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The Role of Deobandi Ulema in Strengthening the Foundations of Indian Freedom Movement (1857-1924)
The Role of Deobandi Ulema in Strengthening the Foundations of Indian Freedom Movement (1857-1924) The Role of Deobandi Ulema in Strengthening the Foundations of Indian Freedom Movement (1857-1924) * Turab-ul-Hassan Sargana **Khalil Ahmed ***Shahid Hassan Rizvi Abstract The main objective of the present study is to explain the role of the Deobandi faction of scholars in Indian Freedom Movement. In fact, there had been different schools of thought who supported the Movement and their works and achievements cannot be forgotten. Historically, Ulema played a key role in the politics of subcontinent and the contribution of Dar ul Uloom Deoband, Mazahir-ul- Uloom (Saharanpur), Madrassa Qasim-ul-Uloom( Muradabad), famous madaris of Deobandi faction is a settled fact. Their role became both effective and emphatic with the passage of time when they sided with the All India Muslim League. Their role and services in this historic episode is the focus of the study in hand. Keywords: Deoband, Aligarh Movement, Khilafat, Muslim League, Congress Ulama in Politics: Retrospect: Besides performing their religious obligations, the religious ulema also took part in the War of Freedom 1857, similar to the other Indians, and it was only due to their active participation that the movement became in line and determined. These ulema used the pen and sword to fight against the British and it is also a fact that ordinary causes of 1857 War were blazed by these ulema. Mian Muhammad Shafi writes: Who says that the fire lit by Sayyid Ahmad was extinguished or it had cooled down? These were the people who encouraged Muslims and the Hindus to fight against the British in 1857. -
Islamist Politics in South Asia After the Arab Spring: Parties and Their Proxies Working With—And Against—The State
RETHINKING POLITICAL ISLAM SERIES August 2015 Islamist politics in South Asia after the Arab Spring: Parties and their proxies working with—and against—the state WORKING PAPER Matthew J. Nelson, SOAS, University of London SUMMARY: Mainstream Islamist parties in Pakistan such as the Jama’at-e Islami and the Jamiat-e-Ulema-e-Islam have demonstrated a tendency to combine the gradualism of Brotherhood-style electoral politics with dawa (missionary) activities and, at times, support for proxy militancy. As a result, Pakistani Islamists wield significant ideological influence in Pakistan, even as their electoral success remains limited. About this Series: The Rethinking Political Islam series is an innovative effort to understand how the developments following the Arab uprisings have shaped—and in some cases altered—the strategies, agendas, and self-conceptions of Islamist movements throughout the Muslim world. The project engages scholars of political Islam through in-depth research and dialogue to provide a systematic, cross-country comparison of the trajectory of political Islam in 12 key countries: Egypt, Tunisia, Morocco, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Syria, Jordan, Libya, Pakistan, as well as Malaysia and Indonesia. This is accomplished through three stages: A working paper for each country, produced by an author who has conducted on-the-ground research and engaged with the relevant Islamist actors. A reaction essay in which authors reflect on and respond to the other country cases. A final draft incorporating the insights gleaned from the months of dialogue and discussion. The Brookings Institution is a nonprofit organization devoted to independent research and policy solutions. Its mission is to conduct high-quality, independent research and, based on that research, to provide innovative, practical recommendations for policymakers and the public. -
Authoritarianism and Political Party Reforms in Pakistan
AUTHORITARIANISM AND POLITICAL PARTY REFORM IN PAKISTAN Asia Report N°102 – 28 September 2005 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 II. PARTIES BEFORE MUSHARRAF............................................................................. 2 A. AFTER INDEPENDENCE..........................................................................................................2 B. THE FIRST MILITARY GOVERNMENT.....................................................................................3 C. CIVILIAN RULE AND MILITARY INTERVENTION.....................................................................4 D. DISTORTED DEMOCRACY......................................................................................................5 III. POLITICAL PARTIES UNDER MUSHARRAF ...................................................... 6 A. CIVILIAN ALLIES...................................................................................................................6 B. MANIPULATING SEATS..........................................................................................................7 C. SETTING THE STAGE .............................................................................................................8 IV. A PARTY OVERVIEW ............................................................................................... 11 A. THE MAINSTREAM:.............................................................................................................11 -
Bangladesh Decision – 28Th July 2018
Bangladesh Decision – 28th July 2018 Today on 28th July 2018 under the guidance of the Ulama of Bangladesh, the elders of the effort and the government of Bangladesh, approximately 600,000 to 700,000 people gathered in Dhaka. The following six matters were agreed: 1) Jamhoor Ulama are unanimous that because of three reasons, following Moulana Muhammad Saad Kandhlawi is not permissible. a) Incorrect and personalised interpretations of the Quran and Hadith. b) To enhance the importance of the effort of Dawah, resorting to degrading other efforts of Deen. c) Moving away from the methodology of the previous three elders; Hazrat Moulana Muhammad Ilyas (R), Hazrat Moulana Muhammad Yusuf (R) and Hazrat Moulana Inamul Hasan (R). 2) The disregard of Moulana Muhammad Saad of the Shura methodology adopted by Hazrat Moulana Inamul Hasan (R) and his insistence upon being Amir. This will not be accepted in Kakrail in any form. 3) Darul Uloom Deoband’s fear that Moulana Muhammad Saad has moved away from the ideology of Ahlus Sunnah Wal Jama’ah and has resorted to create another group. Therefore, at the moment it is strongly advised that no Bangladeshi Jamat etc travels to Nizamuddin. Similarly, no Jamat from Nizamuddin will be allowed a route in any area of Bangladesh. 4) The effort of Dawah has gained acceptance as per the methodology adopted by the previous three elders. Therefore, this effort will continue on this methodology and under the guidance of the elders of Deoband. No new methodology will be adopted. Kajrail, Tongi an all other Marakiz will work accordingly only. -
Islamic Education in Myanmar: a Case Study
10: Islamic education in Myanmar: a case study Mohammed Mohiyuddin Mohammed Sulaiman Introduction `Islam', which literally means `peace' in Arabic, has been transformed into a faith interpreted loosely by one group and understood conservatively by another, making it seem as if Islam itself is not well comprehended by its followers. Today, it is the faith of 1.2 billion people across the world; Asia is a home for 60 per cent of these adherents, with Muslims forming an absolute majority in 11 countries (Selth 2003:5). Since the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001, international scholars have become increasingly interested in Islam and in Muslims in South-East Asia, where more than 230 million Muslims live (Mutalib 2005:50). These South-East Asian Muslims originally received Islam from Arab traders. History reveals the Arabs as sea-loving people who voyaged around the Indian Ocean (IIAS 2005), including to South-East Asia. The arrival of Arabs has had different degrees of impact on different communities in the region. We find, however, that not much research has been done by today's Arabs on the Arab±South-East Asian connection, as they consider South-East Asia a part of the wider `East', which includes Iran, Central Asia and the Indian subcontinent. Indeed, the term `South-East Asia' is hardly used in modern Arab literature. For them, anything east of the Middle East and non-Arabic speaking world is considered to be `Asia' (Abaza 2002). According to Myanmar and non-Myanmar sources, Islam reached the shores of Myanmar's Arakan (Rakhine State) as early as 712 AD, via oceangoing merchants, and in the form of Sufism. -
Reality of Ihyaa Al-Turaath Jamiat Ahle Hadith Jamaat Al-Dawa Page
Reality of Ihyaa Al-Turaath Jamiat Ahle Hadith Jamaat al-Dawa Page | 1 Reality of Ihyaa Al-Turaath Jamiat Ahle Hadith Jamaat al-Dawa Published by: As-Saabiqoon Publications (SalafiEvents.Com) Twitter: @SalafiEvent Author: Abu Umar (Al-Madinah Al-Nabawiyyah) Copyright 1440/2019 by As-Saabiqoon Publications (SalafiEvents.Com). ALL rights reserved. NO part of this publication may be reproduced, edited, altered in ANY form by ANY means, without the prior written permission of the publisher. NOT FOR SALE PURPOSES FREE e-DISTRIBUTION Page | 2 Reality of Ihyaa Al-Turaath Jamiat Ahle Hadith Jamaat al-Dawa CONTENTS Introduction ……………………………………………………………………………….6 Chapter 1 -Ihyaa Turaath in Pakistan - a brief outline of the activities and their heads 1.1 Ihyaa Al-Turaath and their terrorist activities within Pakistan…………………………………………………………………………………….10 1.2- Abdul Azeez Noorstani- “Ameer” of Ghurabaa, LT and head of Jamia Athariyyah, Peshawar…………….……………………………………….17 1.3- Muslim Dost –“Shaykh” of the ISIS/ Daesh graduate of Noorstani Jamia…………………………………..…………………………………….24 1.4 Aminullaah Peshawari – head of University sponsored by Ihyaa Al-Turaath………………………………………….………………………………………59 1.5 Ghulamullah Rehmati…Pro-Taliban “Shaykh” with strong links with Ihyaa Al-Turaath…………………………..……………………………………63 1.6 Usama Bin Ladin- the common denominator for all the parties associated with Ihyaa Al-Turaath……………………………………………….64 1.7- Mududi and Jamāt Islami –Terrorist Ikhwaan-ul-Muslimeen of Pakistan…………………………………………………………………………………….72 Page | 3 Reality of Ihyaa Al-Turaath Jamiat -
Federal Court Between
Court File No. T-735-20 FEDERAL COURT BETWEEN: CHRISTINE GENEROUX JOHN PEROCCHIO, and VINCENT R. R. PEROCCHIO Applicants and ATTORNEY GENERAL OF CANADA Respondent AFFIDAVIT OF MURRAY SMITH Table of Contents A. Background 3 B. The Firearms Reference Table 5 The Canadian Firearms Program (CFP): 5 The Specialized Firearms Support Services (SFSS): 5 The Firearms Reference Table (FRT): 5 Updates to the FRT in light of the Regulation 6 Notice to the public about the Regulation 7 C. Variants 8 The Nine Families 8 Variants 9 D. Bore diameter and muzzle energy limit 12 Measurement of bore diameter: 12 The parts of a firearm 13 The measurement of bore diameter for shotguns 15 The measurement of bore diameter for rifles 19 Muzzle Energy 21 E. Non-prohibited firearms currently available for hunting and shooting 25 Hunting 25 Sport shooting 27 F. Examples of firearms used in mass shooting events in Canada that are prohibited by the Regulation 29 2 I, Murray Smith, of Ottawa, Ontario, do affirm THAT: A. Background 1. I am a forensic scientist with 42 years of experience in relation to firearms. 2. I was employed by the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (“RCMP”) during the period of 1977 to 2020. I held many positions during that time, including the following: a. from 1989 to 2002,1 held the position of Chief Scientist responsible for the technical policy and quality assurance of the RCMP forensic firearms service, and the provision of technical advice to the government and police policy centres on firearms and other weapons; and b. -
Sasha Paul Final Thesis
PAKISTAN AGAINST ITSELF: THE RISE OF EXTREMISM By Sasha J Paul Bachelor of Arts, Dalhousie University, 1997 A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Masters of Arts in the Graduate Academic Unit of History Supervisor: David Charters, PhD, Department of History Examining Board: Gary Waite, PhD, Acting Director of Graduate Studies, Chair J. Marc Milner, PhD, Department of History Lawrence Wisniewski, PhD, Department of Sociology This thesis is accepted by the Dean of Graduate Studies THE UNIVERSITY OF NEW BRUNSWICK April 2014 ©Sasha J Paul, 2014 ABSTRACT An analysis of Pakistan’s political, social, institutional and regional history reveals two principal problems facing the state: first, the enmity that developed between Pakistan and India following partition, has morphed into an overwhelming national obsession with India which has supported unbridled growth of Pakistan’s security institutions at the expense of Pakistan’s ability to govern its own people. Second, despite the lofty aims of Mohammad Ali Jinnah to build his country into a modern democratic and secular state, the confluence of certain key factors have prevented Pakistan from ever moving towards this ideal. This study will examine the complex web of factors that have spawned Pakistan’s current situation as a failing nuclear state such as: the outstanding grievances from the partition of colonial India and subsequent conflicts, support of the Mujahedeen in Afghanistan and the social, institutional, and economic domestic factors. Pakistan’s overt and tacit support of extremists is a double-edged sword that undermines at any semblance of stability for this country as it grapples with a growing number of suicide attacks, targeted killings, kidnappings, increased criminal activity and rising drug addiction, yet the status quo continues with little expectation of positive change. -
Old Habits, New Consequences Old Habits, New Khalid Homayun Consequences Nadiri Pakistan’S Posture Toward Afghanistan Since 2001
Old Habits, New Consequences Old Habits, New Khalid Homayun Consequences Nadiri Pakistan’s Posture toward Afghanistan since 2001 Since the terrorist at- tacks of September 11, 2001, Pakistan has pursued a seemingly incongruous course of action in Afghanistan. It has participated in the U.S. and interna- tional intervention in Afghanistan both by allying itself with the military cam- paign against the Afghan Taliban and al-Qaida and by serving as the primary transit route for international military forces and matériel into Afghanistan.1 At the same time, the Pakistani security establishment has permitted much of the Afghan Taliban’s political leadership and many of its military command- ers to visit or reside in Pakistani urban centers. Why has Pakistan adopted this posture of Afghan Taliban accommodation despite its nominal participa- tion in the Afghanistan intervention and its public commitment to peace and stability in Afghanistan?2 This incongruence is all the more puzzling in light of the expansion of insurgent violence directed against Islamabad by the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), a coalition of militant organizations that are independent of the Afghan Taliban but that nonetheless possess social and po- litical links with Afghan cadres of the Taliban movement. With violence against Pakistan growing increasingly indiscriminate and costly, it remains un- clear why Islamabad has opted to accommodate the Afghan Taliban through- out the post-2001 period. Despite a considerable body of academic and journalistic literature on Pakistan’s relationship with Afghanistan since 2001, the subject of Pakistani accommodation of the Afghan Taliban remains largely unaddressed. Much of the existing literature identiªes Pakistan’s security competition with India as the exclusive or predominant driver of Pakistani policy vis-à-vis the Afghan Khalid Homayun Nadiri is a Ph.D. -
134TH COMMENCEMENT James E
134 th Commencement MAY 2021 Welcome Dear Temple graduates, Congratulations! Today is a day of celebration for you and all those who have supported you in your Temple journey. I couldn’t be more proud of the diverse and driven students who are graduating this spring. Congratulations to all of you, to your families and to our dedicated faculty and academic advisors who had the pleasure of educating and championing you. If Temple’s founder Russell Conwell were alive to see your collective achievements today, he’d be thrilled and amazed. In 1884, he planted the seeds that have grown and matured into one of this nation’s great urban research universities. Now it’s your turn to put your own ideas and dreams in motion. Even if you experience hardships or disappointments, remember the motto Conwell left us: Perseverantia Vincit, Perseverance Conquers. We have faith that you will succeed. Thank you so much for calling Temple your academic home. While I trust you’ll go far, remember that you will always be part of the Cherry and White. Plan to come back home often. Sincerely, Richard M. Englert President UPDATED: 05/07/2021 Contents The Officers and the Board of Trustees ............................................2 Candidates for Degrees James E. Beasley School of Law ....................................................3 Esther Boyer College of Music and Dance .....................................7 College of Education and Human Development ...........................11 College of Engineering ............................................................... -
Fm 3-90.12/Mcwp 3-17.1 (Fm 90-13) Combined Arms Gap
FM 3-90.12/MCWP 3-17.1 (FM 90-13) COMBINED ARMS GAP-CROSSING OPERATIONS July 2008 DISTRIBUTION RESTRICTION. Approved for public release; distribution unlimited. HEADQUARTERS, DEPARTMENT OF THE ARMY This publication is available at Army Knowledge Online <www.us.army.mil> and the General Dennis J. Reimer Training and Doctrine Digital Library at <www.train.army.mil>. *FM 3-90.12/MCWP 3-17.1 (FM 90-13) Field Manual No. Headquarters 3-90.12/MCWP 3-17.1 (FM 90-13) Department of the Army Washington, DC, 1 July 2008 COMBINED ARMS GAP-CROSSING OPERATIONS Contents Page PREFACE ............................................................................................................vii INTRODUCTION....................................................................................................x Chapter 1 OPERATIONS IN SUPPORT OF GAP CROSSING ......................................... 1-1 Challenge to Maneuver ...................................................................................... 1-1 Integrating Assured Mobility ............................................................................... 1-2 Gap-Crossing Operations................................................................................... 1-4 Chapter 2 OVERVIEW OF GAP-CROSSING OPERATIONS............................................ 2-1 Gap Crossing as a Functional Area of Mobility Operations ............................... 2-1 Gap-Crossing Means ......................................................................................... 2-4 Gap-Crossing Fundamentals ............................................................................ -
Muslim Sexuality in Secular and Religious Legal Discourse in India
Muslim World Journal of Human Rights Volume 4, Issue 1 2007 Article 7 THE TRANSNATIONAL MUSLIM WORLD,HUMAN RIGHTS, AND THE RIGHTS OF WOMEN AND SEXUAL MINORITIES Dual Subordination: Muslim Sexuality in Secular and Religious Legal Discourse in India Aziza Ahmed∗ ∗[email protected] Copyright c 2007 Berkeley Electronic Press. All rights reserved. Dual Subordination: Muslim Sexuality in Secular and Religious Legal Discourse in India∗ Aziza Ahmed Abstract Muslim women and Muslim members of the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender (LGBT) community face a specific form of dual subordination in relation to their gender and sexuality. A Muslim woman might seek solace from India’s patriarchal religious judicial structures only to find that the secular system’s patriarchal structures likewise aid in their subordination and create a space for new forms of such subordination. Similarly, a marginalized LGBT Muslim might at- tempt to reject an oppressive religious formulation only to come to find that the secular Indian state might criminalize a particular form of sexuality. This analysis explores how Indian laws “give meaning” to sexuality through the legal structures manifested by state and religious regula- tory bodies and argues that both religious and state legal institutions need to be reformed to create a legal environment that furthers rather than inhibits a full realization of sexual rights. KEYWORDS: India, Islamic Law, LGBT rights, human rights ∗Aziza Ahmed holds a law degree from the University of California, Berkeley and a MS in Popu- lation and International Health from the Harvard School of Public Health. She has worked with the Planned Parenthood Association of South Africa and was a former consultant for the United Na- tions Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM), the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), and Development Alternatives with Women in a New Era (DAWN) in the Eastern Caribbean.