The Taliban's Survival
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COIN in Afghanistan - Winning the Battles, Losing the War?
COIN in Afghanistan - Winning the Battles, Losing the War? MAGNUS NORELL FOI, Swedish Defence Research Agency, is a mainly assignment-funded agency under the Ministry of Defence. The core activities are research, method and technology development, as well as studies conducted in the interests of Swedish defence and the safety and security of society. The organisation employs approximately 1000 personnel of whom about 800 are scientists. This makes FOI Sweden’s largest research institute. FOI gives its customers access to leading-edge expertise in a large number of fields such as security policy studies, defence and security related analyses, the assessment of various types of threat, systems for control and management of crises, protection against and management of hazardous substances, IT security and the potential offered by new sensors. FOI Swedish Defence Research Agency Phone: +46 8 555 030 00 www.foi.se FOI Memo 3123 Memo Defence Analysis Defence Analysis Fax: +46 8 555 031 00 ISSN 1650-1942 March 2010 SE-164 90 Stockholm Magnus Norell COIN in Afghanistan - Winning the Battles, Losing the War? “If you don’t know where you’re going. Any road will take you there” (From a song by George Harrison) FOI Memo 3123 Title COIN in Afghanistan – Winning the Battles, Losing the War? Rapportnr/Report no FOI Memo 3123 Rapporttyp/Report Type FOI Memo Månad/Month Mars/March Utgivningsår/Year 2010 Antal sidor/Pages 41 p ISSN ISSN 1650-1942 Kund/Customer Försvarsdepartementet Projektnr/Project no A12004 Godkänd av/Approved by Eva Mittermaier FOI, Totalförsvarets Forskningsinstitut FOI, Swedish Defence Research Agency Avdelningen för Försvarsanalys Department of Defence Analysis 164 90 Stockholm SE-164 90 Stockholm FOI Memo 3123 Programme managers remarks The Asia Security Studies programme at the Swedish Defence Research Agency’s Department of Defence Analysis conducts research and policy relevant analysis on defence and security related issues. -
Taliban Fragmentation FACT, FICTION, and FUTURE by Andrew Watkins
PEACEWORKS Taliban Fragmentation FACT, FICTION, AND FUTURE By Andrew Watkins NO. 160 | MARCH 2020 Making Peace Possible NO. 160 | MARCH 2020 ABOUT THE REPORT This report examines the phenomenon of insurgent fragmentation within Afghanistan’s Tali- ban and implications for the Afghan peace process. This study, which the author undertook PEACE PROCESSES as an independent researcher supported by the Asia Center at the US Institute of Peace, is based on a survey of the academic literature on insurgency, civil war, and negotiated peace, as well as on interviews the author conducted in Afghanistan in 2019 and 2020. ABOUT THE AUTHOR Andrew Watkins has worked in more than ten provinces of Afghanistan, most recently as a political affairs officer with the United Nations. He has also worked as an indepen- dent researcher, a conflict analyst and adviser to the humanitarian community, and a liaison based with Afghan security forces. Cover photo: A soldier walks among a group of alleged Taliban fighters at a National Directorate of Security facility in Faizabad in September 2019. The status of prisoners will be a critical issue in future negotiations with the Taliban. (Photo by Jim Huylebroek/New York Times) The views expressed in this report are those of the author alone. They do not necessarily reflect the views of the United States Institute of Peace. An online edition of this and related reports can be found on our website (www.usip.org), together with additional information on the subject. © 2020 by the United States Institute of Peace United States Institute of Peace 2301 Constitution Avenue NW Washington, DC 20037 Phone: 202.457.1700 Fax: 202.429.6063 E-mail: [email protected] Web: www.usip.org Peaceworks No. -
Terrorist Organizations Leadership Takeover Mechanisms Within : ΩϭοϭϣϟϤϭϧϋ Terrorist Organizations 02/11/2016 : ΈηϧϟΦϳέύη
Leadership Takeover Mechanisms within : ωϭοϭϣϟϡγ Terrorist Organizations Leadership Takeover Mechanisms within : ωϭοϭϣϟϥϭϧϋ Terrorist Organizations 02/11/2016 : έηϧϟΦϳέΎΗ ΔϣΩϘΗϣϟΕΎγέΩϟϭΙΎΣΑϸϟϝΑϘΗγϣϟίϛέϣ : ΏΗΎϛϟϡγ : ωϭοϭϣϟ Recently, many terrorist organizations, such as the Taliban in Afghanistan, the Almoravids in the Western Sahara, and Boko Haram in Nigeria, have witnessed radical changes in leadership, which have had an influence on these organizations as a whole. These changes had an evident impact on the activities of these organizations and how they faced the pressures imposed upon them by the states or other terrorist organizations. These changes are reflected in the various types of relations between these organizations, which vary from alliance to competition, and from conflict to balance. Remarkably, in this context, there is no one mechanism for dealing with the leadership shift inside these organizations. These shifts are attributed to several factors, relations with the other terrorist organizations, the external pressures facing them, and their ability to devote their efforts to internal cohesion and harmony among different wings of operation. Fundamental Characteristics: After the death of Taliban leader Mullah Akhtar Mansour in May 2016 by a U.S. drone which targeted his parade, the movement¶s Shura council issued a decree that Mullah Hibatullah Akhundzada would be the leader of the movement, following his position as vice leader tothe former leader. Sirajuddin Haqqani, leader of the Haqqani network, and Mullah Yaqoub, son of the former leader Mullah Mohammed Omar, were appointed as vice leaders for Akhundzada. Following the death of Zahran Alloush, Commander of Jaysh Al Islam organization in Syria, in December 2015 due to a Russian raidEssam Al Buwaydhani, nicknamed Abo Hammam, was appointed as his successor. -
The Afghanistan-Pakistan Wars, 2008–2009: Micro-Geographies, Conflict Diffusion, and Clusters of Violence
The Afghanistan-Pakistan Wars, 2008–2009: Micro-geographies, Conflict Diffusion, and Clusters of Violence John O’Loughlin, Frank D. W. Witmer, and Andrew M. Linke1 Abstract: A team of political geographers analyzes over 5,000 violent events collected from media reports for the Afghanistan and Pakistan conflicts during 2008 and 2009. The violent events are geocoded to precise locations and the authors employ an exploratory spatial data analysis approach to examine the recent dynamics of the wars. By mapping the violence and examining its temporal dimensions, the authors explain its diffusion from traditional foci along the border between the two countries. While violence is still overwhelmingly concentrated in the Pashtun regions in both countries, recent policy shifts by the American and Pakistani gov- ernments in the conduct of the war are reflected in a sizeable increase in overall violence and its geographic spread to key cities. The authors identify and map the clusters (hotspots) of con- flict where the violence is significantly higher than expected and examine their shifts over the two-year period. Special attention is paid to the targeting strategy of drone missile strikes and the increase in their number and geographic extent by the Obama administration. Journal of Economic Literature, Classification Numbers: H560, H770, O180. 15 figures, 1 table, 113 ref- erences. Key words: Afghanistan, Pakistan, Taliban, Al- Qaeda, insurgency, Islamic terrorism, U.S. military, International Security Assistance Forces, Durand Line, Tribal Areas, Northwest Frontier Province, ACLED, NATO. merica’s “longest war” is now (August 2010) nearing its ninth anniversary. It was Alaunched in October 2001 as a “war of necessity” (Barack Obama, August 17, 2009) to remove the Taliban from power in Afghanistan, and thus remove the support of this regime for Al-Qaeda, the terrorist organization that carried out the September 2001 attacks in the United States. -
Old Habits, New Consequences Old Habits, New Khalid Homayun Consequences Nadiri Pakistan’S Posture Toward Afghanistan Since 2001
Old Habits, New Consequences Old Habits, New Khalid Homayun Consequences Nadiri Pakistan’s Posture toward Afghanistan since 2001 Since the terrorist at- tacks of September 11, 2001, Pakistan has pursued a seemingly incongruous course of action in Afghanistan. It has participated in the U.S. and interna- tional intervention in Afghanistan both by allying itself with the military cam- paign against the Afghan Taliban and al-Qaida and by serving as the primary transit route for international military forces and matériel into Afghanistan.1 At the same time, the Pakistani security establishment has permitted much of the Afghan Taliban’s political leadership and many of its military command- ers to visit or reside in Pakistani urban centers. Why has Pakistan adopted this posture of Afghan Taliban accommodation despite its nominal participa- tion in the Afghanistan intervention and its public commitment to peace and stability in Afghanistan?2 This incongruence is all the more puzzling in light of the expansion of insurgent violence directed against Islamabad by the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), a coalition of militant organizations that are independent of the Afghan Taliban but that nonetheless possess social and po- litical links with Afghan cadres of the Taliban movement. With violence against Pakistan growing increasingly indiscriminate and costly, it remains un- clear why Islamabad has opted to accommodate the Afghan Taliban through- out the post-2001 period. Despite a considerable body of academic and journalistic literature on Pakistan’s relationship with Afghanistan since 2001, the subject of Pakistani accommodation of the Afghan Taliban remains largely unaddressed. Much of the existing literature identiªes Pakistan’s security competition with India as the exclusive or predominant driver of Pakistani policy vis-à-vis the Afghan Khalid Homayun Nadiri is a Ph.D. -
Taliban - UPSC International Relations Notes
Taliban - UPSC International Relations Notes The Taliban (spelt alternatively as Taleban) is an Islamic fundamentalist political and military organisation operating in Afghanistan. They have dominated Afghan polity for quite some time and feature regularly in international affairs. Hence, they are an important organization for the UPSC exam IR segment. In this article, you can read all about what is the Taliban, how it originated and the role it played and continues to play in the world, and especially Afghanistan. You can also read about its relations with India. What is the Taliban? The Taliban is a Sunni fundamentalist organisation that is involved in Afghan politics. It is also a military group that is involved in an insurgency against the currently elected government in Afghanistan. The Taliban controlled almost three-quarters of the country from 1996 to 2001 and was notorious for their strict implementation of the Sharia or Islamic law there. The period saw widespread abuse of human rights, especially targetted against women. The current head of the Taliban is Hibatullah Akhundzada. Mullah Omar is regarded as the founder of the Taliban. He died in 2013. The Taliban officially refers to itself as the ‘Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan’. The word ‘Taliban’ in Pashto means ‘students’. Taliban - Origins Background of the origins of the Taliban - Events that led to the rising in power of the Taliban The Saur Revolution in Afghanistan in 1978 installed a communist party in power there. This government introduced many reforms for modernisation and hence was considered too radical by some. Rural areas and the traditional power structures were unhappy with the new scheme of things and this led to anti-government protests in many places. -
The Mongol City of Ghazaniyya: Destruction, Spatial Reconstruction, and Preservation of the Urban Heritage1
Atri Hatef Naiemi The Mongol City of Ghazaniyya: Destruction, Spatial Reconstruction, and Preservation of the Urban Heritage1 Hülegü Khan (r. 1256-1265), a grandson of Chinggis Khan, founded the Ilkhanate in Iran in 1256 as the southwestern sector of the Mongol Empire. Mongol campaigns in Iran in the thirteenth century caused extensive destruction in different aspects of the Iranians’ social life and built environment. However, the political stability after the arrival of Hülegü intensified the process of urban development. Along with the reconstruction of the cities that had been extensively destroyed during the Mongol attack, the Ilkhans founded a number of new settlements. Their architectural and urban projects were mostly conducted in the northwest of present-day Iran, with some exceptions, for instance the city of Khabushan in Khurasan which was largely rebuilt by Hülegü and the notables of his court.2 In western Iran, Hülegü firstly focused his attention on the reconstruction of Baghdad, but following the designation of Azerbaijan as the headquarters of the Mongols, his urban development activities extended to this region. Maragha was chosen as the first capital of the Mongols and the most 1 This article has been adapted from a lecture presented in November 2019 at the Aga Khan Program in MIT. The research for this project has been facilitated by fellowship held with the Aga Khan program of MIT. I would like to thank Professors Nasser Rabbat and James Wescoat for their hospitality during the four months I spent at MIT in 2019. 2 In addition to Hülegü, Ghazan Khan also erected magnificent buildings in Khabushan. -
The Evolution of the Taliban
Calhoun: The NPS Institutional Archive Theses and Dissertations Thesis Collection 2008-06 The evolution of the Taliban Samples, Christopher A. Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School http://hdl.handle.net/10945/4101 NAVAL POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL MONTEREY, CALIFORNIA THESIS THE EVOLUTION OF THE TALIBAN by Shahid A. Afsar Christopher A. Samples June 2008 Thesis Advisor: Thomas H. Johnson Second Reader: Heather S. Gregg Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK REPORT DOCUMENTATION PAGE Form Approved OMB No. 0704-0188 Public reporting burden for this collection of information is estimated to average 1 hour per response, including the time for reviewing instruction, searching existing data sources, gathering and maintaining the data needed, and completing and reviewing the collection of information. Send comments regarding this burden estimate or any other aspect of this collection of information, including suggestions for reducing this burden, to Washington headquarters Services, Directorate for Information Operations and Reports, 1215 Jefferson Davis Highway, Suite 1204, Arlington, VA 22202-4302, and to the Office of Management and Budget, Paperwork Reduction Project (0704-0188) Washington DC 20503. 1. AGENCY USE ONLY (Leave blank) 2. REPORT DATE 3. REPORT TYPE AND DATES COVERED June 2008 Master’s Thesis 4. TITLE AND SUBTITLE The Evolution of the Taliban 5. FUNDING NUMBERS 6. AUTHORS Shahid A. Afsar and Christopher A. Samples 7. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) 8. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION Naval Postgraduate School REPORT NUMBER Monterey, CA 93943-5000 9. SPONSORING /MONITORING AGENCY NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) 10. SPONSORING/MONITORING N/A AGENCY REPORT NUMBER 11. SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES The views expressed in this thesis are those of the authors and do not reflect the official policy or position of the Department of Defense or the U.S. -
Islamist Militancy in the Pakistan-Afghanistan Border Region and U.S. Policy
= 81&2.89= .1.9&3(>=.3=9-*=&0.89&38 +,-&3.89&3=47)*7=*,.43=&3)=__=41.(>= _=1&3=74389&)9= 5*(.&1.89=.3=4:9-=8.&3=++&.78= *33*9-=&9?2&3= 5*(.&1.89=.3=.))1*=&89*73=++&.78= 4;*2'*7=,+`=,**2= 43,7*88.43&1= *8*&7(-=*7;.(*= 18/1**= <<<_(78_,4;= -.10-= =*5479=+47=43,7*88 Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress 81&2.89= .1.9&3(>=.3=9-*=&0.89&38+,-&3.89&3=47)*7=*,.43=&3)=__=41.(>= = :22&7>= Increasing militant activity in western Pakistan poses three key national security threats: an increased potential for major attacks against the United States itself; a growing threat to Pakistani stability; and a hindrance of U.S. efforts to stabilize Afghanistan. This report will be updated as events warrant. A U.S.-Pakistan relationship marked by periods of both cooperation and discord was transformed by the September 2001 terrorist attacks on the United States and the ensuing enlistment of Pakistan as a key ally in U.S.-led counterterrorism efforts. Top U.S. officials have praised Pakistan for its ongoing cooperation, although long-held doubts exist about Islamabad’s commitment to some core U.S. interests. Pakistan is identified as a base for terrorist groups and their supporters operating in Kashmir, India, and Afghanistan. Since 2003, Pakistan’s army has conducted unprecedented and largely ineffectual counterterrorism operations in the country’s Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) bordering Afghanistan, where Al Qaeda operatives and pro-Taliban insurgents are said to enjoy “safe haven.” Militant groups have only grown stronger and more aggressive in 2008. -
ITS | USFP Afghan Peace Process Diplomatic Brief
Diplomatic Brief Afghan Peace Process Background • In February 2020, the United States and the Taliban signed an agreement that would eventually lead to the first direct talks between the Taliban and the Afghan government since 2001. • After months of negotiations, the Afghan government and the Taliban agreed in December 2020 to the principles and procedures that would govern the peace talks – the first big step towards a peace agreement. • On April 14, 2021, the Biden administration announced that the United States would be withdrawing all troops from Afghanistan by September 11, 2021. • The peace talks are taking place concurrently with a campaign of targeted assassinations and attacks against Afghani civil servants, media figures, members of the judiciary, and other government o"cials. A vast majority of these attacks can be directly traced to the Taliban and their a"liates. Key Players United States of America Republic of India • Antony Blinken, Secretary of State • Subrahmanyam Jaishankar, Minister of External • Ambassador Zalmay Khalilzad, Special A#airs Representative for Afghanistan Reconciliation Islamic Republic of Pakistan Afghan Government • Mohammad Sadiq Khan, Special Envoy to • Mohammed Masoum Stanekzai, Chief Negotiator Afghanistan and Advisor to the President on Internal Security • Muhemmed Aejaz, Head of the Pakistani • Abdullah Abdullah, Chair of Afghanistan’s High Delegation Council for National Reconciliation Taliban Republic of Turkey • Mawlavi Abdul Hakim, Chief Negotiator • Mevlut Cavusoglu, Foreign Minister • Abdul Ghani Baradar , Deputy Chief Negotiator • Hakan Tekin, Director General for South Asia People’s Republic of China United Nations • Lui Jian, Special Envoy for Afghanistan • Deborah Lyons, Head of the U.N. Assistance Mission in Afghanistan Russian Federation • Sergei Lavrov, Foreign Minister • Zamir Kabulov, Presidential Special Envoy for Afghanistan USFP Programme 1 Significance The United States’ invasion of Afghanistan in 2001 toppled the then Taliban-controlled government. -
Summary of Information on Jihadist Websites the Second Half of May 2016
ICT Jihadi Monitoring Group PERIODIC REVIEW Bimonthly Report Summary of Information on Jihadist Websites The Second Half of May 2016 International Institute for Counter Terrorism (ICT) Additional resources are available on the ICT Website: www.ict.org.il This report summarizes notable events discussed on jihadist Web forums during the second half of May 2016. Following are the main points covered in the report: The Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan announces the death of its leader, Mullah Akhtar Mansour, as a result of a US drone strike, and the appointment of the organization’s new leader, Mawlawi Hibatullah Akhundzada. As a result of the announcement, members of the Emirate and some Al-Qaeda branches give eulogies in Akhtar Mansour’s memory. Meanwhile, members of the Taliban in Afghanistan swear allegiance to the new leader of the Emirate. Abu Muhammad al-‘Adnani, the spokesman for the Islamic State, calls on supporters of the organization to help it carry out terrorist attacks on western soil using any means and provides permission for the killing of all civilians in the west. In addition, al-‘Adnani accuses rebel factions in Syria, including Al-Nusra Front, of joining the infidel forces and collaborating with the US and coalition forces. Abu Abdullah al-Shami, a member of Al-Nusra Front’s Shura Council, accuses the US of foiling the Syrian revolution and supporting the Alawite regime. According to him, this trend only serves to encourage the organization’s fighters to keep fighting. In addition, al-Shami calls on all jihad factions in Syria to continue jihad until they achieve their goals. -
NEGOTIATIONS and RECONCILIATION with the TALIBAN: the Key Policy Issues and Dilemmas
NEGOTIATIONS AND RECONCILIATION WITH THE TALIBAN: The Key Policy Issues and Dilemmas By Vanda Felbab-Brown Fellow, 21st Century Defense Initiative, Foreign Policy, the Brookings Institution and Author of Shooting Up: Counterinsurgency and the War on Drugs (Brookings 2009) Thursday’s London conference on Afghanistan where the Afghan government, Britain, and Japan have presented their plans for reconciliation with the Taliban has reignited a months-long debate about whether or not to negotiate with the salafi insurgents. But although passions run strong on both sides of the debate, in its abstract form– negotiate: yes or no – the discussion is of little policy usefulness. The real question about negotiating with the Taliban is what shape and content any such negotiation and reconciliation should have and what are the costs and benefits of such an approach. THE COSTS AND BENEFITS OF NEGOTIATIONS and RECONCILIATION: SOME QUICK LESSONS FROM HISTORY Negotiations and reconciliation frequently have been a critical component of ending conflict, reducing violence, and saving lives: be they the pentiti laws in Italy directed toward the Red Brigades or amnesty for the Shining Path’s soldiers in Peru or negotiations between the Provisional IRA and the Unionists in Northern Ireland. For many who advocate negotiations with the Taliban, negotiations are a way to extricate forces from what they consider unattainable and perhaps unimportant objectives in Afghanistan. But this position ignores the real and acute threat still emanating from the region in the form of terrorism and severe regional instability. It also underestimates the risk and the costs associated with negotiations, such as giving the opponent a chance to increase its forces, recuperate, and renege on its promises.