970j §494) states that this is

common in E. Gasc., limited to adjectives (past participles), pronouns and nouns ending in /-s/. In Ar. its use is similar.

In adjectives it would seem at first sight that it may be L. nomi¬ native plur. desinence /— i/s —

mali

This is explanation accepted by Bee (1968, p. 218), though not without reservation. Acceptance of this explanation rendered impossible by exist¬

ence of brassi, plur. of bras

(1970, §494) finds its origin in 0. Prov. plu. def. art. PL. He notes that occurrence in adjectives usually restricted to those preceding the noun, therefore in closest contact with article, e.g. li belli cimo, but li fedo pu bello. Not so in Ar. Occurs in both positions: es mali

Passi "los malos pasos" (M. Aunos, Las Bordas), aguesti camps sun nauti

"aquellos campos son altos" (A. Caubet, Arros).

Inference from Rohlfs (1970, §494) is that this desinence covers both genders. In Ar. it is only masc.: sun bunes, es haragues "son buenas, las fresas" (A. Coronas, Benos), ens nautes muntanyes "en las altas monta- nas" (A.For, Las Bordas).

Adema (1969, P* 42) states that use of this plur. form is not con¬ stant in adjectives, quoting pulits, pulidi, both widely used. I encoun¬ tered only the former in study area. - 56 -

(s.) Pronouns

(i ) Sub,jact pronouns

ju < e g o Gasc.: ;you, lou tu /tu tu

et < i 1 le et, etch

era < i 1 1 a ero (era, ere)

nusati <^nos alt eri nous, nousanti, nousati, nousaudi, nautri

vusati <; v o s alt e ri bous, bousauti, brauti

eri <" i 1 1 i ets, eyts, eres (eri, eris), its, it, its

eres i 1 1 a s eros, eres, ire, iros

(Rohlfs 1970, §499)

In addition to the above, heard in all villages and listed by Adema (1969,

P 45)j should be added vuste, vustes, which are both used in study area where Cast, has "vd.", "vds.n, Fr. "vous"• I did not hear villagers use these pronouns when talking among themselves, because they were all either related or on such terms that a formal mode of address was not necessary.

Most informants used them when talking to me and, on being asked about the formal mode of address, agreed that, as Ar. does not have one, they trans¬ ferred and adapted from Cast. As in Cast., these are used as subject and as disjunctive pronouns J vuste mindje "vd. come" (P. Castet, Mont); ha vengut tam vustes "ha venido con vds." (A. Farrer, Vilamos).

Rohlfs (1970, §499) states that above Gasc. forms are used with prepositions. Also in Ar.s me'm vau tarn et "me voy con el" (A. Coronas,

Benos); ei at darre tu "esta detras de t£" (M. Aunos, Las Bordas); nu ei det poble cum ju "no es del pueblo como yo" (M. Aunos).

(ii) Object pronouns

me ^ m e Gasc.s mn

te te <^te 0 mus* nous

vus v o s bous

les

les <" i 1 1 i s las

(Rohlfs 1970, §499)

* Possibly formed on analogy with 1st plur. verb desinence /-mus/. Also occurs in E. Gasc. (Rohlfs 1970? §500)* Mos in Cat. and Arag. Also used as reflexive pronouns mus entretendiem a limpia es bordes "nos ocupamos en limpiar las cuadras" (J. Bernadets Soeasau, Vilamos). But in verb s'en i (Cast, "irse", Fr. "s'en aller") 1st person plur. pres. indie, nu'm vaa (heard in all villages).

Above are used as direct and indirect object pronouns? except lu. la.

Here Ar. has 11 (Adema 1969? P» 45) < i 1 li s da-li 'Yeranera' "dale (a ella) 'Veranera'" (R. Villamates? Arres); li dits? 'nu ei asieu' "le dice,

'no esta aqui1" (P. Castet, Mont). Rohlfs (1970? §500) notes le? les as ind. obj. pronouns in Luchon, li? les in Salat valley.

When a person stands as direct object of verb? noun or pronoun object is preceded by a (ad before a vowel): nu he vist ad arres "no he visto a nadie" (A. Caubet, Arros). Also in Gasc. (Rohlfs 1970? §496).

This preposition is also used before ind. obj.: em parlare ara mia henna

"hablare (de ello) a mi mujer" (A. Coronas? Benos); cuan ha un any, at bedet se li dits 'anull' "cuando tiene un ano, el becerro se llama 'anull'"

(A. Caubet, Arros). In Gasc. preposition ena, enda used in some areas: era hilho que diguec ena sa may "la fille dit a sa mere" (Rohlfs 1970?

§496). This preposition not encountered in this context in study area-

Neuter pronoun ac, corresponding to Cast, "lo", found in Gasc.: ac bedetz; etymology uncertain (Rohlfs 1970? §501). Also in Ar.: j'ac vedets "ya lo veis" (F. Arro, Arros); j'ac sabi "ya lo se" (A Coronas?

Benos); j' is contracted form of ja •< i am . - 58 -

(iii) Adverbial pronoun; hi

< ibi (Badia Margarit 1961, p. 64)- Equivalent to Cat. hi, Fr.

Use as in Fr.: ara hi vau, e hi estare hasta metdia "ahora voy (all!) y estare hasta mediodxa" (Adema 1969, P« 47); vau tas prats am maitin, hi treballi tut Let dia "voy a los prados por la manana, trabajo alii dodo el dia" (J. Bernadets Socasau, Vilamos); en et lauade, hi lauam es vestits, era roba "en el lavadero (alii) lavamos los vestidos, la ropa" (R. Villa- mates, Arres). Also exists in Arag. (Badia Margarit 1961, p. 64).

This preposition is also found in conjunction with the verb haue, hi ha (Cast, hav, Fr. il y a)' cuan hi hauia mes bestia, pujauen hasta dus mil metrus "cuando habia mas ganado, subian hasta dos mil metros" (A.

Caubet, Arros).

(iv) Adverbial pronoun; en

<7 inde . Equivalent to Cat. and Fr. en. Use as in Fr.: iGuaire en vo? "iCuanto quiere?" (Adema 1969, P* 47); es vagues pu.jen tara aun- tanya em mes de may, en debarren tara fire "las vacas suben a la montana en el mes de mayo; bajan (de alii) para la feria" (A. Caubet, Arros).

When preceding a bilabial consonant, it is pronounced |_emJ: ara mindji; desous em oarlaram "Ahora estoy comiendo; despues hablaremos (de ello)" (P. Castet, Mont).

Also found as part of the verb s'en i (Cast, "irse", Fr. "s'en aller"), pres. indie, me'm vau, te'm vas, se'm va, nu'm vam, vu'm vats, se'm van

(R. Sans, Vilach; heard in all villages).

(v) Relative pronoun: qui

(i) subject

Also Adema 1969, P- 46* qui vo hi va "el que quiere va (alia)". - 59 -

(2.) Indirect object with persons < cui : ara treballe en Bessost,

et gujat a qui cau parla "ahora trabaja en Bosost, el chico a quien hay

que hablar" (A. Coronas, Benos). Also Adema 1969? P» 46* er home a qui

parlaua ere gran "el hombre a quien hablaba era alto".

(vi) Relative pronoun: que

(jL) Subject with things < quem : mindja caragols, que ei et olat

tipic dera Val d'Aran "comer caracoles, que es el plato tipico del Valle

de Aran" (A. For, Las Bordas); era aigua que ei en et rieu ei buna "el

agua que esta en el rio es buena" (M. Aunos, Las Bordas); ja venem es

bedets de dus an.ys, que sun dubles "ya vendemos los becerros de dos anos,

que son 'dubles'" (A. Caubet, Arros).

(2)\ Direct object quem : es causes que hem ta recuelle era

herba "las cosas que hacemos para recoger la hierba" (R. Villamates,

Arres); era car que mind jam "la carne que comemos" (A. Caubet, Arros).

Gasc. has one form for the two: qui in Bearn., que elsewhere (Rohlfs

1970, §509). He also states that in Pyr. dialects rel. pron. is often

preceded by de_: era cansou de qui a cantat "la chanson qu'il a chanted".

Not encountered in study area.

Also noted: neutral form lu que: ta recuelle ... lu que les vulgue da "para recoger ... lo que quiera darles" (lst tape transcription, Appen¬ dix A, p. 88 ). Cf. Rohlfs (l970j §503)! in Gasc., when infinitive is

preceded by another verb, object pronoun precedes lst verb: que lou boy bese "je veux le voir".

(vii) Interrogative pronoun: qui?

(1) Subject, person <1 qui s : qui ei? "iquien es?"; qui parle?

"Aquien habla?".

(2) Object, person

Also in Gasc. (Rohlfs 197°, §510).

(viii) Interrogative pronoun: que?

Neutral, subject and object <" quem i que ei? "ique es?"; que hes?

"ique haces?"; que has dit? "ique has dicho?" (heard in all villages; con¬ firmed by informants).

Also in Gasc. (Rohlfs 1970, §510)•

(ix) Interrogative pronoun; quin?, quina?

Corresponds to Cast. 6cual?, Pr. quel?, lequel?: quin ei tun cuehe?

"icual es tu coche?" (A. Coronas, Benos); des quina vos? "ide cual quier- es?" (R. Villamates, Arres, speaking to a customer).

Gasc. quau, quoau, quin, quign, guegn, cugn, cun (Rohlfs 1970, §510).

(x) Rossessives

Adjective and pronoun have same form.

men

mia

mes <■ m e o s mes, mes, miebis

mi es

sua s u a souo, suo, sib, so, siebo

sos, sus, sus <^3UOS sos sues

o - 61a -

voste <(*vostru Gasc.: boste

vosta

vosti

vostes <)*vostras bostos

(Rohlfs 1935, P. 128)

Adema lists the above (1969? P> 44) except variants tun, tus; sun, sus

(heard in La Bordeia, Las Bordas, Arru, Benos, Begos); tun, tus; sun, sus (heard in Vilamos and Arres).

Note:- Nasal assimilates to following consonant: et tun pay pro¬ nounced fet turn 1 paj | (A. Coronas, Benos; pronunciation confirmed by all speakers).

As well as above, Rohlfs lists (1970, §506) forms lou (Br. leur) i 1 1 o rum ; airou (< illorui > *erou + O.Prov. prefix ai-); .jou

e orum . None of these encountered in study area.

In both adjectival and pronominal use the possessive is preceded by the def. art.: era mia hilla treballe en Viella "mi hija trabaja en Viella"

(j. Cuny, Casau); es vaques de Arros pujen tara muntanya em mes de may? es nostes em mes de .juny "las vacas de Arros sub en a la montana en el mes de mayo; las nuestras en el mes de junio" (J. Bernadets Socasau, Vilamos).

Adema (1969, P« 45) notes that the article is not used after the verb este

(= "ser"): aguesta casa ei mia "esta casa es mia"; see also first example for quin? (§(ix) above). This is not constant: of sun mies and sun es mies, both heard, no informant was able to say which was correct. Rohlfs

(1970, §506) has que soun eres airous olhes "ce sont leurs brebis"; qu'es la sou "c'est la leur", in Gasc.

(xi) Demonstratives

Gasc. has three sets of demonstratives as in Cast. (Rohlfs 1970,

§508):- aqueste "este"

aguesto "esta"

asso, assogues "esto" - 61b -

aquet, aguetch "ese" <^*accu-ille

aquero "esa"

aco, aero "eso"

acet, acetch "aquel"

Ar. has two sets:-

agues, aguesta, aguesti, aguest_es, asso;

aquet, aquera, aqueri, aqueres, aero (Adema 1969, P« 44; confirmed by informants)

On Rohlfs' reconstruction, L. root forms would be *accu-iste,

accu-ille. In the case of the second group this is acceptable (/-cc-/

|_kJ ; not so in the case of the first. As has been shown in the first

part of this chapter (§(c)(ii)(4)» page 38 above), L. intervocalic /-k-/

3> |_yj in Ar. If origin suggested by Rohlfs is correct the first group

should be *aques etc.; *h a c iste seems a more likely origin.

Examples of use: aguesta lei ei dera mla vaca "este leche es ae mi vaca" (M. Aunos, Las Bordas); ,ja nu hi ha treball en aguesti pobles "ya no hay trabajo en estos pueblos" (J. Bernadets, Arru); aquet prat, costa det rieu "aquel prado, al lado del ria" (A. For, Las Bordas); aquera sumera d'algua nu hauie brie "aquella burra no tenia ni pizca de agua"

(Vilamos); aqueres vagues sun d'Arros; aqueres de Vila "aquellas vacas son de Arros; aquellas de Vila" (cowherd in summer pastures at source of Barrados).

Rohlfs (1970, §508) notes iche, icho < ipse , ipse used in some

Pyr. speeches. Rot in study area.

(I) Adverbs

(i_) Adverbs of manner

(_l) Formed by addition of suffix -mens to fem. sing, of adjective. - 61c -

Gasc. has -men (Rohlfs 1970> §513)

Origin of this form is in use of adverbial ^s: Ar. dussamens, malamens, pulidamens.

Notes- Besides malamens, form mau

Betlan); mau vestit "mal vestido" (P. Bernadets, Las Bordas); era cabala ei mau cargaaa "la yegua.esta mal cargada" (J. Bernadets, Arru). The inference is that mau is used before an adjective.

Cases of transfer to Cast, noted: "hay que trabajar, si no, mala- mente, malamente" (M. Caubet, Benos); "vivimos malamente en este pais"

(E. Condo, Betlan).

(2.) Other forms of adverbs of manner:-

atau, Gasc. atau

(< acce, ecce) and O.Prov. aicel (Rohlfs 1970 §514)

ben <(" b e n e

dillau, dilleu (Adema 1969, P- 52, gives only the latter; the former

heard in Las Bordas), Gasc. be-lheu, be leu <^bene leve

(Rohlfs I97O5 §514)

ma.iu

mes <(magi s

millu <( m e 1 i 0 r

tabe, Gasc. tabe, tabeng

tapoc

(ii) Adverbs of place o

ahun < ad un d e , Gasc . oun, aoun

acieu, aciu, Gasc. aci, api.

1970, §516)

aquieu, Gasc. aciu, aciu, acieu <( ecce ibi; aquieu <(eccum ibi

e - 6ia -

dehora, Fr. "dehors"

dessus, Fr. "dessus"

deuantj Fr. "devant"

lagu^ns, Gasc. deguen(s), dehen(s) (Rohlfs 1970? §516, "dentro")

lueny < longe , Gasc. loegn, lougn (Rohlfs 1970? §516)

(iii) Adverbs of time

alabets

(Rohlfs 1970, §517)

a.ie, Gasc. je, .jer, ye <" heri ; yermo, .jermo <" he ri mane (Rohlfs

1970, §517)

ara < ha hora, Gasc. aro, adaro (Rohlfs 1970, §517)

auey <( hodi e , Gasc. oey, ouey, oue, goue (Rohlfs 1970, §517)

dempus, despus "despues". No documentation in Rohlfs 1970. Bee (1968,

p. 112) quotes despweys <" d e ex postiu; Adema (1969, P- 5l)

quotes dempus. Despus the more widely heard in study area

encara, Gasc. encaro, encoro, engoro, engoero, encoero, encoare hi nc

ha hora (Rohlfs 1970, §517)

(g) Affirmation

_o c O.Prov. _oc. Also in Gasc. but being replaced by Fr. oui (Rohlfs

1970, §518).

Rohlfs noted emphatic form o-be, obe; heard in study area on one occasion: obe (anonymous septuagenarian lady in Begos).

(h) Negation

(i) Two forms in Gasc.: nou, familiar; nani, formal. Adema (1969, p. 52) lists one form in Ar., nu. Only one heard in study area: nu, nu ha vengut "no, no ha venido" (F. Arro, Arros). - 6le -

(ii) Rohlfs (1970, §519) notes use of ne ... pas in some regions.

In study area, only encountered in one instance with imperative: nu t'en-

fades pas "no te enfades" (M. Aunos, Las Bordas); cf. Fr. ne ... pas,

Cat. no ... pas.

(iii) Emphatic form nu ... bric "nada ni pizca". Conversation re¬

corded in Las Bordas between P. Bernadets and wife:-

— Se ha but.jat auev? ("ASe ha movido hoy?")

— Nu, nu s'ha but.jat brie, ni brie ("No, no se ha movido nada, ni pizc§,")

Gasc. brie, brigo "morceau; objet de peu de valeur" (Rohlfs 1970, §528).

(iv) Arres

arres "no he visto a nadie" (A. Caubet, Arros). Cf. Gasc. arres nou soun

arribats; n'ev pas bist ad arres (Rohlfs 1970, §511)•

(i) Arren

(vi) James (Cast, .jamas, Fr. .jamais): james he surtit det men poble

"no he salido nunca de mi pueblo" (Vilach, heard in conversation).

( j ) Verbs

I cannot begin this section better than by giving a quotation from

Rohlfs:- "Decrire et etudier le systeme des formes verbales dans leurs multiples varietes locales et regionales n'est pas une petite affaire et pourrait bien fournir la matiere d'un juste volume" (1970, §531).

Rohlfs lists three conjugations (1970, §532) which he terms I (verbs in ^a), Ha (verbs in ^ with stress on stem), lib (verbs in -e), and III c

(verbs in -i). - 61 f -

Adema's groups are similar (l969> PP« 47» 48), except that he in¬ cludes in the second group verbs in _^e (he "hacer") and verbs in -ei (quei

"caer", vei "ver")*

Basically, verbs in Ar. are derived from the four L. conjugations:-

I. cantare > cant a

II. habere > haue

III. bibere > beue

IV. aud i re > audi though there are instances of transition from one group to another:-

venire > vie, Gasc. bie, on analogy with tie >tenere (Rohlfs

1970} §532); facere >- he; cadere > quei

(i_) Present tense

(1) 1st sing, in -i: canti; queigi; vengui, vulgui; beui. But _so

<; sum: he <"habe o . Also in Gasc. Rohlfs (l970j §534) states several possible origins:- (a) Support vowel, cf. Fr. ,je tremble, ,j'ouvre.

(b)

(c) Agglutination of ego.

(d) Fusion of adverb y (<^hic).

(2) 2nd sing.: cantes cant as (final unstressed /- a s/ > /es/); beues §533); also hab e s> has

(cf. Cast. has).

Q) 3rd sing., /-at/ > /-e/: cant at > cante; also in Luchon

(Rohlfs 1970, §533). Probably analogous with development of 2nd sing, ending.

Loss of final /-1/: bibit > beue; e st> ei.

habet )> ha (cf. Cast. ha).

(4.) 1st plur. desinence /-mu s/ >/-m/:-

c ain t am u s cantam; hab emug > hauem; bibimus > beuem.

But 1st plur. of este 3>em (Adema 1969 j P« 49) 5 not from sum us . - 61 g -

(5.) 2nd plur. desinence /- t i 3/ 3> /-ts/

cantatis )> cantata; habetis 3> hauets; bibitis beuets;

e s t i s ets

In Gasc. 2nd plur. desinence fluctuates between /-t/ and /-ts/.

Old texts have desinence in /-tz/. Reduction to /-t/ due to influence of reduction cant am us 3>*cantamu cant am (Rohlfs 197^5 §534) •

Desinence /—t/ not encountered in study area.

(6) 3rd plur. desinence /-ant/ 3>/-en/:~

cantant > canten

/- e n t/ 3> /-en/: -

h a b e n t ]> hauen

/- u n t/ 5> /-en/: -

b i b u n t > beuen

Also: sunt > sun.

Note:- Pronunciation of final nasal as |_n | and |_rj | both encoun¬ tered in all villages.

(ii ) The future indicative

Formed from 7.L. future (*c ant ere habeo): cantare, hauere, beuere, audire.

Desinences are the same as in Cast, except 1st, 2nd pi.: cantaram, cantarats (confirmed by all informants).

(iii) The imperfect indicative

Rohlfs (l970» §536) quotes three sets of endings for this tense, according to three V.L. conjugations. These are:-

candabi audibi preni

candabos audibos prenes

candabo audibo prene

candabom audibom prenem

candabots audibots prenets

candabon audibon prenen -r 61 h -

Ar. shows greater similarity with Cast, in that verbs in ^a have imperfect:-

cantaua (

haul a (

Notes- Verb este has imperfect era ( < e r am), eres, ere, erem, erets, eren.

(iv) Past tenses

The two basic past tenses correspond to Cast. "Perfecto" and "Pre-

terito grave" and have the same functions.

(l_) The perfect (past indefinite). Composed of present indicative

of auxiliary verb haue + past participle (e.g. cant at

documentation on this tense in Rohlfs 1970. It is, nevertheless, widely

used in Ar. and was confirmed by all informants.

(j?) The preterite (past definite). Derived from L. perfect (aorist).

referred to by Rohlfs (1970, §538) as "le parfait (passe simple)1! can-

tavi> cante, cantes, cantec, canterem, canterets, cant eren (listed by

Adema 1969, P» 49; confirmed by informants); cf. E.Gasc. cante, canteres,

cantec, canterem, canteret, canteren as opposed to Beam, and Pym Gasc.

cantey, cantes, cante, cantem, cantet(s), canten. Reason for presence of

1st sing, tonic vowel in all persons is to avoid confusion of 1st, 2nd

plur. forms with present. Possibly based on model dedi . 3rd sing,

adds desinence (O.Prov. ac "il eut") (Rohlfs 1970, §537)-

Also bibi > beui; c e c i d i >» queigui.

Q) Rohlfs (1970, §538) notes presence in Gasc. of "le parfait peri-

phrastique" composed of present of verb aller + infinitive: que boy i,

que bas i, que ba i, que bam i, que bat i, que van i; cf. Cat. vaig anar.

This form is not widely used for past definite in Ar.; I came across it

once, in Arres. The subject was the oldest inhabitant of the village (95)

and generally held to be somewhat fantastical. When speaking to me her o - 61 i -

speech was a mixture of Cast, and Ar. and, to express the notion of single action in the past, she would use the pres. indie, of ir + infinitive.

In a number of instances there appeared an epenthetic a; whether this was due to confusion of this tense with the future of intent or in order to increase fluency of utterance was not clear:-

he un chicu cassat en Alemania; l'otru se me va murir la guerra

("tengo un chico casado en Alemania; el otro (se me) murio en la guerra")

me van (a) punder en la cama. Cuan me vau (a) despertar, uy, ay, ayi

("me pusieron en la cama. Cuando me desperte, jay, ay, ayi")

In order to express the idea of indefinite past, subject used the form outlined in (l) above

li van (a) dicir al chico que es |_sic_| en Arres de Abajo, 'su madre se ha rompido |_sic_| la cama' ("dijeron al chico que esta en Arres de Abajo, 'su madre se ha roto la pierna'"

(v) Note on verb haue

(l_) Only verb meaning "to have"; covers Cast, use of "haber",

"tener" (Adema 1969> P« 48) s ne he dines "no tengo dinero" (A. Coronas,

Benos); has un cuche? "itienes un coche?" (A. Caubet, Arros).

(2) Used as auxiliary in perfect (see §(iv)(2) above).

(jl) Hi ha, hi hauie = Cast, "hay", "habia", Fr. "il y a", "il y avait". Formation closer to Fr. than Cast.i aquieu hi ha un guelle, un pastu de guelles "alii hay un 'ovejero', un pastor de ovejas" (P. Berna- dets. Las Bordas); cuan hi hauie mes bestia, pujauen hasta dus mil metrus

"cuando habia mas ganado, subian hasta dos mil metros" (A. Caubet, Arros).

(vi) Note on verb fute

No documentation available on this verb. It is the Fr. verb foutre, has the same range of colloquial meaning and was heard in all villagesJ-

(l) Que futes ara "Qu'est-ce que tu fous maintenant?" (question asked of an infoimant by an acquaintance of his in Viella). (2.) M1 em futi "Je m'en fous"(J. Bernadets, Arru).

(_^) Se ha futut en un barranc "II s'est fouta dans un torrent".

(4.) Fut et camp "Fous le camp" (both these overheard in a tauerna in Vilamos).

(i>) Ei futut "C'est foutu" (heard in Las Bordas).

(k) Note on construction que + affirmative statement

One of the most characteristic features of Gasc.J que-t decham sol

"nous te laissons seul" (Rohlfs 1970> §525)• Rohlfs (l970> map l) has linguistic limit of que bam "nous allons" running through E. limit of Val d'Aran; that of que bieni "je viens" further to the E. I never encoun¬ tered this feature in study area and Rohlfs states, in fact, "Le Gascon du Val d'Aran semble ignorer l'enonciatif 'que'" (1970, §525)* CHAPTER III CHAPTER III

WHAT IS ARANES?

It would be easy to dismiss Aranes as a hybrid of Catalan and

Gascon with a smattering of borrowings from Castilian; but this is being

somewhat specious. It is true that the greatest current linguistic

influences are French — both standard, because there are many French tourists who speak nothing else and there has to be some medium of com¬ munication, especially between the tourist and the shopkeeper who wants his custom, and Roussillory, Gascon and Bearnese dialects, because these are members of the same family of regional speeches—, Catalan, because the Val d'Aran is a part of Catalonia and Catalan-speaking visitors tend to use their own language rather than Castilian when speaking to inhabi¬ tants of the valley, and Castilian, because this is the national standard and is taught in schools, though many of the older people in areas least

subject to external influences speak the language imperfectly, applying the rules of phonology and syntax that come more readily to them.

Any language that is subject to influence will change under it.

This is true, not only of regional dialects, but of national languages as well, especially from the point of view of vocabulary. A language has to develop to keep pace with modern inventions and the need for new words to express new concepts, or simply to update contemporary jargon; thus we find, in English, words such as 'escalate', 'lift-off', 'splash-down' and, more recently, 'counter-productive'. These words are formed from existing elements of the English language, although borrowed from America where there is a greater readiness to promote linguistic change. In a situation where a language of limited vocabulary comes under the influence

- 62 - - 63 -

of a more highly-developed form of speech, it will tend to rely on the latter for the expansion of its vocabulary; cf. the number of English borrowings in modern Welsh. Yihere a language requires a new word and

there exists a suitable one in a neighbouring language, it is often more

convenient to borrow the existing word, if it is pronounceable, than to

coin a new one; hence the use by the French of the word 'hovercraft',

though purists maintain that the machine is 'un aeroglisseur'.

The relevance of the ideas expressed in the previous paragraph to

Aranes is that the latter is a dialect spoken by a small number of people

in an area at the junction of certain greater linguistic influences.

Thus it is that the speech of Alto Aran leans towards Catalan and that of

Bajo Aran leans towards French. It must be emphasised here that I do

not wish to imply that the speech of the area of my study is not subject

to current linguistic-.change. I do not share the fervour of my

informants in maintaining that the dialect of this part of the valley is

pure, uncontaminated by foreign influences. Ad era claims (1969, ?• 31),

along with many of my informants, that "se habla el aranes con mas puresa

... en los pueblos que forman el llamado terson de Marcatosa" (Marcatosa

being a subdivision of Medio Aran, consisting of the villages of Vilach,

Mont, Montcorbau, Betlan, Aubert, Vila and Arros). There are, neverthe¬

less, lexical differences within this area, as can be seen by the use of

the words gusset and egua in Vilach and Mont (as well as in Gausach and

Casau) instead of can and cabala, which are used in the other villages of

Marcatosa and of the area as a whole. Catalan influences in addition to

those generally apparent in the dialect can therefore be seen to extend

north of Viella, while similar influences from French are found south of

Bosost, as evidenced by the use in Arros of the words vuatura and vole

instead of cuche and cuntravent, though this, it is true, is an isolated

case. In any region of such physical structure as the Val d'Aran there

can be no clearly-defined linguistic frontier. For the moment I regard such lexical differences within the dial.ect, significant though they may be to a synchronic study of Aranes, as superficial and of limited relevance to the subject under examination.

This is not entirely to dismiss them as unimportant, for they play a prominent role as markers of the present trends of the dialect and may be considered as pointers to the lines along which it will develop in the future. I discuss these roles below, but concern myself more immediately with an examination of the social, geographical and historical framework which has given life to Aranes.

Schaedel refers to the influences of Catalan on Aranes as "des particularitys linguistiques insignifiantes" (Schaedel 1908, P« 142).

Garcia de Diego, on the other hand, says (1946, p. 237) that the Val d'Aran "pertenece a la jurisdiccion eclesiastica francesa y, por sus comunicaciones mas comodas, ha estado en relacion continua de cultura con Francia, por lo cual se explica la filiacion de este dialecto con los dialectos meridionales franceses. Por otra parte, desde el siglo

XIII esta unida politicamente esta region a Cataluna y de ahi su estrecha relacion con el Catalan." In the thirty-eight years separating the two works the Catalan characteristics of the dialect may have grcwn more pronounced, but any closely analytical study of Aranes will reveal that it is not a branch of Catalan. 'The reason for this affirmation is that there are certain linguistic phenomena found in the former that the latter does not contain. These are comprehensively set out by Schaedel (1908, pp. 141-153), whose thesis is that Aranes is a branch of Gascon and that

"nous avons affaire a une frontiere bien nette entre le gascon et le

Catalan" (p. 153). At the beginning of the century this was probably so; indeed, Schaedel's thesis is supported in essence by my own findings; but there are two points that cannot be ignored, whether Aranes be considered from a diachronic or a synchronic viewpoint. The first is that Schaedel, while rejecting the idea that there is any similarity between Catalan and - 65 -

Aranes, does not consider any possibility other than that the latter is purely a branch of Gascon- Other linguistic influences are visible, as is demonstrated below. The second factor is that the social situation of the valley is considerably different now from that in existence at the time of Schaedel's article. To take the different facets of Aranes in order, I propose to consider (l) the basic differences between Aranes and

Catalan, (2) the similarities with southern French dialects, (3) the relationship with other northern Spanish speeches, and (4) present lingu¬ istic influences in Aranes.

1. The Basic Differences between Aranes and Catalan

These are found chiefly in the phonology of the dialect and ares-

Vowels

(i) Tonic /$/ > diphthong }_wg_j . Exists as single vowel in Cat., either stable or evolved:-

f ocu > huec; 0 c u 1 u > guell; ovu > gueu (Cat. foe; ull; ou)

(ii.) In Ar. /o/ closes to |_uj in cases where it does not in Cat.

(Schaedel 1908, p. 144)J-

corona > curuna; f ont > hunt; novembris > nuvembre

(Cat. corona; font; novembre)

(iii) Diphthong /au/ remains in Ar., reduces in Cat.s-

paupere > praube; tauru 3> taure (Cat. pobre; toro)

(iv) Diphthong /iu/ (<" /ibu/,/ivu/,/ile/) in Cat. is triph¬ thong /ieu/ in Ar.s-

a p r i 1 e > abrieu; aestivu > estieu; rivu> rieu (Cat. abrit;

estiu; riu) - 66 -

(b ) Consonants

(i.) Intervocalic /b/,/v /> semi-consonant |_w |. Not in Cat • * -

f a b a > haua; habere ]> haue; hibernu ~> hiuer; nivare

neua (Cat. fava; haver; hivern; nevar)

(ii) Aspiration and subsequent disappearance of initial /f/? toge¬

ther with epenthetic following vowel. Not found in Cat.:-

f r a g a (> haraga; fraxinu herechou; frigidu heiret

(Cat. fraga; freixe; fre

Notet- Use of fraga not universal in Cat. Noted in W. Gerona (Gonzalez

Olle 1951, p. 695)5T or, Aren, Estaon (Gonzalez Olle 1951s P« 696); maduixa normal word.

(iii) Aspiration and subsequent disappearance of intervocalic /f/.

Not in Cat.:-

*buffetare buheta; t r urn f a trua (Cat. bofetar; trufa)

(iv) Palatalisation of initial /l / occurs in Cat., not in Ar.s-

laborare !> laura; legumine legum; lacte O lei

(Cat. llaurar; llegum; llei)

(v) /l/ + consonant vocalises in Ar., velarises in Cat.:-

calceatu cauqat; caldariu caude (Cat. calpat; calder)

/ \ / / dt- />AlaJ-a.(iS€$ (vi J /l / in final syllable vocalises in Ar., velarises^in Cat.:-

p 0 r t al e purtau; xibau (

(vii) Intervocalic /n/ disappears in Ar., not in Cat.:-

gallina f> garia; 1 u n a *^> lua; fenestra^ hiestra

(Cat. gallina; 11una; finestra)

(viii) /n/ of final syllable remains in Ar., not in Cat.s-

c am i n u carain; m a n u man; m e 1 0 n e melun (Cat. cami; ma;

melo)

(ix) /r/ of final syllable lost in Ar., not in Cat.s-

f 1 0 r e flu; latrare (> laira; papyr u^> pape (Cat. flor;

lladrar; paper) - 67 -

(c.) Groups

Final /-ellu/ 5> /-et/ in Ar., /-ell/ in Cat.J-

avicellu "> audet; castellu >castet; vi tellu bedet

(Cat. ocell; castell; vedell)

2. The Similarities with Southern French Dialects

Ag has been implied in Chapter II, there are many points of simila¬ rity between Ar. and Gasc. It is also noted that the majority of points of phonological difference between Ar. and Cat. constitute areas of simi¬ larity between the former and Gasc., in addition to which the existence of the phoneme /u/ (| y | ) is one of the most salient points of similarity between Ar. and Fr. as a whole. In addition to those phonological and morphological characteristics mentioned as being common to Ar. and Gasc. it is necessary to mention the following more restricted points of common ground between Ar. and neighbouring sub-dialects of Gasc. as mentioned by Bee (1968, §l69)s-

(i) non-aspiration of /h/, common to Luchon and upper Garonne valley; (ii) diphthong | jew_| (<(-i 1 u, -ivu) occurs in Luchon. (More gener¬ ally [i sw | in Gasc.); (iii) final atonic /a/ pronounced | aJ (as opposed to more usual |_0_| in Gasc.) occurs in Luchon and Vallee d'Aure;

(iv) plur. of adjs. in /-i) occurs in Luchon and Castillon;

(v) plur. def. art. e_s (masc. and fem.) occurs in Luchon. Bee also remarks (oo.cit. §90) that articles et, era constitute "une des carac- teristiques essentielles du haut gascon".

It is seen, then, that Ar. belongs to the same immediate linguistic family as those Gascon dialects to the west and north. Before proceeding further, however, it is necessary to discuss the reasons for the affinity that Ar. has with these dialects.

According to Schaedel (1908, p. 153) > a linguistic frontier is deter¬ mined by economic circumstances; in this particular instance he is refer¬ ring to the linguistic frontier between Gascon and Catalan that is located on the southern and eastern limits of the Val d'Aran. It is possible to go further than this and say that such a frontier is determined by physical circumstances; in the case of the frontier to which Schaedel refers, these consist of a range of mountains, impassable in winter, between the valley - 68 - and the rest of Spain and a direct route over the frontier into France.

It is within the context of such a geographical framework that the econo¬ mic circumstances of the people take shape and it is the human contact that they have, again within this geographical framework, that develops their medium of speech communication. The fact that passage over the mountains into Catalonia was impossible in winter meant that the inhabi¬ tants of the valley had either to keep themselves supplied with food during

these months or to look to their neighbours on the other side of the fron¬ tier. In answer to a question as to how food was obtained in winter before the Viella tunnel was built, an informant in Mont told me, "Eeniamos que ir por Francia; teniamos el pase; nadie—los franceses no decian nada- ...

Cogiamos el comestible alii en Francia y nadie no decia nada." Thus it i s that some of the closest lexical similarities between Aranes and both stan¬ dard French and Gascon are to be found in the names of fruit and vegetables: e.g. artixau (Fr. artichaut), beterava (Condo 1915, P« 5, bleta-raba; Fr. betterave), carrot a, (Fr. carotte), caulet (Gasc. caulet — Castaing), ceba (Gasc. cebo—Castaing), ceda (Gasc. cese—Castaing), curnixun (Fr. corni- chon, though these do not refer to the same vegetable), esoinars (Fr. epi- nards), haua (Gasc. hauo — Castaing), iran.ia (Gasc. iren.je — Castaing), persec (Gasc. nersec — Castaing), ouma (Gasc. pumo—Castaing), radim vGasc. rasi — Castaing). Commenting on a parallel situation, with regard to t,he similarity between the speech of Benasque and that of the corresponding region

on the other side of the frontier, Ballarin Cornel remarks (1970, P« 95)s~

En nuestros dias aun,los montarieses comprueban que los pastores de uno y otro lado pueden conversar sin dificultad, en sus respectivas lenguas vernaculas; mientras la conversacion se refiera a cosas de la montana, de la vida pastoral: el ganado, los pastos, el estado de la montana, el tiempo, etc., porque donde el benasques dice: "Abet, bacada, boc, borda, borrego, braquero, cabana, craba, enseta, esquella, esquerra, estiu, fau, foe, fret, guello, ixarso, mardano, may, meco, neu, osca, Pay, pinta, popa, ramada, rebadano, terra, tieda, traba, tocho, truco" etcetera, su vecino del norte dira: "Abet, bacado, bestya, bouc, bordo, borrec, braguer, cabano, crabo, enceta, esquelho, esquerro, estiu, fau, foe, frei, guelo, izart, marda, mai, meco, neu, osco, pai, pinto, pupa, arramados, arrebadan, terra, teda, traba, tocho, true."

In parenthesis, it is interesting to note that while initial, /f/ is re¬ tained on both sides of the frontier here (fau, foe, fret in Benasque; fau, foe, frei in Luchon, as also in Catalan), prosthesis of /a/ before initial

/r/, as in Aranes, is recorded north of the frontier but not south.

To conclude from evidence available that Aranes is nothing more than a branch of Gascon, however, would be to show a certain narrowness of vision, as there are other factors that have to be considered before the true linguistic context of Aranes can be determined. Although it is true

o - 69 -

that the many phonological similarities between the dialect and those ox southern France reveal that there is a strong parallel development and that the lexical similarities are indicative of a close social relationship between, communities on both sides of the frontier? there are other features that indicate a closer relationship with other north¬ ern Spanish dialects and with other frontier speeches as a whole than is at first apparent.

3♦ The Relationship with Other Northern Spanish Dialects

It is evident that there has always been traffic across the national frontier. Ballarln Cornel (1970? pp. 100-101) sums up the reason for this in these words:-

Los lazos de sangre? la ccnvivencia? el trabajo en comun, iguales ocupaciones? los tnismos peligros? analoga dependencia de la naturaleza? dieron al grupo cohesion, haciendo solidarios a sus componentes. Todos se sintieron responsables de cuanto afectaban a la cotnunidad.

Gonzalez Olle, (1969? P- 292) refers to "la vitalidad del occitano en la vida cotidiana de la Navarra medieval" caused by the fact that many churchmen in Navarre were of Frankish origin, which led to the diffusion of much Occitan literature in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries

(Gonzalez Olle 1969? P» 294)* Rohlfs (1952) goes further back and examines pre-Roman elements in the toponymy of Gascony and northern Spain.

He finds evidence of Basque and Gallic origins: the former (p. 214) in the prefixes sir- and gar-? which occur in the Val d'Aran in Arru, Arros,

Arres and Garos; the latter (p. 233) in names consisting of onomastic root and pre-Roman suffix -os, e.g. Begos Gallic cognomen vecus + -os,

Benos Gallic name verma + -os. He concludes that "il est infiniment

probable que ces noms appartiennent ... a l'ancienne nomenclature pyreneenne" which, in its turn, is part of "une langue intermediaire - 70 -

entre le basque et le gallois" (p. 254)* There is further evidence of

Basque in Aranes. Where Cast, has garbanso, Cat. cigro, Basque gar-

bant zu (Corominas 1955 > P« 673/ , Beam, garb at ch, garbaytch, garbeeh,

garbatcho (Corominas 1955? P- 673)5 C-asc. bee out (Castaing), Ar. has

garbanchu; the greatest similarity here is with Basque. In domestic

terminology, where Ar. has c.udina, plafun, sule, Basque has cosine (Giese

1953, P« 585)5 plafona, plafua (Giese 1953, P- 582), sola (Giese 19535

p. 581). The very name of the valley is Basque: aran - 'valley1

(Rohlfs 1935? p- 12). Indeed Rohlfs holds that the Basque language

formerly had a far wider spread than it does now and that vestiges are

still to be found in the higher Fyrenean valleys because Latin never

fully penetrated to the more inaccessible regions of these mountains

(Rohlfs 19355 P« 14)• There are even similarities to be found between

Aranes and the speeches of Asturias and Galicia: e.g. reduction of

/ct/? /it/, Ast. tect u > te.it, n o c t e > nueite (Garcia de Diego

1950, p. 12l), though the resultant diphthong reduced in Ar. (tet, nit);

also the occurrence, in many parts of Galicia, of esquilo (De la Cruz

19515 P. 690)—Ar. has esquiro, esquilo, esquilo.

On somewhat nearer territory, concerning the speech of Navarre, rri the following mentioned by ^barren (1952):

boraa (p. 87), dalla (p. 187), mardano (p. 323), restillo (p. 446) have parallels in Aranes:

borda, dalla, mardan, rastet

In Aragones there are also such parallels, many of them also common to

Catalan (the numbers in brackets refer to pages in Badia Margarit (1948):

ara (37)5 axada (39), cama (54), can (55), carre^ (57)5 clau (6l), conill (63), craba (6577 dalla (77J, guineu (ll3), tnarda (129), minchar (134), nit (142), palle (151), presik (lo2), some (l73), ta (l8l), tambe, tame (182)

In Aranes these are:

ara, axada, cama, can, carre, clau, cunill, craba, craua, dalla, guineu, mardan, mind,jar, nit, palle, persec, same, ta, tabe - 71 -

Also days of the week and numerals (see Vocabulary). In the speech of

Alta Ribagorza there are further lexical parallels with Aranes (numbers in brackets refer to pages in Haensch 1960):

porta (182). cllau (183), bale 5 (185)5 form ache (191)5 Hit (196), albardas (2Q3T, arenas (203)5 sinlla (2O4), Tavado (197T5 curbillo (202), artiga (206), dalla (209), garba [210), pall a (210). gribia (214 J, esquella (215)5 meche (225)5 perun. prun C227)5 abet \22Q), 1lent!11a (232) 5 raim (233) 5 seba (233)5 abre (240)5 jouca "(248)5 saltirec (2487, somero 1,252) 5 crab a (253)5 guella (254)

The Aranes equivalents are:

porta5 clau, baLcu, hurmat.je 5 Ilet 5 aub ard a, ubarda5 ar.j e s, cingla.5 lauade, curbellun, artiga, dalla5 garba5 palla5 gripia; esquera; met,je5 ILL^a, auet, lentilla, radim, ceba, arbe, cuca5 saltaaet, sume, craba, craua.5 guella

Also seasons and months of the year (see Vocabulary).

Present Linguistic Influences in Aranes

As regards such influences, I have already stated that they are threefold: Catalan French and Castilian5 brought about and encouraged by economic growth and tourism. 'The improvement, of roads, the unbroken physical contact with the rest of Catalonia that the opening of the

Viella tunnel has made possible, the presence of workers from outside the valley to fell trees or to work in the hydro-electric stations, the decrease of the indigenous population and the arrival of the French tourist are all linguistic influences, beneath which the dialect cannot help but change, as any speech form must of necessity do when those who speak it live in a changing environment. Aranes, as it is spoken today, is a dialect which has the same origins and development as the neighbour¬ ing dialects of southern France because of the closer involvement of its early speakers with the speakers of these dialects. This intercourse and interdependence, the similar conditions of life on both sides of the frontier, laid the foundation of a common fyrenean speech. Later - 72

influences are revealed largely in lexical deposits left on top of this

base through contact with other speech areas with a common way of life

or similar agricultural methods, e.g. Alta Ribagorza, where the same

type of wooden harness is used to transport grass and alfalfa from field

to barn. The similarity of the speech of Alto Aran to that of people

living further south and of that of Bajo Aran to modern Gascon and, to

an extent, to standard French is caused by the fact that the more highly

developed speech forms have laid their own lexical deposits on top of

existing ones. The greater ease of movement that modernisation brings may well mean that present influences will spread in time throughout the

entire valley; it is a continuous, accumulative process with the

prevailing linguistic conditions of today providing material for the

established speech strata of tomorrow. VOCABULARY VOCABULARY OF THE STUDY AREA

ABELLA f_a.'£eAa_| '• 1 aba ja'. ABRIEU |__ap'rj A-wJ : 'abril'. Cat. abril, A.Rib. abril (Haensch 1959, p. 270), Gasc. abriu. Vilachj Mont, Montcorbau ABRIU.

ABUNA, AWJNA j_a|3u'na, awu'naj '• 'abonar'. ACIEU, ACIU fa^sjeW, a'

/* # •>~ ... ACU3TUMA |_a!-custy 'ma | '• 1 acostumbrar'. Fr. accoutumer. AGLA } 'a^'la j « 'aguila'. AGRADA S_a^ra'^aJ J 'agradar', 'gustar'. AGULLABA f~agy'Xa$aJ : 'palo largo para conducir vacas' (Aaema 1969? P» 7l)» 'basto llargo i arab punxa per menar el bestiar bovi' (Condo 1915? P« 2). No Cast, or Cat. equivalent found.

* __ AGUS |_a' : sJ : 'agosto'. Cat. agost, Gasc. a,gust, A.Rib. agost, agosto (Haensch 1959? p. 27°)*

AHUN j~a'u!n~( s 'donde', 'Adonde?'. Cat. on. AJE La'^e i : 'ayer'. Cat. ahir. Probably castellanismo: see also JE. AJUNTAMENT (_a3ynta'menJ : 'ayuntamiento '. AIAB&TS fala 'ffc ts j ; 1entonces'. Cat. aixi, aleshores. Case, a la bets (Rohlfs 1935, p. 135). " / _ _ AMASSA | ama'sa | 5 'coger'. Fr. amasser.

AMIC | a 'mi :k~\ 'amigo'. Cat. amic, Fr. ami.

ANDORTA | an'dorta j ! 'trenza de ramas de avellano para atar los fajos de hierba seca' (Adema 1969, P- 7l)» 'vencill que as fa amb rames d'abed oil per lligar feixos de herfca' (Condo 1915, P« 2). No Cast, or Cat. single-word equivalent found.

ANULL | a'nusA | '• 'becerro de an ano'. Arag. anollo, anolla; 'crias de las vacas' (Badia Margarit 1948, p. 35) • ANY fa^J': 'ano'. Cat. any. ANYET fa'jiet | : 'cordero'. Fr. agneau, Gasc. anyet. !_a'S6J beard in Montcorbau.

AQUET, AQUERA j_a'ket, a'keraj : 'aquel', 'aquella'. Gasc. acet, acero (Rohlfs 1935, P- 129). AQUIEU, AQUIU fa' kjew, f'ki:wl : 'alii'. Condo (1915,' P- 2) Aid, AKIEU. Cat. alii. •

ARA |~'ara~| : 'ahora'. Cat. ara, Arag. ara (Badia Margarit 1948, p. 37)-

- 73 - - 74 -

ARAI -aj 'arado'. Cat. arada (Violant y Simorra 1958, p. 326, er arai).

ARBS f'arpej J 'arbol1. A.Rib. abre (Haensch 1959s p. 240)• ARJSS j_' arj e sJ Adema (l969> P« 7l), "ARGSS = 'alfcrjas'." Not a good translation, but no informant able to give a better. Condo (1915, p. 3)» ARJSS, also ARDSGUSS, but latter only in Alto Aran. Cat. arguens, A.Rib. las archas, 'aparejo de transporte para llevar haces be hierba' (Haensch 1959s P* 203). ARTIGA far'tii^a | No Cast, translation found. A.Rib. artiga, 'campo sin cultivar durante varios anos' (Haensch 1959s p« 206), Gasc. artiga "terre defrichee' (Rohlfs 1935s P* 26). In Ar. ha.s first meaning. ARTIXAU |_arti 'j^aw j : 'alcachofa'. Fr. artichaut. ARRIMAS3A | arema'sa | : 'recoger'. Only found in Bajo Aran. Gasc. ra- massa, Fr. ramasser.

ARREN 'nada*. Condo (1915s P* 3), res, |_a' f AREN,c also AR£. Cat. Fr. rien.

ARRES | a'rgs 'nadie1. ARRT |~a' ?i : J Fr. rire. ATAU fa'taw~| 'asi 1 Gasc. atau (Rohlfs 1935s P» 133)5 Cat. aixi. AOBARDA j_aw'pa:r$a { : 'albarda'. Cat. albarda, A.Rib. albardas (Haensch 1959s P« 203). Also heard: auarda, ubarda, uarda; no regional differentiation. AODST faw'a&tj: 'pajaro1 Gasc. auset, Cat. osell.

AU3T | a'w£t 1 : 'abeto'. Arag. abet (Badia Margarit 1948, p. 30), Cat. avet, Beam., Benasque abet (Ballarin Cornel 1970, p. 95)s A.Rib. abet (Haensch 1959s P* 228).

AUEY | a'wej" 'hoy'. Condo (l915s P- 3) Aw&. Cat. avui.

AURAN | aw'rai}-} : 'avellana'. Condo (1915s P« 3) AWERAir. Cat. avellana, Gasc. aueras. AURlS heard only in Casau.

BADINA 1 badi'na" 'bromear1 Fr. badiner.

BALAGUERA | bala'^era"] : 'bochorno'(Adema 1969s P> 7l)» 'warm autumn breeze' in sense used by informant A. Caubet in Arros.

BALCU | bal'ku:J : 'balcon*. Cat. balco, A.Rib. balco (Haensch 1959s P» 185)5 Gasc. baicun. BARA [_ba'raj : 'bailar'. Cat. ballar. BARRANC | ba'rajj | : 'barranco'. Cat. barranc, Arag. barranc (Badia Margarit 1948, p. 43). BARRU f'baruj : 'barra'. Fr. barre. BAX |_baj J : 'bajo'. Cat. baix. BEDST |_be'd£t | : 'becerro'. „0at. vedell, Gasc. bedet. Barnils (1913, p. 5l) BEDEi (plur. BEDETS). BM f beg | : 'bien'. Cat. be. * BESTIA j_bes'tja j : 'ganado'. Cat. bestiar, A.Rib. bestia = 'el ganado lanar' (Haensch 1959s P« 216). BET. BERA|_b£t, 'b£ra | : 'bello', 'hermoso'. Cat. bello. Condo (1915, p. 5) only gives fera. BERA. BETEEEAVA j bete'ra^a | • 'remolacha'. Condo (1915? P« 5) BLETA-RABA. Cat. remolatxa, Er. bettorave.

/ __ BEUE |_'bewe_| : 'beber'. Cat. beure, Case, bsue. BLAT j_blat_| : 1 trigo1. Cat. segol, blat, Arag. blat (Badia Margarit 1948, p. 45)7 A.Rib. blat (Haenseh 1959, p. 231), Gasc. blat, Er. ble.

/ BLETA } 'bleta j : 'acelga'. Sometimes with epenthesis; following variations heard: BELSTAS (Mont—M. Masip), BELETES ( Arros—F. Arro; Vilach—R. Sans); BERETES (Las Bordas — M. Aunos); VELETES (Casau — J. Cuny). Cat. bleda, A,.Rib. blleda (Haensch 1959, P• 233), Gasc. bledo, Er. blette. BLU fblyj (fem. BLUA fblya~( ): 'azul'. Er. bleu. BO J bo | : 'buey'. Cat. bo, Er. boeuf.

BORDA | 'boraa | : 'cuadra'. Cat., Gasc. estable; Nav.Caserio de la montana ... Choza pajar, corraliza. / En Valcarlos las bordas sirven para alojamiento del ganado. / En Saiazar y Roncal llanian bordas a unos edificios de plants y primer piso donde viven los pastores y guardan el ganado y la hierba. Las bordas suelen estar aislados y generalmente alejadas de los pueblos" ^Iribarren 1952, p. 87). 'These uses also found in Ar.

BORNYERA j_bor'jfi eraj : 'mal de ojo'. '(Fr. borgne = 'tuerto') BRAS |_bras_| : 'bra.zo'. Cat. braj, Pr. bras. BRENA fbre'naj '• 'merendar'. Condo (l915» P* -6) BRENA. Cat. berenar, Arag. brenar (Bad1a Margarit 1948, p. 48), A.Rib. brena (Haensch 1959, P• 189).

_ ^ _ BRENTE | 'brente | : 'vientre'. Cat. ventre, Pr. ventre.

BRE3PALL | brts'paA j : 'merienda'. Cat. brena, Gasc. brescail. BDHETADA | bua' taifaj ^ 'bofetada'. Condo (l915> P» 6) BUETADA, also BUET. Cat. bofetada.

BULAN j bu'laijJ '• 'hoz'. Only heard in Vilach (R. Sans); no further documentation found.

BUN, BUNA j bur}, 'bu:na J : 'bueno'. Cat. bo_, Fr. bon. BUTJA ^bu'tja | : 'mover'. Fr. bouger. CABALA | ka'palaj : 'yegua'. Gasc. cabalo. See also EGUA. CABANA |_ka'|3anaj : 'cabana'. Cat. cabanya. CALtr | ka'lu:~| : 'calor'. Cat. calor, Gasc. calou.

CALLA fka' A a ( : 'cuajar'. Fr. cailler.

CAMA L'kama | : 'piema'. Cat. cama, Arag. cama (Badia Margarit 1948, p. 54). CAMIN |_ka'mi:i} | : 'camino'. Cat. camx, A.Rib. cami (Haensch 1959, P- 265), Gasc. cami. CAN j kar^ ( : 'perro'. A.Rib. can (Badia Margarit 1948, p« 55)> Gasc. ca. CANTA { kan'taj : 'cantar'. CA.NTRS j_ 'kantrcj J ' cantaro 1. CAPUCIUNA Qcapu ' tjlina | '• 'buhardilla1. 7/ord peculiar to Ar. As Cat. equivalent, Condo (1915, P- 14) gives 'la i'ines- tra que hi ha a les teulades'.

CAR | kar j : 'came1. Cat. earn, Gasc. car. CARA [ka'ra | : 'callar'. CARAGOL jkara'^cl | s 'caracol'. Cat. caragol. Condo (1915, P« 14) KARGOL. CRSGOL heard in Las Eordas (M. Aunos). CARGA | kar'^jaJ : 'cargar'.

CARRE Tka'ra | : 'carretera'. Cat. carrer, Arag. carre (Badla Margarit 1948, p. 57)-

CARROTA | ka'rota"] '• 'zanahoria'. Fr. carotte. CARRU j 1 Ka ruj : 1 c.arro'. CASA j 'kazaj ' 'casa'.

CASSAT j ka'sat | : 'casaao'. Past part, of v. CASSA. CAST^T jkas'tet | '• 'castillo'. Cat. castell, Arag. castell (Badia Mar¬ garit 1948, p. 58).

CA'TURZE | ka'turze | : 'catorce'. Cat. catorze, Gasc. catortze. CAR |_kaw_| '• 'hey que'. CARfAT 0caw' sat | : 'calzado'. Cat. calyat. CAUDE | kaw'J&J ; 'caldero'. Cat. calder. CAUDERA fkaw 'ctgraj : ' caldera'. CARLET fkaw'let | : 'col'. Cat. col, Gasc. caulet. CEBA | 'seba | : 'cebolla'. Cat. ceba, Arag. seba (Badia Margarit 1943, p. 174), A.Rib. seba (Kaensch 1959> P« 233), Gasc. cebo.

CEBA | ' ssinfa j « 'guisante'. Gasc. cese.

V — — CENT | sen { i 'cien'. Cat. cent, Gasc. cent..

CEP | sep | : 'seta'. Fr. cere.

CERIDA | sE'risda j ' 'cereza'. Cat. cirera, A.Rib. seresa. sirera (Haensch 1959, P- 227), Gasc. cesiro. CEU | sfevyj : 'cielo'. CINC |_si!rj_| * 'cinco'. CINCRANTA | si:g'kwanta | * 'cincuenta'. Cat. cincuanta, Gasc. cincanto. CINGLA j 'sis^qlal '• 'cincha'. Cat. cingla, A.Rib. sinlla, singlla (Haensch 1959, P- 204).

CLAU|~klaw| : 'Have'. Cat. clau, Arag. clau (Badia Margarit 1948, p. 6l), A.Rib. clla (Haensch 1959, p. 183).

COS | kos | : 1cuerpo'. Fr. corps. CRABA | 'krapa | * 'cabra'. Cat. cabra, Arag. craba, crapa (Badla Mar¬ garit 1948, p. 65), A.Rib. craba (Haensch 1959, P_- 253)_, Gasc. crabo. Also heard, CRAVA | 'kravaj , CRARAjJkrawaJ - 77 -

— pronunciation seemed to depend on state of speaker's teeth.'

CUARTU Kwartus 'cuarto1 crambo. CTJATE f'kwatej Cat. quatre, Case, cuate. CUOA 1 f'lcuskal : gusano' (CUCA DE LtM - 'luciernaga')• A. Rib. cue a =• 'esearabajo' (rlaensch 1959? p. 248), cuco, cue = 'gusano' (ibid., p. 250), Besasque cuco - 'gusano1 (Ballarin Cornel 1970, p. 107). CUCHE |_'ku:tjej : 'ccche1. Also heard once only, in Arros, VUATURA (Gasc. voituro < Fr. voiture). CUDINA |_ku'<3i:na : 'cocina'. Cat. cuina, Gasc. cousi.no, Basque cosine (Giese 1953? P« 5S5~3- CUIDA fkwi:'ciaj : 'cuidar'. CULUM fku'lusmj : 'paloma'. Cat., colom. CtM, CI3MADA j 'kusm, ku'ma&a 'abrevadero', Cat. con.

CKVIPRENE j kumpre'nA j : 1 comprender'. Cat. con prendre. CIMURAU jjcumu'nawj 'comunal' (adj. in Cast.). Probably eliptical form of PRAT CUvIURAU ('pradc comunal' ) .

CUNILL | ku'nis/ j : 'cone jo'. Cat. conill, Arag. conill (3adxa L'argarit 1948, p. 63). CFifTERT | kun'tenj : 'contento'. Fr. content. CUNTRAVSNT |_kuntra'j3£n | s 'contraventana'. Gasc. cuntrubent, Fr. contr-e- vent. Fr. loan word rather than derivation from Cast. —Cast, word not known by informants.

CUNYESTRA | ky' jpsstra | J 'nieve arremolinada1 (Adema 1969, p. 72). Fr. congere.

CURANTA fku'rantaJ '• 'cuarenta'. Cat. ouaranta, Gasc. curanto. CURB2LLUN j kurpE1 Xu:rjJ : 'cesto para llevar estiercol'. lie one-word equivalent in Cast, or in Cat. 'cartres ... els quals es penguen un a cada banda de bast per portar-li fans' (Conao 1915, P« 17)* A.Rib. curb 1110 (Haensch 1959, p. 202; Fr. ccrbeille = 'cesto').

CURNIXUR | kurni T Susij | s 'pepino'. Fr. cornichon. CDRURA | ku'rusna j '• 'corona'. Cat. corona. CUSRAU |_ku'rawj '• 'corral'. Cat. rati. CUSIN | ku'zistjJ : 'prirno'. Cat. cost (fem. CUSIA, Cat. cosina), Fr. cousin.

CUSTURIBRA | kusty.'rjtraj s 'modista'. Fr. couturiere. BALL |_da'X'J ' 'corte', 'siega'. LALLA f'daA'a | '• 'guadana'. Cat. dalla, .Arag. dalla (Badla Margarit 1948, p. 77), Rrav. dalla (iribarren 1952, p. 187). DALLA j da' A.,a.j '• 'segar' Cat. tallar; Corcminas 0-955, P* 8O5), "dallar—segar con guadana."

DEHORA |~d e' 0: ra~| 'fuera'. Cat. defora, Gasc. dehoro, Fr. dehors. DSViPUS | dem'pys | See DESPfrs. - 78 -

BESANAU j deza'nawj '• 'diecinueve1. Cat. dinou, Arag. dechinou (Badia Margarit 1948, !'• 77)j Case, des o ne.u. BESANBA j_dezan'da_| '• 'deshacer la hierba segada'. Cat. deafer, Arag. desfer (Badia Margarit 1948, p. 79).

BESA3SET | dsza'srt | : 'diecisiete'. Cat. digset, Arag. aechiset ^Badia Margarit 1948, P* 77), Case, des o set.

DESAUS7 | d&za'wej } • 'dieciocho'. Cat. divuit, Arag:. dec-hiueit (Badia Margarit 1943, p. 77), Case, des o oueyt. BESEMBRE j dfi'zfimbrej '• 'dicierabre'. Cat. desembre, A.Bib. disiembre, dezembre (Haensch 1959j P* 271), Case, dessetnbre. BESPUS j des'pysj '• 'despues1. DES3US | a&'sys | : 'sobre'. Cat. damunt, Pr. dessus.

BESTRUPA | dtstru'pa ( '• 'deshacer los fajos de hierba y extender esta sobre el suslo del pajar'.

BETS | detsj • 'diez'. Cat. deu, Gasc. dets.

BEUANT j dg'uian | J 'delante'. Cat. devant, Fr. devant. BIJAUS j di'^aws | : 'jueves'. Cat. di.jous, Arag. dichous (Badia Margarit 1948, p. 80), A.Rib. chous, dichous (Haensch 1959, P« 269), Case, ditchous.

DILtTS | di'lys | : 'lunes'. Cat. dilluns, Arag. dilluns, deluno (Badia Margarit 1948, p. 8), A.Rib. lures, dilluns (Haensch 1959, p. 269), Gasc. dilus.

BIMARS [ di'mars | s 'martes1. Cat. dimarts, Arag. dimarz, demars, dinars, mars (Badia Margarit 1948, p. 80), A.Rib. mars, dimarz (Haensch 1959, P« 269), Gasc. dimars.

BIMERCLES |_di ' merklgs | : 'miercoles'. Cat. dimercres, Arag. dimercres, demiers, mjerques (Badia Margarit 1943, p. 80), A.Rib. miercres, dimercres (Haensch 1959, p. 269), Gasc. di¬

mercres .

BIMENBJE, BIMINBJE Jjdi ' mend^e, di ' .mind3e | : 'aomingo'. Cat. diunengo, Arag. dimenche, diumenche, dominche, dumenche (Badia Margarit 1948, p. 81), A.Rib. dimenche, dumenche (Haensch 1959, P» 270), Gasc. dimenche. BISSA.TE J_di ' sateJ: 'sabado'. Cat. dissabte, Arag. disabte, disante, disatte, saote (Badia Margarit 1943, p. 8l), A.Rib. sa.pte, dissa.Pte (Haensch 1959, P» 270), Gasc. disate.

/ __ BIUENBRES J di ' wandresj s 'viernes'. Cat. divendres, A.Rib. viernes, divenres (Haensch 1959, P> 270), Gasc. divendres. 9 BUBLE | du'bla |s 'ternero de dos anos'. BUS j~du:s |: 'suave', 'lento'. Cat. dolp, Fr. doux. BUS pdys |: 'dos'. Cat. dos, Gasc. dus. BUTZE £ 'd'offczel: 'doce'. Cat. dotze, Arag. dotse, doche (Badia Marga¬ rit 1948, p. 83), Gasc. dutze.

EGUA f_'£gwaj: 'yegua'. Cat. egua. Condo (1915, P* 8) has EGGUA. Cat. loan-word in common use in Alto Aran, also in Vilach, Casau and Gausach. Not noted outside these villages. Informant in Casau (Juan Cuny) insisted on - 79 -

pronunciation as | 'etgwaj. EN j en |: 'en1. ENTRADA | en'tracta|: 'entrada'. A.Rib. entrada (Kaensch 1959) P« 183). ENTRUS3A |j>ntru'sajs 'hacer fajos do hierba'. ESCALES | es'kales |: 'escalera'. Gasc. escalie, Gal. escales (Coro¬ minas 1955) P« 320).

ESGARRIA | e ska'rja |s 'separar a golpes los grano3 de trigo de la paja'. Garcia de Diego (1959) P« 358): "escariar, escarriar. Sacar los granos de cereal a golpes 3> Gk. karpoov = nuez." Condo (l915» P« 9) defines the verb more closelys "treure el gra de les garbes donant cop3 a una fusta concava."

ESDSJUA | £zdc*3waj: 'desayunar1. Condo (1915) P- l) has BEJUA. Cat. de.junar, Gasc. de.juna.

ESPANYULETA. | gspajxu* l£ta |« 'fiador de una ventana1. Er. espagnolette. ESPINARS | espi'nars J: 'espinacas'. Fr. epinards.

ESQUERA |_&s'k'£ raj s 'esquila'. A.Rib. esouella (Eaensch 1959) p. 215).

ESQUIRO |_g:ski 1 rO J '• 'ardilla1. Also E3QUIL0 (Mont — F. Monge), SQUILO (Casau,— J. Cuny). he la Cruz (1951) P- 692) lists ESQUIRO in Yal d'Aran, esouilo in many parts of Gal. Cat. esquirol, Santander esquilo (Corominas 1956) p. 255)) Gasc. squirol.

ESTA{_£s'ta j: 'estar1. Cast, borrovrilng, not in common use. ESTACA J_esta'kaJ : 'liar fajitos de trigo 1. ESTANY | es'ta^ J: 'estanque'. Cat. estany, Fr. etang. E'STE |_'£stej : 'ser1. Also in general use as equivalent to Cast, 'estar'. ESTIEU l~£Sftjewji 'verano'. Condo (1915) P- 27) has USTIEU. Cat. estiu, Arag. estiu (Badia Margarit 1948, p. 93)) A.Rib. estiu (Eaensch 1959) P« 269)) Gasc. estf.u. FEBLE f'fableJ: 'debil'. Cat. feble, Fr. faible. FIRE Q' fi J rej : ' feria'. FLAIRA |Jflaj ' raj : ' ol er'. FLU |Jflu!J : 'flor'. Cat, flor. FUEN j_fwgrj |: 'heno'. Fr. foin. FURASTE |_f.u ras'tsj : 'forastero'. Cat. foraster. FURESTAU Qf u res' tavvj • ' forestal'. FUTE | 'fustejs 1 joder" nearest Cast, equivalent (in some of its less indelicate senses). Only true equivalent is Fr. foutre in all colloquial senses. GAMS |_9amsJ : 'cueraas' • GARBA ("garpa |: 'garba') 'fajito de trigo'. Cat. garb a, A.Rib. garb a (Haensch 1959) p. 210). GARBANCHU jjjar']3ant$u J: 'garbanso'. Basque garbantzu (Corominas 1955) p. 673).

GARBERA J gar'p£ra |J 'garbera'. Condo (1915) p* ll) has GAWERA.

0 - 80 -

GARIA j ga'risaj: 'gallina'. Cat. gallina, Gasc. garino. GARIERA !_9a:'r j£raj : 'gallinero'. Listed by Condo (1915, P- 10), but not used by any of my informants, who all preferred CURRAU DES GARIES. Cat. galliner, Gasc. garinero.

GLEISA |_' glej za | : 'iglesia'. Cat. esglesia, Gasc. gleiso. GRAN |_grai}J : 1 grano'. Cat. gra. GRIPIA j_'gri:pja |: 'comedero que se halla debajo del pesebre en la cuadra'. It. greppia

GRIPIAU j_gris'pjauj : 'escotilla en el suelo del pajar por la cual se tira el heno al pesebre'. GUARDA | war'cia |: 'mirar'. Cat. mirar, Gasc. ouarda, Fr. regarder. GUARDAB03C |_warda'bosk |: 'guarda forestal'. GUELL 'wsxT| : 'ojo'. Cat, ull.

GUSLLA j~'w EAa } J 'oveja'. Cat. ovella, A. Rib. guella (Haensch 1959, P* 254), Gasc. ahuello.

GUELLE fw&'AeJ : 'pastor'. GU&U |_ w£W|: 'huevo'. Cat. ou. GUINEU |~qi 'newj : 'zorra'. Cat. guineu, Arag. guineu (Badia Margarit 1943, p. 113).

GUJAT | gu ' gat j: 'mancebo'. Gasc. gou.iat. GUJATA |_gu 1 3ata |: 'mujer joven'. Cat. noia, Gasc. goujato.

V _ _ GUSSET j_qu ' setJ : 'perro'. Heard only in Casau, Gausach, Vilach and Mont. Cat. gos (gosset diminutive). Ar.: "no consti- tuye diminutivo, sino que equivale ... 'gos' = perro" (Adema 1969, p. 70). A.Rib. gos (Haensch 1959, P- 255)- HAME | 'ame |: 'hambre'. Cat. fam. HARAGA |_a'rajjfaJ: 'fresa'. Cat. maduixa, Condo has ARAGA (1915, P« 3) and IRAGA (p. 13). Gonzalez Olle (1961, p. 696) quotes ERAGA (Vilach), IRAGA (Montcorbau), ARAGA (Viella). Corominas (1955, P« 575): "el nombre latino fraga solo se conservo popularmente en Aragcn, asx como en el Pais Vasco (arraga) y en la Cataluna occidental." Gasc. freso.

* — — HARIA |_a'ri:a |: 'harina'. Cat. farina. HAUA|_'awa|s 'haba'. Cat. fava, Gasc. hauo. HAUE |_ha' we J : 'haber'. Cat. haber. KAUS | atts |: 'hoz'. Cat. falq. HAY |~ajJ : 'haya'. Cat, faig. HE |_£ | s 'hacer'. Cat. fer. heiret j~ej'rEt~|s 'frio'. Cat. fret. hiret heard in Arros (a. Caubet). HEIT | ejt |: 'hecho'. Initial /f/ noted in form TUT A FET? heard in conversation in Las Bordas (M. Aunos and daughter). This form is direct borrowing from Fr. tout a fait. - 31 -

HENNA penna | : 'mujer'. Cat. donna., Gasc. henno. HER8A | 'er|3a ]: 'hierba'. Gasc. herbo. HEREGA }_£re'^aj : 'fregar'. HEREUE |~ cre'we|: 'febrero'. Cat. fobre r, A. Rib. febrero, febre (Haensch 1959? p. 270), Gasc. febrier. HEREXU | e'reju:~j s 'fresno'. Cat. freixe, A.Rib. freise, freis (Haensch 1959, P- 230). EESTA j_'f-sta 1 s 'fiesta' HIENS | jf.ns |: 'estiercol*. Cat. ferns, A.Rib. fern (Haensch 1959, P- 209). HIESTRA | ' j£stra|: 'ventana'. Cat. finestra, Gasc. finestro. HILL fi : Aj * 'hijo'. Cat. fill. HITJE |~' i: 13e~|: *higo'. EIDER |~i ' wer|i 'invierno'. Cat. hivern, A.Rib. ivert, ivern, hivi- erno (Haensch 1959, P« 269), Gasc. hiuer. HCME |~'omej : 'hombre'. Gasc. oume, oumi (Rohlfs 1935, P- 75)* HUEC j~wek |: ' fuego '. Cat. foe.

HUMERilU raw | • 'desvan'. Condo has HUMARAU (1915, P- 12). huiaeral < urn e rale (Corominas 1955, P* 936).

HUNT |~u:n jJ 'fuente'. Condo has EONT (1915, P« 12). Cat. font, A.Rib. fuen, fon (Haensch 1959, p- 201). HONT heard once (Banos—M. Aunos de Eyo, not confirmed). HDRQA £'u:rkaj s 'horca'. Cat. forka, A.Rib. forca (Haensch 1959, P* 208). HURMATJE £ ur'mat3e j: 'queso'1. Cat. forinatge, A.Rib. formache (Haensch "1959, P- 191).

HURMENT |" 13. r'men |: 'trigo'. Cat. forment, Fr. from ent HURT |~u:rt~|: 'huerto'. Cat. hort, Arag. hort, guerta, giierto (Eadia Margarit 1948, P« 115)• ISART |~ i'zartj: 'cabra montes'. Cat., Fr. isart. JAMES [_3a'mes |: 'nunca'. Condo has JAMAI. Cat. mat, Fr. jamais. JE QjeJ s 'ayer'. Cat. ahir. JE|~3E~|: 'enero'. Cat. gener, A.Rib. chinero, chine, Gasc. .jambier. JENDRE j_'3£ndre {: 'yerno'. Cat. gendre, Fr. gendre. JERvIA |~3£r'ma~|: 'hermano'. Cat. germa. JESSE | '3£seJ: 'salir'. See SURTI. JUNY Qyp ~|: 'junio'. Cat. .iuny, A.Rib. chunyo, chun (Haensch 1959, p. 270), Gasc. juin. JURIOL, JURIOLU |~3U'xjol, 3u'rjoluj : 'julio'. Cat. .iuliol, A.Rib. churiol (Haensch 1959, P« 27O), Gasc. juillet.

LAGUENS fla'^EnsJ s 'dentro'. Cat. dins.

* m— LAIRA ( laj'ra |: 'ladrar'. Cat. lladrar. LAIRUN j_la^ 'ladron'. LAN (_larj |: 'lana'. Cat. 11 an. LA0AD3 j lawa'cie |: 'lavadero'. Cat. rentador, A.Rib. lavado (Haensch 1959, P. 197), Gage, labcue.

LAURA |_laiA/'raj : 'labrar'. Cat. llaurar. LEBE | 'l£pej! 'liebre'. Cat. liebre, Gasc. lebe. LEGUM j lS'^ym |: 'legumbre1. Cat. lie,gum. Fr. legume. LEI | l£jJ : 'leche'. Cat. llei. LENTILLA (_l£n'tis '/ssT\: 'lenteja*. A.Rib. llentilla, Gasc. lsntillo.

\ — — ~ LERMA | 'Isrma |s 'lagrLma'. Fr. lame. * LIA | li ' aJ : 'liar1. Cast, borrowing, used by informant to explain ESTACA. Cat. Higar.

LIBRE j_jli:brej s 'libro'. Cat. libre. L03A } 'lozajs 'teja de pizarra'. Arag. llosa, losa, loseta (Sadia Mar- garit 1943, p. 125) LUA j_1 lya j : ' luna'. Cat. lluna. LUBIA, LUVTA ( 1 lypj.a, 'lyfiia |: 'trineo'. LUCANA | ly'kana |s 'buhardilla'. Only used in Bajo Aran. Gasc. lucarno Fr. lucarne.

LUENY ) lw'£ji. J s 'lejos'. Cat. lluny, Fr. loin. HII |_lym J: 'lumbre'. Cat. Hum. LLET|_A&tJ: 'cama'. Cat. llet, A.Rib. llit (Haensch 1959, P* 196). MACHUj 'mat^u J: 'mulo' (cf. Cast, macho). MAINADA | maj 'na3a |: 'nina'. Cat. nena, Gasc. drollo, A.Rib. la mainada = 'la chiquilleria' (Haensch 1959, P« 177)•

MAINATJE | maj'nat3e |: 'nino'. Cat. nen, Gasc. drolle. Cf. Arag. mes- ache (fem. mesache) - 'chico de doce a quince anos aproximadaraente' (Badla Margarit 1943, P* 132). MALAGAS | mala'^as |: 'difteria'.

MAN 1 'mano'. Cat. ma.

MANU, -A |_'manu, 'manaj • 'animal esteril'. MARDAN jjnar'cfajjj: 'morueco'. Arag. marda (Badia Margarit 1948, P- 129), A.Rib. mardano, marda, marra (Haensch 1959, P* 254), Nav. mardano (iribarren 1952, p. 323), Gasc. mare.

MARS |_mars j: 'marzo '. Cat. marq, A. Rib. marse, mars (Haensch 1959, P- 270). MAU,■ MALA |_maw, 'mala-1: 'malo,-a'. Cat. mal. MAY | maj |: 'mayo'. Cat. maig, A.Rib. mayo, may (Haensch 1959, P- 272), Gasc. may. MELON |_m£' lu:q |: 'melon'. Cat. melo. % — MES j_m£sj : 'mas'. METDIA Ijngt'disaJ '• 'mediodla'. METJS fmgt3ej : 'medico'. Cat. metge, A.Rib. meche (Haensch 1959, p- 225) MILLOC | mi ' Aok {: 'maiz'. Cat. mill, blat de moro, Gasc. mill, Gal. millo (Veny Clar I960, p. 147)- - 83 -

MILLU j mi' Au J : 'mejor'. MIHD-JA |_mirvi d^aj J 'comer'. Cat. menjar, Arag. minchar (Badia Margarit 19483 p. 134)5 A.Bib. mincha (Haensch 1959s P» 189), Gasc. minja. MIHBJADU Qniric^a'&us |: 'comedor'. Cf. Cat. men.jadora5 A.Rib. mencha- dera, menchadora = 'pesebre'. Gasc. sal a rain.ja. MOLA j 'mo]a |i 'molino' (see MULl). IvIUDBLLUN | mude'Xusrj j : 'monton de heno '. Cat. munt, A.Rib. mogolon, mogolo (Haensch 1959s P* 175)*

a MULDJj mu ' libjj: 'molino'. Cat. moli. MUNDJET | mun'd3£t |: 'judia blanca'. Cat. fasol gras, Gaso. moun.jo. MUHDJETA | mun'd3£ta |: ' judia verde 1. Cat. mon.ja, Gasc. mounjeto. MUNTAHYA j mun'tapa. J 5 'montana'. Cat. muntanya. NAU j naw j: 'nueve'. Cat. nou, Gasc. nau. NAU, HA HA f naW, 'nawa J: 'nuevo, -a'. Gasc. noubel.

NAUT, -A | nawt, 'nav/taj • 'alto, -a'. Cat. alt. HAVET j na'0et_[: 'nabo'. Fr. navat. NEBOT fne'pustj : 'nieto*. NEGRE {_'ng^reJ : 'negro'. Condo had HERE (1915s P- 20). Cat. negrs. NEUA | n£'wa~j s 'nevar'. Condo has NIEWA (l915> P« 2o). Cat. nevar, Gasc. naua, neoua.

NIEU | ji£W f: 'nieve'. Cat. neu. NITjjai:t~|: 'noche'. Cat. nit, Arag. nit (Badia Margarit 1948, p. 142), Gasc. neit (Castaing), noueyt (Rohlfs 1935, p. 76). Cf. E.Ast. nueite (Garcia de Diego 195C, p. 12l). NUVEMBRE j nu'jSembre j: 'noviembre'. Cat. novembre, A.Rib. noviembre, novembre (Haensch 1959, p. 27l), Gasc. nubembre.

NURANTA | nu ' ranta j: 'noventa*. Cat. nouranta, Arag. novanta, Gasc. cuate vint dets.

OJ^osJs 'si'. Gasc. o_. ORGA j~' orjtfaJ : 'afilador'. PALLA j 'paAaj: 'paja'. Cat. palla, A.Rib. pall a (Haensch 1959, P> 210), Gasc. Paillo, Fr. paille. PALLE | pa' AeJ : 'pajar'. Cat. paller, Arag. palle (Badia Margarit 1948, p. 151).

PAH | par] }: 'pan'. Cat. pa, Gasc. pan. » —- PAPE j pa'pej: 'papel'. Cat. paper. PARET | pa'ret j: 'pared'. Cat. paret. PARLA |_par'la j: 'hablar'. Cat. parlar. PASTU | pas'tu: j: 'pastor'. Cat. pastor, Gasc. pastou. PATRI (_'patrij: 'patria'. Cat. patri. PAUM |_pa'u:m |: 'urogallo'. Cat. pao, W.Catal. paon (Corominas 1956, p. 700). - 84 -

PS |_pe_j s 'pie'. PEG' j pfck js 'tonto'. Gat. ximple. PEGARIA |_p$ya'risaj : 1 tonterla' (fern. + suffix -aria). V __ __ PEIRA }_'ptj.raj s 'piedra'. Cat. pedra. PF1TG | ' pej tuj : ' pecho '. PEEE8A j pe!r&ra |s 'peral'. Cat. perer. PS-Rsfec } per'sek j: 'melocotSn'. Arag. presik (Badla Margarit 1948? P- io2), Gasc. persec.

PIN }~pisq |: 'pino'. Cat. p>l_, A.Rib. pl.no, pi (Haensch 1959? P- 223). PINTO" j_pin 1 tusj : 'pintor'. PIOXA J 'pjdjaji 'pico'. Fr. pioche. PIACAR j pla'kar js 'vidriera de la ventana'. Fr. placard = 'alacc-na'. PLAFUN | pla'fusijj: 'techo'. Gasc. plafun, Basque plafona, plafua Giese 1953? p. 582). PLASSA |_ ' plasaj s ' plaza1. PISTA |_'pi:staj s 'pista'. PLSJA j pig'3a | $ 'pelear'. PLEN, PLIA I ple.13? 'pli:a js 'lleno, -a'. Fr. plein. PLETSRA | ple'terajs 'rastrillo de madera'. Cat. rascle. PLOI | ploj )s 'Hover'. Cat. ploure, Gasc. rlaue. POBLS | 'poblejs 'pueblo'. Cat. poble. POC jjpokJ : 'poco'. Cat. pog. PONT j pon j: 'puente'. Cat. pont.

PORC | pork js 'cerdo'. Cat. pore.

PORTA |~'portal s 'puerta'. Cat. porta, A.Rib. porta (Haensch 1959? P- 182), Gasc. porto.

PRAT |_pratJ s 'prado'. Cat. prat. PRAUBE |~'prawBeJ s 'pobre'. Cat. pobre. PRIMAUERA j prima'wsra |s 'primavera'. Cat. primavera, Gasc. primo. PRIME { pri ' rag |s 'primero'. Condo has PRIME (1915? p. 22). Aderna has PRtME (1989? P- 43) • In no case does pronunciation of informants fit the above transcriptions. Cat. primer.

PRUA j~'pryaj s 'ciruela'. Cat. pruna, A.Rib. perun, urun (Haensch 1959? p. 227), Gasc. pruno. PRDFESSUj prufe'sus js 'profesor'. Cat. professo. PUCH | pustj |s 'gallo'. Cat. gall, Gasc. pout. P&JA [^py '3a! s 'subir'. Cat. pu.jar, Arag. puyar (Badla Margarit 1948, p. I63), A.Rib. puya (Haensch 1959? p- 263)? Gasc. munta. PULIT, PHLIDA fpu'list, pu'liscfajs 'bonito, -a'. Cat. bonic. PUMA { 'pusmals 'manzana'. Cat. poma, Gasc. poumo. - 85 -

PU1ERAjpu'm traj* 'manzano'. Condo has PIME (1915} P* 23)- Cat. pom era. PURCET | pur'set j: 'lechon'. Cat. porcell. FURTA |_pur'taj i 'llevar'. Cat. portar. PURTATJ | pur'taw |' 'portal'. Cat. portal. QUEI |_ k£j J : 'caer'. QUINZE | 'kiinzej: 'quince1. Cat. guinze, Gasc. guinze. RADIM j ra'tJismJs 'uva'. Cat. rai'm, A.Rib. raim (Haensch 1959j p. 233)} Gasc. rasi.

RASE | fa'zej ; 'afeitar'. Cat. raser, Fr. raser. RASTERS!1 |_raste'retj: 'azada pequeria para picar el trigo'. Also RES- TI1LET (M. Aunos—Las Bordas). RASTET j_ras't£.tj: 'rastrillo de hierro'. RECIBIDU |_r£si £ i 'eta: J : 'cuarto de estar'. RECUSLLE j_re'kweA e |: 'recoger'. RELALL | re'cfaA | • 'el segundo corte de hierba'. Also REBASTO noted (M. Aunos—Las Bordas). Cf. A.Rib. rebasto, rebast, rabast (Haensch 1959} ?• 205).

RENDUT j ren'dytj i 'rendido'. RESSEJC |_re'sekj: ' aserradora', 'sierra'. Condo has RE5EGA (1915} P« 23). Prov. resega (sierra), resegar (serrar) < resecare (Garcia de Diego 1955} p. 417)* + __ RE3SEGA }_r£sfc'^aj: 'serrar'. Cat. serrar. RESTILLE |_r£sti' A £_{: 'pesebre'. Condo has RASTILE (1915} P» 23). A.Rib. rastell, rastill (Haensch 1959} P« 214)} Basque arrestallea,, Beam, arrest all ie rastellu (Giese 1953} p. 594)• RIEUj rjewjs 'rio'. Cat. riu. RODA | 'roda fs 'rueda'. RTMYA { 'rusjia J : 'rona'. RUSUPEDA |_ru.s-u.1 peda {J 'fiebre aftosa*. Also ROSOPEDA (M. Rodriguez —Las Bordas). SALTADET j salta'ctetj: ' saltamontes'. A.Rib. saltirec (Haensch 1959}P.2^)* SALUN ^sa^lusrjJ s 'salon'. Gasc. salun. SANPDEN fsatj Twfcxj] j 'alfalfa'. Cat. alfals, Arag. alfals (Badia Margarit 1948} p. 33)} A.Rib. alfals (Haensch 1959} P« 232)? Fr. sainfoin. SANGLIE ("saijgli'e {: 'jabali'. Fr. sanglier, A.Rib. chabali, chabilin (Haensch 1959} P> 242). SAUCLA ("saw'klaj: 'picar'. Cat. birbar. SCOLA |_'skola }: 'escuela'. Cat. escola, Gasc. scolo. SEC [_sek_|: 'seco'. Cat. sec. SECA |_s£ 'kaJ • ' secar'. SEDA | ' sedfa j '• 'seda'. Gasc. sedo (Rohlfs 1935} P* 74). ~ 86 ~

SEGA fse'J • 's egar'. SEGADU fs£^a13u:J : 1segador'. SE.IENTERI I sgmen'terij : 'cementerio'. Cat. cementiri. SEMIA j sem'ja | 1 sembrar'. Cat. sembrar. SERVI fser'§is J : 1servir'. SET | s£t | J 'siete'. Cat. set? Gasc. set. SETANTA | se'tantajJ 'setenta'. Cat. setanta? Gasc. sesento dets. SETSME j se'tsrae j: 'setiembre'. Cat. setemjqre? A.Rib. setiembre? set- embre (Haensch 1959? P« 270J, Gasc. setsue. SETZ3 | 'sfctzej: 'aieciseis'. Cat. setze, Gasc. setze? Fr. seize. 3IES | 'sisCs j: 'seis'. Cat. sis? Gasc. sies. SULE j~su ' Is |: 'suelo'. Cat. sol. Cf. (parts of) Vizcaya sola <; *s o 1 at u (Giese 1953? p. 581 )•

SULEI | su r lejJ: 'sol1. Cat. sol. STME |~3U 'mej i 'burro'. Cat. rue, Arag. some (Badia Margarit 1948? P« 17S), A.Rib. somero (Haensch 1959? P» 252), Veny Clar: somer in Ribagorza; fem. somera sagmaria (i960, p. 152). Casau, SAUMET (J. Cuny). Also in Catalan (1954? P- 31 )• SURTI j sur'ti: |: 'salir'. Cat. sortir, Gasc. surti. TA j~ta~| '• 'hacia'. Arag. ta (Badia Margarit 1948, p. 181). TABE j~ta'Be~|: 'tambien'. Cat. tambe, Arag. tambe, tame (Bad ia Margarit 1948, p. 182).

TAFARRA que ftaTara"]:~~ 'cincha de madera forma la parte trasera de las ar.ies'. From Arab. (Ballarin Cornel 1970? p. 106)_. TAMj~ta®~]: 'con'. Cat. amb. TARDU |_tar'

TAUERNA ) ta'werna | s 'taberna' . TAULA f'tav/laj - 'mesa'. Cat. taula, Gasc. taulo. TAULADA |~taw'la^a~|: 'tejado'. Cat. teulada, Arag. tellau (Badia Mar¬ garit 1948? p. 183)? Gasc. te, teule. TAURS | 'tawrej : 'toro'. Cat. toro? Gasc. taure. TENS | tgnsj : 'tiempo'. Cat. tamps. TET | tet fs 'techo (exterior)'. Cat. teulada? Gasc. t_e? E.Ast. teit (Garcia de Diego 1950, p. 121).

TIRANTffti ' ran |: 'viga'. TREBALLA j^tre^a'X aj : 'trabajar'. Cat. treballar. TRENTA | 'trgntajs 'treinta'. Cat. trenta? Gasc. trento. TRES | trss |: 'tres'. Cat. tres? Gasc. tres. TRSTZE |~'tretze |: 'trece*. Cat. tretze, Gasc. tretze.

TROSSA j~'trpsa j s 'fajo de hierba'. Cat. feixo. - 87 -

TRUA | 'txyaj: 'patata'. Cat. trufa, Arag. trumfa, trunfa, trufa (Badla Margarit 1948? p. 189)? A.Rib. trunfa (Haensch 1999? p. 232), G asc. trufo. TUMENEJA. | tym£'ne3a|: 1chimenea'. Cat. xemeneia, Gasc. ohemineyo? Mod.Occ. chamineio (Corominas 1959? P- !?2). Violant y Simorra (1950? ?• ^447)? XUMENEIA in Val d 'Aran. In two instances XlEvIEIiEIA was noted (A. Coro¬ nas— Benos; J. Bemadets — Arru); this rejected by other informants as Catalanism.

TUT j tu:t j: 'todc'. Fr. tout■ UCTTJBRB | uk'tu:j3re~j - 'octubre'. Cat. octubre? A.Rib. octubre (Haensch 1959? P« 271/? Gasc. octobre.

UEIT |"~ wejtj: 'ocho'. Condo has UET (1915? P- 27). Cat. vult, Arag. vuit (Baaxa Margarit 1948? P» 195)? Gasc. oueyt.

UBITAITTA } wei 'tantaj '• 'ochenta'. Cat. vuitanta? Gasc. cuate vint. UliZE punze |: 'once'. Cat. prize, Gasc. unze. HRGUI f'u:ryi:J: 'cebada'. Ccndo has UERBI (1915? P- 27). Arag. si- bad a (Badia Margarit 1948? P« 17&)? A.Rib. ordi (Haensch 1959? P- 231)• VACA J 'baka (J 'vaca'. Gasc. baco. VACA 33 CAR f'baka&e' karJ : 'vaca de carne1. VACA BE LSI |_ 'baka^e' Igj J '• 'vaca de leche '. VACA TISRRERA |_'baka tj^rerajs 'vaca criadora'. VACIMA | baku 1 naj J 1vacunar'. VEIRE f'betre |: 'vidrio', 'cristal'. Cat. vidre, Occ. veire (Corominas 1957, P. 726).

VENTA j_b£n'ta_j : 'ventar'. VIE {_'biiej s 'venir'. Gasc. bengue. VINj bi;i}|: 'vino'. Cat. vi, Arag. vi (Badia Margarit 1948? p. 194)? Gasc. bi. VINT|~bi:n_|: 'veinte'. Cat. vint, Gasc. vint. VRKNTE J 'jbrente }: 'vientre'. Condo has BRENTE (1915? P» 6). Cat. ventre.

VTJLE | bu ' lej i 'querer'. Fr. vouloir. XAPEUj Ja'pewJ2 'sombrero'. Garcia de Biego (i960, p. 219) xapeu, chapep? Fr. chapean.

XIBAU j~$i ' : 'caballo'. Cat. cavalI, Gasc. chabal, Fr. cheval. XIXANTA |~|i 'Janta |: 'sesenta'. Cat. seixanta, Gasc. sesento, soisanto. APPENDICES APPENDIX A:

Transcriptions of Tape Recordings

1. A recording made in Las Bordas: Andres Eor Yilanova talking about .the Fiesta, Mayor

Et ue;tt de seteme ei era hesta maju det poble des Bordes. Tas unze det maitin se he era passacalle det poble. Despus van era musica, es gujats det poble, a cerca er ajuntament, era casa dera villa; tarn era musica t'ana ta missa. Jessen de missa, at surtl de missa., se va tar ajuntament tut et public a prene vermut e tapes, cunvidat per ajuntament. Surtin de aquieu es gujats e es gujates, e s'en van t'ana bara ena plassa. Despus de aquieu, antes de dina, hen era passacalle tan es musics; es gujats passen de casa en casa ta recuelle ara sieu vuluntat cada un lo que les vulgue da. Pera tarde turnen a cumenpa et ball, e vxen es furastes ta bara e mindja caragols, que ei et plat tipic dera Val d'Aran, millu dit det poble des Bordes. E se cuntinue era hesta hasta es cuate det maitin. Et segund dia cuntinue et bal iguau que et prime dia. Et darre dia, ara retirada det ball, que sun es cuate det maitin, alabets se junten gujats e gujates a he era chuculatada am miei dera plassa, an esplanyeres, que dure hasta es ue;tt hures det maitin, qua ei custum det poble.

Phonetic transcript ion:-

\_E-t wej de se'tgme ej era Vsta ma'ju: dep^'poble des'porcfes. ta'sunse dem^maj 'tisq se 'e erapasa'kaAe depjpoble. aes'pys ban era 'mu:zika, ezgu'3atsdep^poble, as^r'ka (ejra3ynta'men, era'kaza dera'^iAa, tarn era 'mu:zika ta'nata'mi:sa. 3s1sende'mi:sa, atsur'ti:&e'mi:sa , se '^atara3ynta 'men tust ep._!pu:blik a'prane fizr 'muste'tapes, kurabi'tat pera3ynta'men. sur'ti:nde'kjew fizgu'3ats ezqu^ates gsenfbantanapa'rana- 'plasa. des'pyzdslkjeiv, 'antezdeeti: 'na, 'en erapasa'kaA. 'tames'musziks* ezgu'3ats 'pasende'kazen'kazo tare'kweAe ara'sjev$ulun'tat ka&s 'yq 1 lukeles 'jS'u.l^e '4a. pera'tarcfe turnenakumfin'sat'baA £'fji:enesfuras'tes ta]3a'ra £min1 d3akars'j<5ls, ke'ej ep^plat 'ti:pik derapalda'ran, miAiu'cfi:t dep_^ 'pobledes'porSes. 'esekuntibnwE^era'esta astas'kwate dem^maj 'tiirj. etsfc'j;u:n'di:a kunt i "n w£bjbaA i%'wawkep^pri ' m£&i:a.

e

Translation;-

El ocho de setiembre es la fiesta mayor del pueblo de las Bordas. A las once de la manana se hace la pasacalle del pueblo. Despues van los

- 88 - - 89 -

rnusicos y los jovenes del pueblo a buscar el ayuntamiento; todos van a niisa acompanados de los musicos (con la musica para ir a mi say. Salen de misa, al salir de misa, todo el mundo va al ayuntamiento para tomar vermut y tapas, invitado por el ayuntamiento. Salen de alii los jovenes y se van para bailar en la p'lasa. Despues de eso, antes de cenar, hacen la pasacalle con los musicos; los (hombres) jovenes pasan de casa en casa para recibir a la voluntad de cada uno lo que les auieran dar. Por la tarde, vuelve a empezar el baile, y vienen los forasteros para bailar y comer caracoles, que es el plato tipico del Valle de Aran, mejor dicho del pueblo de Las Bordas. Y se conti.nua el baile hasta las cuatro de la manana. El segundo dia el baile sigue igual que el primer dia. El ultimo dia, al fin del bails, que son las cuatro de la manana, entonces se juntan chicos y chicas para'hacer la chocolatada' (tomar chocolate caliente) en el medio de la plaza, en el paseo, eso dura hasta las ocho de la manana, lo que es costumbre del pueblo.

2. A recording made in Arros: Antonio Caubst talking about the harvesting of alfalfa and grass

Dallam et sanfuen cuate vetjes al any; era primera em mes de mars, era seguna en abrieu, era tercera en juny; seguns et tens, lu turnem a dalla en agus. Era herba se cumence de sega em mes de juny. Prime la dallam, tam era dalla; despus la deshem, la desandam; alabjfcs li dam vuelta e la hem a seca. Despus, un cop seca. la amassam, la metem en mudellun e lu deman la entrussam, la cargam as animaus e la purtam tat palle. Cumenpam et redall em mes de uctubre. S'et tens va ben ha d'esta ueit dies dehora; si he balaguera en tres dies ya la entram.

Phonetic transcription;-

[da'X an et sajj'fwetj 'Tcwatevec^esal1 ap. era pri * meramjnfizde 'mars era se'^umanabVj€W, era ter'ssraen^yp; se'jjumset^tens lutur'nem a Ja'As. ena'jjuis. era'erpa seku'mensedese'jja emjngzde '3yja. pri'me lacfa1 A am, tsmera'JaAa, des'pys laJes'sm, la Jesan'dam; ala'^ets li Jam •pwelta £ lem a se'ka. des'pys, yq kop'seka, lasma'sam, la 'metera emjmucfe'Au:$ £lu&e'ma$ lantru'sam, lakar'^am zani 'maws glapur'tamtappa' A £. kumen'sam erre1 JaA em 'mezduk "tu:pre. set'tens pa'perj acfes'ta wej.1 Jisesde'ora; si'epala'^era en'trez'cTi:es jalan'tram.J

Translation: -

Cortamos la alfalfa cuatro veces al ano; la primera en el mes de marzo, la segunda en abril, la tercera en junio; segun el tiempo volvemos a cortarla en agosto. Snpezamos de segar la hierba en el mes de junio. En primer lugar la cortamos, con la guadana; despues la deshacemos, la extendemos; entonces le damos vuelta y la dejamos para que se seque. Despues, cuando esta seca, la recogemos, la ponemos en rnonton y el dia siguiente la liamos en - 90 -

en fajos, ia cargamos en los animales y la llevamos al pajar. Empezamos el segundo corte en el mes de octubre. Si hace buen tiempo tiene que qu.edar fuera ocho dias; si hace bochorno la entramos al Cabo de tres dias.

APPENDIX B:

Poems

Of the three poems that follow, permission to reproduce the first was given to me by the poet, D. Luis Puig, of Lis; here I have retained his orthography at his request. For the other two and for their Cast, translations I am grateful to srta. Pilar Rodriguez, the librarian at Les.

Era Val d'Aran El Valle de Aran

Val d'Aran, terra d'Espanha, Yalle de Aran, tierra de Espana, Enclauada en Pirineu, Enclavado en los Pirineos, Tutis es hills d'aguesta mare Todos los hijos de esta madre Que t'aaoren, cum un ceu. Te adoran como un cielo. I Es tiics des tiies muntanhes, Los picos de tus montanas, Riberes, cascades e flus, Riberas, cascadas y flores, es coro Tut ei cor e alegria Tcdo y alegria . En a bida des pastus. En la vida de los pastores.

T'en canteren es puetes, Cantaron de tl los poetas, T'en'pinteren es pintus, 'Te pintaron los pintores, Escriuren era tiia historia Escribieron tu historia Homes de gran valu. Hombres de gran valor.

Mes et ceu nu te deixe abandunada Pero el cielo no te deja abandonado Encara que t'en ves de tut et munt, Aunque te aisles de todo el mundo, J'arribara et dia que et tunel Ya llegara el dia que el tunel Sera era tiia salvassiun. Sera tu salvacion.

LUIS PUIG.

Era Val d'Aran

1. Ei era Vai d'Aran era ribera 3. Tut-a—Pet separada d'autes t^rres Mes pulida de tut et Pirineu: Pes tucs e pes frunteres de naciun, Cuanse met era pella naua e bera Det tros de ceu que ve entre es dues Nu hi ha arren ta pulit dejus det ceu. Pot demura era sua prutecciun. /sewes 2. Pes dus custats ua nauta muntanya 4« Mes et ceu nu la dexe abandunada, Tustem la vire d'aires furastes. Encara gue s'en ve de tut et mund; Semble que nuei de Franga ne d'Espanya; Per aero de riquesses l'ha dutada Ei suleta en ses penes e plasses. E d'atraccius que en era sulet sun. - 91 -

5* Era ei rica d'herbes cum de mines, 9- E vus respunaran sense tardanpa: Rica de duces flaires e cuius; - "i'as enemies d'Espanya e des Per tut et tur ha bosqui per ^ - c.ristias; curtines Un bet ramat de cops contra era Que abriguen et son llet tut het Franp.a, de flus. E d'aufci contra es cundes de Pallas.

6. Es aigiies que nexen des sos 10. E despus det cumbat tustem canteram entranyes Era victoria, pro james plura, Sun raedeclna que va a cerca et mau. Se cauque cop despus de et Det bestia que neuris en es mun- plurerem, tanyes Siguec tas enemies aria enterra." Arres en sab et cunde, ne que vau. 11. E atau que ei. Perque tuti es 7. Se vulets liege era aranesa son santuaris historia, Besde Muntgarri enquia et Pont Es campanaus e gleises cunteraplata; det Rei En cada purtalada un giiell de Eren hunts des hets estraurdinaris gloria, Que era aranesa historia han het E en cada peiraun t'resu veirats. cum ei.

8. Mes se liege vulets tut es es planes 12. S enta hije ua perla en sa curuna, Re aquet libre de gloria re splandent, Ha un lenguatje tut son, pro son Preguntatsles a tutes es campanes sulet, Guaire cops han tucat a sumetent. Mes despreciat de tuta aute persuna Que nu sigue aranesa tant cum et.

13. Aero ei era Val d'Aran. Pro ei tan amagada, Ta lueny, ta lueny, que Espanya nu la hi sab, Eauritsli un pas perque ei massa embarrada. Eauritsli un cunsol perque era nu'n ha cap.

MOSSM CONBO SMBEAT.

Era Canpun dera Gu'e'llera

1. Ara mia guellera 3- Brembate'n uan sullem Ua canqun li vai canta. Nostes gtielles mescla, Enta que en sapie es penes E at maitin cuan anauem Que en vulen acaba. Ta anales pastura. E nu 'n sigues ingrata Et dia d'un uratje E ditme sx o nu: Sauvec et ton pastu: &n punet vulla ju tin punet vulxa ju E nu, e nu, e nu. E nu, e nu, e nu.

2. Oh que xarmanta n'eres Brembate'n de aquet dia Cuan n'hadies un noc. Que et lup hi arribec, E ju que et cuntemplaua Sautec at mieu des giielles At darre d'un arroc, E les t'esbarriquec. Qui s'en turnesse abella E de aquet gran sauvatje Enta ana de flu en flu: Librec et ton pastu: Un punet vuiia ju* tin punet vulia ju E nu, e nu, e nu. E nu, e nu, e nu. - 92 -

5- Prumetis aquet dia 6. Auderets de muntanya Fineses per demes. be cant meludiuc, Passat et prill, pastura, Vus do era despedida En ju nu has pensat mes. Tut anegat en plus. Hets buni vularxa, Adieu, guellera irua, Mentides ja n'hi ha pru: Que en rncri de dulu: Un punet vulia ju TJn punet vulia ju E nu, e nu, e nu. E nu, e nu, e nu.

Castilian translations of second and third poems above: -

El Valle de Aran

Es el Valle de Aran la ribera Mas bonita de todo el Pirineo: Cuando se pone el vestido nuevo y bello No hay nada tan bonito bajo el cielo.

Por los dos lados una alta montana Siempre lo abriga de aires forasteros. Parece que no es de Francia ni de Espaha; Que esta solo en sus penas y placeres.

Completamente separado de otras tierras Por picos y por fronteras nacionales, Del trozo de cielo que ve entre dos sierras Puebe esperar su proteccion.

Pero el cielo no le deja abandonado, Aunque se separe de todo el mundo; Por eso de riquezas le ha dotado Y de atracciones que en el solo estan.

Es rico de hierbas como de minas, Rico de dulces olores y colores; Todo alrededor tiene bosques por cortinas Que abrigan su cama hecha de flores.

Das aguas que nacen de sus entranas Son medicamento que va a buscar el mal, Del ganado que nutre en sus montanas Nadie sabe la cuenta ni cuanto vale.

Si quereis leer la historia aranesa, Gontemplad los campanarios e iglesias; En cada portal un ojo de gloria, Y en cada piedra un tesoro vereis. Pero si quereis leer todas las paginas De aquel libro de gloria resplandeciente, Preguntad a todas las campanas Cuantas veces han tocado a "someten".

Y os contestaran sin tardar:

- "Para enemigos de Espana y de cristianos; Muchas veces contra Francia Y otras contra los condes de Paliars.

Y despues del combate siempre cantamos La victoria, pero jamas llorar, Si alguna vez despues de el lloramos, Fue para ir a enterrar a los enemigos." - 93 -

Y asx es. Porque todos los santuarios Desde Montgarri hasta el Puente del Rey Eran fuentes- de los hechos extraordinarios Que han hecho la historia aranesa tal como es.

Y para anadir una perla a su corona? Tiene un lenguaje todo suyo, pero suyo solo, Mas despreciado de toda otra persona Que no sea aranesa tanto como el.

Sso es el- Valle de Aran. Pero esta tan escondido, Tan lejos, tan lejos, que Espana lo ignora. Abridle un paso porque esta demasiado encerrado. Dadle un consuelo porque el no tiene ninguno.

La Cancion de la Pastora

1. A mi pastora 4« Acuerdate de aquel dla Quiero cantar una cancion, Que llego el lobo, Para que sepa las penas Sal to en medio de las ovejas Que me quieren matar. Y te las esparcio. Y no seas ingrata Y de ese gran salvaje Y dime si o no: libro tu pastor: Un be so querla yo Un beso querla yo Y no, y no, y no. Y no, y no, y no.

2. Oh que bonita eras 5- Prometiste aquel dia Cuando haclas un ramo; Finezas para siempre. Y yo te contemplaba Pasaao el peligro, pastora, Detras de una roca, En mi no has pensado mas. Quien me volviese abeja Hechos buenos querrla, Para ir de flor en flor: Mentiras ya hay bastante: Un beso querla yo Un beso querla yo Y no, y no, y no. Y no, y no, y no. 3. Acuerdate de cuando sollamos 6. Pajaritos de montana Mezclar nuestras ovejas, De canto melodioso, Y por la manana cuando ibamos Os doy la despedida A hacerlas pacer. Ahogado en lagrimas. El dia de una toimenta Adios, pastora mia, Te salvo tu pastor: Que me muero de dolor: Un beso querla yo Un beso queria yo Y no, y no, y no. Y no, y no, y no. APPENDIX C:

Maps

MAP I . THE VAC t'A/LAM '• GEe&ZAPHtOiL LoCAT/OH.

- 94 - - 95 -

v> 2 o <—

Z

£ £

2

VI u.1

X

Q

_l

>

UJ X \-

H

Q. *X z - 96 - APPENDIX D;

Photographs

PLATE I: Era Val d 'Aran.

PLATE II: The valley of the Sarrados.

- 97 - - 98 -

PLATE IV: Arres de Jus (left foreground) and Arres de Sus (top right). PLATE V: Vilamos. Notice exterior view of baking oven (centre left).

PLATE VI: Arres de Jus. Era cumada and et lauade. - 100 -

PLATE VII: Arru (Las Bordas behind house in centre).

PLATE VIII: Arru. fra porta. - 101 -

PLATE IX: 5s ar.jes.

PIATE X: Era Hunt det Grestllun, valley of River Jueu. Inscription in Aranes: "5 TAM AIGUARDEN ENCARA 30 MUL MI LHP (MY con

aguardiente soy aun mejor")- - Plate XI: Arros. Notice et balcu with overhanging eaves and era canuchina in roof.

PLATE XII: Hontcorbau. - 103 -

PLATS XIV: View of Vilach, showing the three levels of grassland, woodland and summer pasture. BIBLIOGRAPHY BIBLIOGRAPHY

Aderaa 196$ C. ABBAA MORA, Estudio sobre el Bialecto Aranes (Barcelona 196$)•

Bad! s Margarit 1948 A. BADIA. MARGARIT, Contribucion al Vocabulario A.ragones Moderno \J-943).

Badia Margarit 1951 ______, "Sobre ibi e inde en las lenguas de la Peninsula Iberica," Revista de Filologia Esoanola XXV (1951) 62-74-

Badla Margarit 1965 ______, "Funcion significativa y diferencial de la vocal neutra en el Catalan de Barcelona," RFS XLVIII (1965) 79-95- Ballarln Cornel 1976 C.A. BALLARIN CORNEL, "Civilizacion Pirenaica," Revista de Dialectologla y Tradiciones Popu- lares XXVI (1979) 94-147- Barnils 1913 P- BARNILS, "Notes sobre 1'aranes," Butlletl de BgcI4AS (see. Abbe*PA) Dialectologla Catalana I (1913) 48-56- Catalan 1954 B. CATALAN, "Resultados apico-palatales y dorso- palatales de -LL-, -NN-, y de LL- ( L-), NN- ( X-)," RFS XXXVIII (1954) 1-44-

Colon Bomenech 1953 G. COLON DOMENECH, "El concepto 'otono' en Catalan y su oosicion entre las lenguas roman¬ ces," RFE XXXVII (1953) 194-215. Condo 1915 J* CONDO, "Vocabulari aranes," BBC II (1915)- l~7-7 Corominas 1954-1957 Diccionario Crltico Etirnologico de la Lengua Cas- tell ana, Vol. I (-1954), Vol. II (1955)? Vol. Ill (1956), Vol. IV (1957). Corcmines 1926 J. COROAINES, "Etimologies araneses," BBC XIII (1926) 64- Be la Cruz 1951 G. DS LA CRTJZ, "Carta de la Ardilla," RBTP VII (1951) 683-693- Bi Prieto 1965 R.J. BI PRIETO, "L^s fonemas del Catalan," RFS XLVIII (1965) 153-158. Garcia de Biego 1948 V. GARCIA BE BISGO, Manual de Bialectologia Espanola (Madrid 1948 $.

Garcia de Biego 1950 - ______, "21 castellano cono complejo dialectal y sus dialectos internos," RFS XXXIV (1950). ,07- i2-^

Garcia de Biego 1955 ______"Berivados hispanicos del Latin re s e care.'cortar'," RBTP XI (1955) 415-441.

Garcia de Biego 1959 ______, "Families verbales en lenguas y dialectos hispanicos: Caryon," RBTP XV (1959) 355-380.

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- - - - Giese 1953 , "Terminologla ce la casa vasea," RDTP IX (1953) 569-600." Gonzalez Olle 1951 F. GONZALEZ OLLE, "Nonbres de la fresa," RDTP VII (1951) 694-696.

------Gonzalez Olle 1969 , "La lengua occitana en Na.varra, RDTP XXV (1969) 235-300. Haensch I960 G. HAENSCH, Las Eablas de la Alta Ribarersa (i960

Iribarren 1952 J. -M. IRIBARRSN, V0 c abulari 0 Navarro (1960). Mondejar 196? J. MONDEJAR, "Areas lexieas. (Sobre relaciones entre Hispania y la Italia Meridional)," EDT? XXIII (1967) 181-200. Rohlfs 1935 G. ROHLFS, "Le Gascon. Etudes de philologie pyreneenne," Beihefte zur Zeitschrifte fur Romanische Philologis, Heft 85 (1935)•

- --- Rohlfs 1952 , "Sur une couche preromane dans la topo nymie de Gascogne et de l'Espagne du Nora," RFE Rob IPs 1910 (see Aj>])£H!>A) xxxvi (1952) 209-256.

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Veny Clar 1959 J. VENY CLAR, "Paralelism03 lexicos en los dialec tos catalanes," RFE XLII (1959) 91-147

Veny Clar I960 "Paralelismos lexicos en los dialec tos catalanes (continuacion)," RFE XLIII (i960) 117-202.

Violant y R. VIOLANT Y SIMORRA, "Caracteristicas tradiciona Simorra 1950 les, antiguas y evolucionadas, del hogax* domes- tico popular en Cataluna," RL'TP VI (1958) 438- 495-

Violant y , "El arado y el yugo Simorra 1958 tradicionales en Cataluna," RD'TP XIV (1958) 386-353.

ADDENDA

Bee 1968 PIERRE BEC, Les Interferences linguistiques entre Gascon et Languedocien dans les parlers du Comminges et du Couserans (Paris 1968). Rohlfs 1978 G. ROHLFS, Le Gascon. Etudes de philologie pyreneenne, deuxieme edition, entierement refondue (Tubingen 1978).