Changing Character of Political Islam in Pakistan
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Husain Haqqani 154 Bay State Road Department of International Relations Email: [email protected] CAS IR 586 Islam in South Asian P
Husain Haqqani 154 Bay State Road Department of International Relations Email: [email protected] CAS IR 586 Islam in South Asian Politics Fall 2013 Tuesday 12:30- 3:30 pm Course Guide This course will examine the relations between the State, Politics, and Islam in South Asia and their impact on international relations. Islam became the defining element of a Pakistani identity after the partition of British India in 1947. It continues to have a strong influence on South Asian politics, especially in relation to unresolved regional conflicts over Kashmir and to some extent in Afghanistan. Pakistanis consider the dispute concerning Kashmir an unsolved question of the partition of British India in 1947 and lay claim to the territory because the vast majority of the population is Muslim. India, a secular state, views the Kashmir question as legally settled, and it too claims the whole territory, which is at present divided along a cease fire line. Pakistan has backed Islamist insurgents in Indian-controlled Kashmir in an effort to force India’s hand. India and Pakistan both have nuclear weapons, which make war and peace between them a global concern. In Afghanistan, U.S. backed Mujahideen fought the Soviet forces in Afghanistan during the 1980s, fell into civil war once the Soviets left and were replaced by the Taliban, who claimed they were uniting the country under the banner of Islam’s prophet. The Taliban were ousted from power through U.S. military force after 9/11 and the U.S. is playing a critical role with the intention of rebuilding Afghanistan. -
Political Islam and Counterterrorism in Southeast Asia: the Stanley an Agenda for US Policy Foundation Ince Late 2001, After the Interven- Asia
Policy Bulletin Political Islam and Counterterrorism In Southeast Asia: The Stanley An Agenda for US Policy Foundation ince late 2001, after the interven- Asia. On the one hand, it has returned tion in Afghanistan, the United the region to the US “policy screen.” On SStates has focused attention on the other, it views Southeast Asia in a “second fronts” in the war on terrorism, single dimension—that of Islamic 44th Strategy assuming that Al Qaeda would disperse extremism—which can result in unbal- for Peace its operatives and resources more widely. anced, even myopic, policies. Conference Southeast Asia, a region of prime impor- tance during the Cold War, holds both Despite these contradictions, counterter- threat and promise. Indonesia, the largest rorism cooperation between the United October 16-18, 2003 country in the region, is home to more States and Southeast Asia has met with Muslims than all Arab states combined. some success. Greater awareness of Airlie Center, Warrenton, VA Southeast Asian Islam has traditionally extremist networks in the region has been moderate, but in the past decade resulted in tighter law enforcement and radical Islamists—indigenous and the arrest of some key terrorists. At the foreign—have made strides both same time, however, the United States is underground and in the public arena. at risk of encouraging greater radicalism in Southeast Asian Islamist communities Washington counts several Southeast with policies that often do not accurately Asian governments as military or politi- reflect local conditions and concerns. cal allies, but allegiance to the United States is far from automatic. After the To address the difficulties of formulating fall of Saigon in 1975, American foreign new policies in the post-September 11 policy centered on other regions. -
Authoritarianism and Political Party Reforms in Pakistan
AUTHORITARIANISM AND POLITICAL PARTY REFORM IN PAKISTAN Asia Report N°102 – 28 September 2005 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 II. PARTIES BEFORE MUSHARRAF............................................................................. 2 A. AFTER INDEPENDENCE..........................................................................................................2 B. THE FIRST MILITARY GOVERNMENT.....................................................................................3 C. CIVILIAN RULE AND MILITARY INTERVENTION.....................................................................4 D. DISTORTED DEMOCRACY......................................................................................................5 III. POLITICAL PARTIES UNDER MUSHARRAF ...................................................... 6 A. CIVILIAN ALLIES...................................................................................................................6 B. MANIPULATING SEATS..........................................................................................................7 C. SETTING THE STAGE .............................................................................................................8 IV. A PARTY OVERVIEW ............................................................................................... 11 A. THE MAINSTREAM:.............................................................................................................11 -
From the Editor
EDITORIAL STAFF From the Editor ELIZABETH SKINNER Editor Happy New Year, everyone. As I write this, we’re a few weeks into 2021 and there ELIZABETH ROBINSON Copy Editor are sparkles of hope here and there that this year may be an improvement over SALLY BAHO Copy Editor the seemingly endless disasters of the last one. Vaccines are finally being deployed against the coronavirus, although how fast and for whom remain big sticky questions. The United States seems to have survived a political crisis that brought EDITORIAL REVIEW BOARD its system of democratic government to the edge of chaos. The endless conflicts VICTOR ASAL in Syria, Libya, Yemen, Iraq, and Afghanistan aren’t over by any means, but they have evolved—devolved?—once again into chronic civil agony instead of multi- University of Albany, SUNY national warfare. CHRISTOPHER C. HARMON 2021 is also the tenth anniversary of the Arab Spring, a moment when the world Marine Corps University held its breath while citizens of countries across North Africa and the Arab Middle East rose up against corrupt authoritarian governments in a bid to end TROELS HENNINGSEN chronic poverty, oppression, and inequality. However, despite the initial burst of Royal Danish Defence College change and hope that swept so many countries, we still see entrenched strong-arm rule, calcified political structures, and stagnant stratified economies. PETER MCCABE And where have all the terrorists gone? Not far, that’s for sure, even if the pan- Joint Special Operations University demic has kept many of them off the streets lately. Closed borders and city-wide curfews may have helped limit the operational scope of ISIS, Lashkar-e-Taiba, IAN RICE al-Qaeda, and the like for the time being, but we know the teeming refugee camps US Army (Ret.) of Syria are busy producing the next generation of violent ideological extremists. -
Reality of Ihyaa Al-Turaath Jamiat Ahle Hadith Jamaat Al-Dawa Page
Reality of Ihyaa Al-Turaath Jamiat Ahle Hadith Jamaat al-Dawa Page | 1 Reality of Ihyaa Al-Turaath Jamiat Ahle Hadith Jamaat al-Dawa Published by: As-Saabiqoon Publications (SalafiEvents.Com) Twitter: @SalafiEvent Author: Abu Umar (Al-Madinah Al-Nabawiyyah) Copyright 1440/2019 by As-Saabiqoon Publications (SalafiEvents.Com). ALL rights reserved. NO part of this publication may be reproduced, edited, altered in ANY form by ANY means, without the prior written permission of the publisher. NOT FOR SALE PURPOSES FREE e-DISTRIBUTION Page | 2 Reality of Ihyaa Al-Turaath Jamiat Ahle Hadith Jamaat al-Dawa CONTENTS Introduction ……………………………………………………………………………….6 Chapter 1 -Ihyaa Turaath in Pakistan - a brief outline of the activities and their heads 1.1 Ihyaa Al-Turaath and their terrorist activities within Pakistan…………………………………………………………………………………….10 1.2- Abdul Azeez Noorstani- “Ameer” of Ghurabaa, LT and head of Jamia Athariyyah, Peshawar…………….……………………………………….17 1.3- Muslim Dost –“Shaykh” of the ISIS/ Daesh graduate of Noorstani Jamia…………………………………..…………………………………….24 1.4 Aminullaah Peshawari – head of University sponsored by Ihyaa Al-Turaath………………………………………….………………………………………59 1.5 Ghulamullah Rehmati…Pro-Taliban “Shaykh” with strong links with Ihyaa Al-Turaath…………………………..……………………………………63 1.6 Usama Bin Ladin- the common denominator for all the parties associated with Ihyaa Al-Turaath……………………………………………….64 1.7- Mududi and Jamāt Islami –Terrorist Ikhwaan-ul-Muslimeen of Pakistan…………………………………………………………………………………….72 Page | 3 Reality of Ihyaa Al-Turaath Jamiat -
Sasha Paul Final Thesis
PAKISTAN AGAINST ITSELF: THE RISE OF EXTREMISM By Sasha J Paul Bachelor of Arts, Dalhousie University, 1997 A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Masters of Arts in the Graduate Academic Unit of History Supervisor: David Charters, PhD, Department of History Examining Board: Gary Waite, PhD, Acting Director of Graduate Studies, Chair J. Marc Milner, PhD, Department of History Lawrence Wisniewski, PhD, Department of Sociology This thesis is accepted by the Dean of Graduate Studies THE UNIVERSITY OF NEW BRUNSWICK April 2014 ©Sasha J Paul, 2014 ABSTRACT An analysis of Pakistan’s political, social, institutional and regional history reveals two principal problems facing the state: first, the enmity that developed between Pakistan and India following partition, has morphed into an overwhelming national obsession with India which has supported unbridled growth of Pakistan’s security institutions at the expense of Pakistan’s ability to govern its own people. Second, despite the lofty aims of Mohammad Ali Jinnah to build his country into a modern democratic and secular state, the confluence of certain key factors have prevented Pakistan from ever moving towards this ideal. This study will examine the complex web of factors that have spawned Pakistan’s current situation as a failing nuclear state such as: the outstanding grievances from the partition of colonial India and subsequent conflicts, support of the Mujahedeen in Afghanistan and the social, institutional, and economic domestic factors. Pakistan’s overt and tacit support of extremists is a double-edged sword that undermines at any semblance of stability for this country as it grapples with a growing number of suicide attacks, targeted killings, kidnappings, increased criminal activity and rising drug addiction, yet the status quo continues with little expectation of positive change. -
Old Habits, New Consequences Old Habits, New Khalid Homayun Consequences Nadiri Pakistan’S Posture Toward Afghanistan Since 2001
Old Habits, New Consequences Old Habits, New Khalid Homayun Consequences Nadiri Pakistan’s Posture toward Afghanistan since 2001 Since the terrorist at- tacks of September 11, 2001, Pakistan has pursued a seemingly incongruous course of action in Afghanistan. It has participated in the U.S. and interna- tional intervention in Afghanistan both by allying itself with the military cam- paign against the Afghan Taliban and al-Qaida and by serving as the primary transit route for international military forces and matériel into Afghanistan.1 At the same time, the Pakistani security establishment has permitted much of the Afghan Taliban’s political leadership and many of its military command- ers to visit or reside in Pakistani urban centers. Why has Pakistan adopted this posture of Afghan Taliban accommodation despite its nominal participa- tion in the Afghanistan intervention and its public commitment to peace and stability in Afghanistan?2 This incongruence is all the more puzzling in light of the expansion of insurgent violence directed against Islamabad by the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), a coalition of militant organizations that are independent of the Afghan Taliban but that nonetheless possess social and po- litical links with Afghan cadres of the Taliban movement. With violence against Pakistan growing increasingly indiscriminate and costly, it remains un- clear why Islamabad has opted to accommodate the Afghan Taliban through- out the post-2001 period. Despite a considerable body of academic and journalistic literature on Pakistan’s relationship with Afghanistan since 2001, the subject of Pakistani accommodation of the Afghan Taliban remains largely unaddressed. Much of the existing literature identiªes Pakistan’s security competition with India as the exclusive or predominant driver of Pakistani policy vis-à-vis the Afghan Khalid Homayun Nadiri is a Ph.D. -
Language, Religion and Politics: Urdu in Pakistan and North India / 93
Language, Religion and Politics: Urdu in Pakistan and North India / 93 Tariq Rahman* Language, Religion and Politics: Urdu in Pakistan and North India Résumé. Langue, religion et politique : l’ourdou au Pakistan et dans le nord de l’Inde. L’ourdou, langue nationale du Pakistan et symbole identitaire des Indiens musulmans est associée à l’islam en Asie du sud. Cette association a été forgée pendant la période coloniale britannique. Les Britanniques ont remplacé le persan - langue du pouvoir moghol - par l’our- dou (aux échelons inférieurs) et l’anglais (aux échelons supérieurs) dans plusieurs régions du nord de l’Inde et de l’actuel Pakistan. L’ourdou s’est diffusé par le biais des réseaux scolaires et de communication dans l’Inde coloniale. Il devint le principal médium d’instruction dans les séminaires musulmans (madrasa-s) et la principale langue des écrits religieux. L’ourdou est également devenu un symbole important de l’identité musulmane et a contribué, juste après l’islam, à mobiliser la communauté musulmane pour demander la création du Pakistan en 1947. Au Pakistan, l’ourdou et l’islam sont des composantes symboliques importantes de l’identité nationale et s’opposent à l’expression des langues autochtones. Cette identité est principalement défendue par les partis politiques de droite et se positionne comme opposée non seulement aux identifications ethniques mais également à une identité occidentale plus globalisée et libérale qui serait symbolisée par l’anglais. En Inde cependant, l’ourdou soutient la minorité musulmane contre la domination hindoue nationaliste. De fait, l’ourdou, dans sa relation avec l’islam, joue un rôle complexe et parfois contradictoire au Pakistan et au nord de l’Inde. -
Islam and Politics in Tunisia
Islam and Politics in Tunisia How did the Islamist party Ennahda respond to the rise of Salafism in post-Arab Spring Tunisia and what are possible ex- planatory factors of this reaction? April 2014 Islam and Politics in a Changing Middle East Stéphane Lacroix Rebecca Koch Paris School of© International Affairs M.A. International Security Student ID: 100057683 [email protected] Words: 4,470 © The copyright of this paper remains the property of its author. No part of the content may be repreoduced, published, distributed, copied or stored for public use without written permission of the author. All authorisation requests should be sent to [email protected] Table of Contents 1. Introduction ............................................................................................................. 3 2. Definitions and Theoretical Framework ............................................................... 4 3. Analysis: Ennahda and the Tunisian Salafi movements ...................................... 7 3.1 Ennahda ........................................................................................................................ 7 3.2 Salafism in Tunisia ....................................................................................................... 8 3.3 Reactions of Ennahda to Salafism ................................................................................ 8 4. Discussion ................................................................................................................ 11 5. Conclusion -
Al Qaeda in the Indian Subcontinent: a New Frontline in the Global Jihadist Movement?” the International Centre for Counter- Ter Rorism – the Hague 8, No
AL-QAEDA IN THE INDIAN SUBCONTINENT: The Nucleus of Jihad in South Asia THE SOUFAN CENTER JANUARY 2019 AL-QAEDA IN THE INDIAN SUBCONTINENT: THE NUCLEUS OF JIHAD IN SOUTH ASIA !1 AL-QAEDA IN THE INDIAN SUBCONTINENT: THE NUCLEUS OF JIHAD IN SOUTH ASIA AL-QAEDA IN THE INDIAN SUBCONTINENT (AQIS): The Nucleus of Jihad in South Asia THE SOUFAN CENTER JANUARY 2019 !2 AL-QAEDA IN THE INDIAN SUBCONTINENT: THE NUCLEUS OF JIHAD IN SOUTH ASIA CONTENTS List of Abbreviations 4 List of Figures & Graphs 5 Key Findings 6 Executive Summary 7 AQIS Formation: An Affiliate with Strong Alliances 11 AQIS Leadership 19 AQIS Funding & Finances 24 Wahhabization of South Asia 27 A Region Primed: Changing Dynamics in the Subcontinent 31 Global Threats Posed by AQIS 40 Conclusion 44 Contributors 46 About The Soufan Center (TSC) 48 Endnotes 49 !3 AL-QAEDA IN THE INDIAN SUBCONTINENT: THE NUCLEUS OF JIHAD IN SOUTH ASIA LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AAI Ansar ul Islam Bangladesh ABT Ansar ul Bangla Team AFPAK Afghanistan and Pakistan Region AQC Al-Qaeda Central AQI Al-Qaeda in Iraq AQIS Al-Qaeda in the Indian Subcontinent FATA Federally Administered Tribal Areas HUJI Harkat ul Jihad e Islami HUJI-B Harkat ul Jihad e Islami Bangladesh ISI Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence ISKP Islamic State Khorasan Province JMB Jamaat-ul-Mujahideen Bangladesh KFR Kidnap for Randsom LeJ Lashkar e Jhangvi LeT Lashkar e Toiba TTP Tehrik-e Taliban Pakistan !4 AL-QAEDA IN THE INDIAN SUBCONTINENT: THE NUCLEUS OF JIHAD IN SOUTH ASIA LIST OF FIGURES & GRAPHS Figure 1: Map of South Asia 9 Figure 2: -
Ennahda, Salafism and the Tunisian Transition
religions Article From Victim to Hangman? Ennahda, Salafism and the Tunisian Transition Francesco Cavatorta 1,*,† and Stefano Torelli 2,† 1 Department of Political Science, Laval University, Quebec, QC G1V 0A6, Canada 2 Italian Institute for International Political Studies (ISPI), 20121 Milan, Italy; [email protected] * Correspondence: [email protected] † We are very grateful to the three referees whose insightful comments have improved the manuscript considerably. All errors remain of course our own. Abstract: The article revisits the notion of post-Islamism that Roy and Bayat put forth to investigate its usefulness in analysing the Tunisian party Ennahda and its role in the Tunisian transition. The article argues that the notion of post-Islamism does not fully capture the ideological and political evolution of Islamist parties, which, despite having abandoned their revolutionary ethos, still compete in the political arena through religious categories that subsume politics to Islam. It is only by taking seriously these religious categories that one can understand how Ennahda dealt with the challenge coming from Salafis. Keywords: political Islam; Tunisia; Salafism; Ennahda democratization 1. Introduction Political Islam has been a prominent research topic for the last three decades and the literature on it is as impressive as it is broad. While it is impossible to do full justice Citation: Cavatorta, Francesco, and to how scholars have approached the topic, there are three clusters of research that can Stefano Torelli. 2021. From Victim to be identified. First is the ever-present debate about the compatibility between Islam Hangman? Ennahda, Salafism and the and democracy, which informs the way Islamist parties are analysed (Schwedler 2011). -
Religion and Militancy in Pakistan and Afghanistan
Religion and Militancy in Pakistan and Afghanistan in Pakistan and Militancy Religion a report of the csis program on crisis, conflict, and cooperation Religion and Militancy in Pakistan and Afghanistan a literature review 1800 K Street, NW | Washington, DC 20006 Project Director Tel: (202) 887-0200 | Fax: (202) 775-3199 Robert D. Lamb E-mail: [email protected] | Web: www.csis.org Author Mufti Mariam Mufti June 2012 ISBN 978-0-89206-700-8 CSIS Ë|xHSKITCy067008zv*:+:!:+:! CHARTING our future a report of the csis program on crisis, conflict, and cooperation Religion and Militancy in Pakistan and Afghanistan a literature review Project Director Robert L. Lamb Author Mariam Mufti June 2012 CHARTING our future About CSIS—50th Anniversary Year For 50 years, the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) has developed practical solutions to the world’s greatest challenges. As we celebrate this milestone, CSIS scholars continue to provide strategic insights and bipartisan policy solutions to help decisionmakers chart a course toward a better world. CSIS is a bipartisan, nonprofit organization headquartered in Washington, D.C. The Center’s 220 full-time staff and large network of affiliated scholars conduct research and analysis and de- velop policy initiatives that look into the future and anticipate change. Since 1962, CSIS has been dedicated to finding ways to sustain American prominence and prosperity as a force for good in the world. After 50 years, CSIS has become one of the world’s pre- eminent international policy institutions focused on defense and security; regional stability; and transnational challenges ranging from energy and climate to global development and economic integration.