DOCSLIB.ORG

The Insurgency in Afghanistan's Heartland

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Insurgency in Afghanistan's Heartland THE INSURGENCY IN AFGHANISTAN’S HEARTLAND Asia Report N°207 – 27 June 2011 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS ................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................. 1 II. RISE, FALL, RESURGENCE ......................................................................................... 3 A. ORIGINS ....................................................................................................................................... 3 B. KABUL WON AND LOST ............................................................................................................... 4 C. COLLAPSE .................................................................................................................................... 5 1. Operation Enduring Freedom ...................................................................................................... 5 2. Resurgence ................................................................................................................................... 5 III. STATE OF PLAY .............................................................................................................. 8 A. RECRUITMENT ............................................................................................................................. 9 1. Motivation .................................................................................................................................... 9 2. Mobilisation ............................................................................................................................... 11 B. COMMAND AND CONTROL ......................................................................................................... 13 1. Taliban command and control.................................................................................................... 13 2. The Haqqani network and Hizb-e Islami ................................................................................... 14 C. TAKING TERRITORY ................................................................................................................... 15 1. Kabul .......................................................................................................................................... 15 2. South of Kabul: Logar, Wardak, Ghazni ................................................................................... 16 3. North of Kabul: Parwan, Kapisa, Laghman ............................................................................... 18 D. COOPERATION AND COMPETITION ............................................................................................. 19 1. The Taliban, al-Qaeda and the Haqqani network....................................................................... 19 2. The Taliban and Hizb-e Islami................................................................................................... 21 IV. THE CURRENCY OF CONFLICT .............................................................................. 22 A. SHADOW GOVERNANCE/SHADOW ECONOMY ............................................................................. 25 B. PROFIT MOTIVES ....................................................................................................................... 26 V. CONCLUSION ................................................................................................................ 29 APPENDICES A. MAP OF AFGHANISTAN .................................................................................................................... 30 B. MAP OF INSURGENT INFLUENCE AROUND KABUL ............................................................................ 31 C. GLOSSARY ....................................................................................................................................... 32 D. ABOUT THE INTERNATIONAL CRISIS GROUP .................................................................................... 33 E. CRISIS GROUP REPORTS AND BRIEFINGS ON ASIA SINCE 2008 ......................................................... 34 F. CRISIS GROUP BOARD OF TRUSTEES ................................................................................................ 36 Asia Report N°207 27 June 2011 THE INSURGENCY IN AFGHANISTAN’S HEARTLAND EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS The insurgency in Afghanistan has expanded far beyond after the transfer of additional U.S. troops was completed, its stronghold in the south east. Transcending its traditional violence increased across the country, hitting new peaks Pashtun base, the Taliban is bolstering its influence in the in May 2011 as the Taliban launched their spring offen- central-eastern provinces by installing shadow govern- sive, which resulted in the highest recorded number of ci- ments and tapping into the vulnerabilities of a central gov- vilian casualties incurred in a single month since the U.S. ernment crippled by corruption and deeply dependent on engagement in Afghanistan began in 2001. It is unlikely a corrosive war economy. Collusion between insurgents that this trend will be reversed anytime soon. Following and corrupt government officials in Kabul and the nearby the announcement by President Barack Obama on 22 June provinces has increased, leading to a profusion of crimi- 2011 of U.S. plans to withdraw 33,000 troops by September nal networks in the Afghan heartland. Despite efforts to 2012, it appears likely that the insurgency will push force- combat the insurgency in the south, stability in the centre fully to gain more ground before the military drawdown has steadily eroded. Yet, with nearly one fifth of the popu- reaches its final phase by December 2014. lation residing in Kabul and its surrounding provinces, the Afghan heartland is pivotal to the planned transition from Nearly a decade after the U.S.-led military intervention be- international troops to Afghan forces at the end of 2014. gan, little has been done to challenge the perverse incen- Given the insurgency’s entrenchment so close to the capital, tives of continued conflict in Afghanistan. Insecurity and however, it appears doubtful that President Hamid Karzai’s the inflow of billions of dollars in international assistance government will be able to contain the threat and stabilise has failed to significantly strengthen the state’s capacity the country by then. Countering the insurgency in these to provide security or basic services and has instead, by crucial areas requires the implementation of long-overdue progressively fusing the interests of political gatekeepers reforms, including more robust anti-corruption efforts, and insurgent commanders, provided new opportunities stricter oversight over international aid and greater support for criminals and insurgents to expand their influence inside for capacity building in the judicial and financial sectors. the government. The economy as a result is increasingly dominated by a criminal oligarchy of politically connected Although the number of major attacks on Kabul has recently businessmen. On the surface, security conditions in the declined, insurgent networks have been able to reinforce capital city appear relatively stable. The nexus between their gains in provinces and districts close to the city, criminal enterprises, insurgent networks and corrupt po- launching smaller attacks on soft targets. Outmanned and litical elites, however, is undermining Kabul’s security and outgunned by the thousands of foreign and Afghan secu- that of the central-eastern corridor. Afghan citizens, mean- rity forces in and around Kabul, Taliban attacks inside the while, are squeezed on all sides – by the government, the capital are not aimed at controlling it physically but to insurgency and international forces. capture it psychologically. Once that objective is achieved, the political and financial cost of doing business for for- The insurgency’s penetration of the greater Kabul area has eign forces and diplomatic missions located in Kabul will also intensified competition between Taliban fighters asso- be too high to sustain for the long haul. ciated with Mullah Omar’s Quetta Shura (leadership coun- cil), the North Waziristan-based Haqqani network and An aggressive campaign of assassinations of government Gulbuddin Hekmatyar’s Hizb-e Islami. Violent rivalries officials and infiltration of Afghan security forces in between commanders of these insurgent groups in places neighbouring provinces has, meanwhile, gutted the gov- such as Kapisa, Logar and Wardak have resulted in the ernment’s ability to expand its reach to the periphery. In loss of hundreds of lives. Caught in the middle are ordi- the rural areas of Ghazni, Wardak, Logar and other nearby nary Afghans who remain fearful of a Taliban return to provinces, where unemployment runs high and govern- power. Tasked with quelling the violence, NATO’s Inter- ment presence is low, the insurgency has found safe havens national Security Assistance Force (ISAF) is perceived as far from the borders of Pakistan. A little more than a year unable or unwilling to distinguish between civilians and The Insurgency in Afghanistan’s Heartland Crisis Group Asia Report N°207, 27 June 2011 Page ii insurgents and to reduce dependence on corrupt govern- c) clarify criteria for corruption investigations and ment officials in its counter-insurgency strategy. harmonise policy on pursuing sensitive cases involving high-level officials;
Load more

Recommended publications
  • COIN in Afghanistan - Winning the Battles, Losing the War?
    COIN in Afghanistan - Winning the Battles, Losing the War? MAGNUS NORELL FOI, Swedish Defence Research Agency, is a mainly assignment-funded agency under the Ministry of Defence. The core activities are research, method and technology development, as well as studies conducted in the interests of Swedish defence and the safety and security of society. The organisation employs approximately 1000 personnel of whom about 800 are scientists. This makes FOI Sweden’s largest research institute. FOI gives its customers access to leading-edge expertise in a large number of fields such as security policy studies, defence and security related analyses, the assessment of various types of threat, systems for control and management of crises, protection against and management of hazardous substances, IT security and the potential offered by new sensors. FOI Swedish Defence Research Agency Phone: +46 8 555 030 00 www.foi.se FOI Memo 3123 Memo Defence Analysis Defence Analysis Fax: +46 8 555 031 00 ISSN 1650-1942 March 2010 SE-164 90 Stockholm Magnus Norell COIN in Afghanistan - Winning the Battles, Losing the War? “If you don’t know where you’re going. Any road will take you there” (From a song by George Harrison) FOI Memo 3123 Title COIN in Afghanistan – Winning the Battles, Losing the War? Rapportnr/Report no FOI Memo 3123 Rapporttyp/Report Type FOI Memo Månad/Month Mars/March Utgivningsår/Year 2010 Antal sidor/Pages 41 p ISSN ISSN 1650-1942 Kund/Customer Försvarsdepartementet Projektnr/Project no A12004 Godkänd av/Approved by Eva Mittermaier FOI, Totalförsvarets Forskningsinstitut FOI, Swedish Defence Research Agency Avdelningen för Försvarsanalys Department of Defence Analysis 164 90 Stockholm SE-164 90 Stockholm FOI Memo 3123 Programme managers remarks The Asia Security Studies programme at the Swedish Defence Research Agency’s Department of Defence Analysis conducts research and policy relevant analysis on defence and security related issues.
    [Show full text]
  • From the Editor
    EDITORIAL STAFF From the Editor ELIZABETH SKINNER Editor Happy New Year, everyone. As I write this, we’re a few weeks into 2021 and there ELIZABETH ROBINSON Copy Editor are sparkles of hope here and there that this year may be an improvement over SALLY BAHO Copy Editor the seemingly endless disasters of the last one. Vaccines are finally being deployed against the coronavirus, although how fast and for whom remain big sticky questions. The United States seems to have survived a political crisis that brought EDITORIAL REVIEW BOARD its system of democratic government to the edge of chaos. The endless conflicts VICTOR ASAL in Syria, Libya, Yemen, Iraq, and Afghanistan aren’t over by any means, but they have evolved—devolved?—once again into chronic civil agony instead of multi- University of Albany, SUNY national warfare. CHRISTOPHER C. HARMON 2021 is also the tenth anniversary of the Arab Spring, a moment when the world Marine Corps University held its breath while citizens of countries across North Africa and the Arab Middle East rose up against corrupt authoritarian governments in a bid to end TROELS HENNINGSEN chronic poverty, oppression, and inequality. However, despite the initial burst of Royal Danish Defence College change and hope that swept so many countries, we still see entrenched strong-arm rule, calcified political structures, and stagnant stratified economies. PETER MCCABE And where have all the terrorists gone? Not far, that’s for sure, even if the pan- Joint Special Operations University demic has kept many of them off the streets lately. Closed borders and city-wide curfews may have helped limit the operational scope of ISIS, Lashkar-e-Taiba, IAN RICE al-Qaeda, and the like for the time being, but we know the teeming refugee camps US Army (Ret.) of Syria are busy producing the next generation of violent ideological extremists.
    [Show full text]
  • The Afghanistan-Pakistan Wars, 2008–2009: Micro-Geographies, Conflict Diffusion, and Clusters of Violence
    The Afghanistan-Pakistan Wars, 2008–2009: Micro-geographies, Conflict Diffusion, and Clusters of Violence John O’Loughlin, Frank D. W. Witmer, and Andrew M. Linke1 Abstract: A team of political geographers analyzes over 5,000 violent events collected from media reports for the Afghanistan and Pakistan conflicts during 2008 and 2009. The violent events are geocoded to precise locations and the authors employ an exploratory spatial data analysis approach to examine the recent dynamics of the wars. By mapping the violence and examining its temporal dimensions, the authors explain its diffusion from traditional foci along the border between the two countries. While violence is still overwhelmingly concentrated in the Pashtun regions in both countries, recent policy shifts by the American and Pakistani gov- ernments in the conduct of the war are reflected in a sizeable increase in overall violence and its geographic spread to key cities. The authors identify and map the clusters (hotspots) of con- flict where the violence is significantly higher than expected and examine their shifts over the two-year period. Special attention is paid to the targeting strategy of drone missile strikes and the increase in their number and geographic extent by the Obama administration. Journal of Economic Literature, Classification Numbers: H560, H770, O180. 15 figures, 1 table, 113 ref- erences. Key words: Afghanistan, Pakistan, Taliban, ­­Al- Qaeda, insurgency, Islamic terrorism, U.S. military, International Security Assistance Forces, Durand Line, Tribal Areas, Northwest Frontier Province, ACLED, NATO. merica’s “longest war” is now (August 2010) nearing its ninth anniversary. It was Alaunched in October 2001 as a “war of necessity” (Barack Obama, August 17, 2009) to remove the Taliban from power in Afghanistan, and thus remove the support of this regime for Al-Qaeda, the terrorist organization that carried out the September 2001 attacks in the United States.
    [Show full text]
  • Sasha Paul Final Thesis
    PAKISTAN AGAINST ITSELF: THE RISE OF EXTREMISM By Sasha J Paul Bachelor of Arts, Dalhousie University, 1997 A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Masters of Arts in the Graduate Academic Unit of History Supervisor: David Charters, PhD, Department of History Examining Board: Gary Waite, PhD, Acting Director of Graduate Studies, Chair J. Marc Milner, PhD, Department of History Lawrence Wisniewski, PhD, Department of Sociology This thesis is accepted by the Dean of Graduate Studies THE UNIVERSITY OF NEW BRUNSWICK April 2014 ©Sasha J Paul, 2014 ABSTRACT An analysis of Pakistan’s political, social, institutional and regional history reveals two principal problems facing the state: first, the enmity that developed between Pakistan and India following partition, has morphed into an overwhelming national obsession with India which has supported unbridled growth of Pakistan’s security institutions at the expense of Pakistan’s ability to govern its own people. Second, despite the lofty aims of Mohammad Ali Jinnah to build his country into a modern democratic and secular state, the confluence of certain key factors have prevented Pakistan from ever moving towards this ideal. This study will examine the complex web of factors that have spawned Pakistan’s current situation as a failing nuclear state such as: the outstanding grievances from the partition of colonial India and subsequent conflicts, support of the Mujahedeen in Afghanistan and the social, institutional, and economic domestic factors. Pakistan’s overt and tacit support of extremists is a double-edged sword that undermines at any semblance of stability for this country as it grapples with a growing number of suicide attacks, targeted killings, kidnappings, increased criminal activity and rising drug addiction, yet the status quo continues with little expectation of positive change.
    [Show full text]
  • Afghanistan: the Situation of Christian Converts
    +*-/ !"#)$./) # .$/0/$*)*!#-$./$)*)1 -/. 7 April 2021 © Landinfo 2021 The material in this report is covered by copyright law. Any reproduction or publication of this report or any extract thereof other than as permitted by current Norwegian copyright law requires the explicit written consent of Landinfo. For information on all of the reports published by Landinfo, please contact: Landinfo Country of Origin Information Centre Storgata 33 A P.O. Box 2098 Vika NO-0125 Oslo Tel.: (+47) 23 30 94 70 Ema il: [email protected] www.landinfo.no *0/ )$)!*ҁ. - +*-/. The Norwegian Country of Origin Information Centre, Landinfo, is an independent body within the Norwegian Immigration Authorities. Landinfo provides country of origin information (COI) to the Norwegian Directorate of Immigration (Utlendingsdirektoratet – UDI), the Immigration Appeals Board (Utlendingsnemnda – UNE) and the Norwegian Ministry of Justice and Public Security. Reports produced by Landinfo are based on information from carefully selected sources. The informa tion is collected a nd analysed in accordance with common methodology for processing COI and Landinfo’s internal guidelines on source and information analysis. To ensure balanced reports, efforts are made to obtain information from a wide range of sources. Many of our reports draw on findings and interviews conducted on fact-finding missions. All sources used are referenced. Sources hesitant to provide information to be cited in a public report have retained anonymity. The reports do not provide exhaustive overviews of topics or themes but cover aspects relevant for the processing of asylum and residency cases. Country of Origin Information presented in Landinfo’s reports does not contain policy recommendations nor does it reflect official Norwegian views.
    [Show full text]
  • “TELLING the STORY” Sources of Tension in Afghanistan & Pakistan: a Regional Perspective (2011-2016)
    “TELLING THE STORY” Sources of Tension in Afghanistan & Pakistan: A Regional Perspective (2011-2016) Emma Hooper (ed.) This monograph has been produced with the financial assistance of the Norway Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Its contents are the sole responsibility of the authors and do not reflect the position of the Ministry. © 2016 CIDOB This monograph has been produced with the financial assistance of the Norway Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Its contents are the sole responsibility of the authors and do not reflect the position of the Ministry. CIDOB edicions Elisabets, 12 08001 Barcelona Tel.: 933 026 495 www.cidob.org [email protected] D.L.: B 17561 - 2016 Barcelona, September 2016 CONTENTS CONTRIBUTOR BIOGRAPHIES 5 FOREWORD 11 Tine Mørch Smith INTRODUCTION 13 Emma Hooper CHAPTER ONE: MAPPING THE SOURCES OF TENSION WITH REGIONAL DIMENSIONS 17 Sources of Tension in Afghanistan & Pakistan: A Regional Perspective .......... 19 Zahid Hussain Mapping the Sources of Tension and the Interests of Regional Powers in Afghanistan and Pakistan ............................................................................................. 35 Emma Hooper & Juan Garrigues CHAPTER TWO: KEY PHENOMENA: THE TALIBAN, REFUGEES , & THE BRAIN DRAIN, GOVERNANCE 57 THE TALIBAN Preamble: Third Party Roles and Insurgencies in South Asia ............................... 61 Moeed Yusuf The Pakistan Taliban Movement: An Appraisal ......................................................... 65 Michael Semple The Taliban Movement in Afghanistan .......................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Old Habits, New Consequences Old Habits, New Khalid Homayun Consequences Nadiri Pakistan’S Posture Toward Afghanistan Since 2001
    Old Habits, New Consequences Old Habits, New Khalid Homayun Consequences Nadiri Pakistan’s Posture toward Afghanistan since 2001 Since the terrorist at- tacks of September 11, 2001, Pakistan has pursued a seemingly incongruous course of action in Afghanistan. It has participated in the U.S. and interna- tional intervention in Afghanistan both by allying itself with the military cam- paign against the Afghan Taliban and al-Qaida and by serving as the primary transit route for international military forces and matériel into Afghanistan.1 At the same time, the Pakistani security establishment has permitted much of the Afghan Taliban’s political leadership and many of its military command- ers to visit or reside in Pakistani urban centers. Why has Pakistan adopted this posture of Afghan Taliban accommodation despite its nominal participa- tion in the Afghanistan intervention and its public commitment to peace and stability in Afghanistan?2 This incongruence is all the more puzzling in light of the expansion of insurgent violence directed against Islamabad by the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), a coalition of militant organizations that are independent of the Afghan Taliban but that nonetheless possess social and po- litical links with Afghan cadres of the Taliban movement. With violence against Pakistan growing increasingly indiscriminate and costly, it remains un- clear why Islamabad has opted to accommodate the Afghan Taliban through- out the post-2001 period. Despite a considerable body of academic and journalistic literature on Pakistan’s relationship with Afghanistan since 2001, the subject of Pakistani accommodation of the Afghan Taliban remains largely unaddressed. Much of the existing literature identiªes Pakistan’s security competition with India as the exclusive or predominant driver of Pakistani policy vis-à-vis the Afghan Khalid Homayun Nadiri is a Ph.D.
    [Show full text]
  • U.S. Military Engagement in the Broader Middle East
    U.S. MILITARY ENGAGEMENT IN THE BROADER MIDDLE EAST JAMES F. JEFFREY MICHAEL EISENSTADT U.S. MILITARY ENGAGEMENT IN THE BROADER MIDDLE EAST JAMES F. JEFFREY MICHAEL EISENSTADT THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY WWW.WASHINGTONINSTITUTE.ORG The opinions expressed in this Policy Focus are those of the author and not necessarily those of The Washington Institute, its Board of Trustees, or its Board of Advisors. Policy Focus 143, April 2016 All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publica- tion may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing fromthe publisher. ©2016 by The Washington Institute for Near East Policy The Washington Institute for Near East Policy 1111 19th Street NW, Suite 500 Washington, DC 20036 Design: 1000colors Photo: An F-16 from the Egyptian Air Force prepares to make contact with a KC-135 from the 336th ARS during in-flight refueling training. (USAF photo by Staff Sgt. Amy Abbott) Contents Acknowledgments V I. HISTORICAL OVERVIEW OF U.S. MILITARY OPERATIONS 1 James F. Jeffrey 1. Introduction to Part I 3 2. Basic Principles 5 3. U.S. Strategy in the Middle East 8 4. U.S. Military Engagement 19 5. Conclusion 37 Notes, Part I 39 II. RETHINKING U.S. MILITARY STRATEGY 47 Michael Eisenstadt 6. Introduction to Part II 49 7. American Sisyphus: Impact of the Middle Eastern Operational Environment 52 8. Disjointed Strategy: Aligning Ways, Means, and Ends 58 9.
    [Show full text]
  • Changing Character of Political Islam in Pakistan
    Journal of Research in Social Sciences ISSN 2305-6533 (P), 2306-112X (E) Vol. 9, No. 1, Jan 2021 Changing Character of Political Islam in Pakistan Qamar Abbas Cheema1 and Syed Qandil Abbas2 Abstract Pakistan's confessional parties are re-inventing themselves. The Parties that are carrying a legacy from the time before partition are struggling to keep themselves relevant in mainstream political discourse. Pakistan's political landscape is changing because of the rise of Tehreek-i-Insaf, a progressive center-right political party that has altered the electioneering environment in Pakistan. Two main confessional parties Jamaat Islami (JI) and Jamiat Ulma e Islam Fazal Ur Rehman (JUI-F) are trying to develop an inclusive and pluralist political agenda. JI is a hierarchical Islamic party whereas JUI-F is a network Islamic party. Political Islam is in the process of shrinking in Pakistan because of the rise of political alternatives and outdatedness of the political and electoral discourse of confessional parties. Political Islam in Pakistan is changing by improving its ideological, political, and organizational structure in relation to its contemporary rivals. Changes in political Islam are not because of intellectual diversity and growth within confessional parties but to manage and compete for the rise of competing domestic political perspectives. Transnational connections with like-minded Islamist groups have scaled-down as the like-minded religio-ideological partners are termed as extremists and terrorists. Keywords: Political Islam, confessional parties, Islamist perspective, identity, social contract Introduction The second half of the twentieth century has been important because activist groups across the Muslim world came up with competing Islamist perspectives that directly collided with existing political narratives erected and sustained by colonial powers.
    [Show full text]
  • Remote Warfare Interdisciplinary Perspectives
    Remote Warfare Interdisciplinary Perspectives ALASDAIR MCKAY, ABIGAIL WATSON & MEGAN KARLSHØJ-PEDERSEN This e-book is provided without charge via free download by E-International Relations (www.E-IR.info). It is not permitted to be sold in electronic format under any circumstances. If you enjoy our free e-books, please consider leaving a small donation to allow us to continue investing in open access publications: http://www.e-ir.info/about/donate/ i Remote Warfare Interdisciplinary Perspectives EDITED BY ALASDAIR MCKAY, ABIGAIL WATSON AND MEGAN KARLSHØJ-PEDERSEN ii E-International Relations www.E-IR.info Bristol, England 2021 ISBN 978-1-910814-56-7 This book is published under a Creative Commons CC BY-NC 4.0 license. You are free to: • Share — copy and redistribute the material in any medium or format • Adapt — remix, transform, and build upon the material Under the following terms: • Attribution — You must give appropriate credit, provide a link to the license, and indicate if changes were made. You may do so in any reasonable manner, but not in any way that suggests the licensor endorses you or your use. • NonCommercial — You may not use the material for commercial purposes. Any of the above conditions can be waived if you get permission. Please contact [email protected] for any such enquiries, including for licensing and translation requests. Other than the terms noted above, there are no restrictions placed on the use and dissemination of this book for student learning materials/scholarly use. Production: Michael Tang Cover Image: Ruslan Shugushev/Shutterstock A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.
    [Show full text]
  • Individuals and Organisations
    Designated individuals and organisations Listed below are all individuals and organisations currently designated in New Zealand as terrorist entities under the provisions of the Terrorism Suppression Act 2002. It includes those listed with the United Nations (UN), pursuant to relevant Security Council Resolutions, at the time of the enactment of the Terrorism Suppression Act 2002 and which were automatically designated as terrorist entities within New Zealand by virtue of the Acts transitional provisions, and those subsequently added by virtue of Section 22 of the Act. The list currently comprises 7 parts: 1. A list of individuals belonging to or associated with the Taliban By family name: • A • B,C,D,E • F, G, H, I, J • K, L • M • N, O, P, Q • R, S • T, U, V • W, X, Y, Z 2. A list of organisations belonging to or associated with the Taliban 3. A list of individuals belonging to or associated with ISIL (Daesh) and Al-Qaida By family name: • A • B • C, D, E • F, G, H • I, J, K, L • M, N, O, P • Q, R, S, T • U, V, W, X, Y, Z 4. A list of organisations belonging to or associated with ISIL (Daesh) and Al-Qaida 5. A list of entities where the designations have been deleted or consolidated • Individuals • Entities 6. A list of entities where the designation is pursuant to UNSCR 1373 1 7. A list of entities where the designation was pursuant to UNSCR 1373 but has since expired or been revoked Several identifiers are used throughout to categorise the information provided.
    [Show full text]
  • “They've Shot Many Like This”
    HUMAN RIGHTS “They’ve Shot Many Like This” Abusive Night Raids by CIA-Backed Afghan Strike Forces WATCH “They’ve Shot Many Like This” Abusive Night Raids by CIA-Backed Afghan Strike Forces Copyright © 2019 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 978-1-6231-37779 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch defends the rights of people worldwide. We scrupulously investigate abuses, expose the facts widely, and pressure those with power to respect rights and secure justice. Human Rights Watch is an independent, international organization that works as part of a vibrant movement to uphold human dignity and advance the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Sydney, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.hrw.org OCTOBER 2019 ISBN: 978-1-6231-37779 “They’ve Shot Many Like This” Abusive Night Raids by CIA-Backed Afghan Strike Forces Map of Afghanistan ............................................................................................................... i Summary ............................................................................................................................... 1 Recommendations ..............................................................................................................
    [Show full text]