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Islamist Politics in South Asia After the Arab Spring: Parties and Their Proxies Working With—And Against—The State
RETHINKING POLITICAL ISLAM SERIES August 2015 Islamist politics in South Asia after the Arab Spring: Parties and their proxies working with—and against—the state WORKING PAPER Matthew J. Nelson, SOAS, University of London SUMMARY: Mainstream Islamist parties in Pakistan such as the Jama’at-e Islami and the Jamiat-e-Ulema-e-Islam have demonstrated a tendency to combine the gradualism of Brotherhood-style electoral politics with dawa (missionary) activities and, at times, support for proxy militancy. As a result, Pakistani Islamists wield significant ideological influence in Pakistan, even as their electoral success remains limited. About this Series: The Rethinking Political Islam series is an innovative effort to understand how the developments following the Arab uprisings have shaped—and in some cases altered—the strategies, agendas, and self-conceptions of Islamist movements throughout the Muslim world. The project engages scholars of political Islam through in-depth research and dialogue to provide a systematic, cross-country comparison of the trajectory of political Islam in 12 key countries: Egypt, Tunisia, Morocco, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Syria, Jordan, Libya, Pakistan, as well as Malaysia and Indonesia. This is accomplished through three stages: A working paper for each country, produced by an author who has conducted on-the-ground research and engaged with the relevant Islamist actors. A reaction essay in which authors reflect on and respond to the other country cases. A final draft incorporating the insights gleaned from the months of dialogue and discussion. The Brookings Institution is a nonprofit organization devoted to independent research and policy solutions. Its mission is to conduct high-quality, independent research and, based on that research, to provide innovative, practical recommendations for policymakers and the public. -
Muslim Nationalism, State Formation and Legal Representations of the Ahmadiyya Community in Pakistan
Politics of Exclusion: Muslim Nationalism, State Formation and Legal Representations of the Ahmadiyya Community in Pakistan by Sadia Saeed A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Sociology) in The University of Michigan 2010 Doctoral Committee: Professor George P. Steinmetz, Chair Professor Howard A. Kimeldorf Associate Professor Fatma Muge Gocek Associate Professor Genevieve Zubrzycki Professor Mamadou Diouf, Columbia University © Sadia Saeed 2010 2 Dedication This dissertation is dedicated to my parents with my deepest love, respect and gratitude for the innumerable ways they have supported my work and choices. ii Acknowledgements I would like to begin by acknowledging the immense support my parents have given me every step of the way during my (near) decade in graduate school. I have dedicated this dissertation to them. My ammi and baba have always believed in my capabilities to accomplish not only this dissertation but much more in life and their words of love and encouragement have continuously given me the strength and the will to give my research my very best. My father‘s great enthusiasm for this project, his intellectual input and his practical help and advice during the fieldwork of this project have been formative to this project. I would like to thank my dissertation advisor George Steinmetz for the many engaged conversations about theory and methods, for always pushing me to take my work to the next level and above all for teaching me to recognize and avoid sloppiness, caricatures and short-cuts. It is to him that I owe my greatest intellectual debt. -
From the Editor
EDITORIAL STAFF From the Editor ELIZABETH SKINNER Editor Happy New Year, everyone. As I write this, we’re a few weeks into 2021 and there ELIZABETH ROBINSON Copy Editor are sparkles of hope here and there that this year may be an improvement over SALLY BAHO Copy Editor the seemingly endless disasters of the last one. Vaccines are finally being deployed against the coronavirus, although how fast and for whom remain big sticky questions. The United States seems to have survived a political crisis that brought EDITORIAL REVIEW BOARD its system of democratic government to the edge of chaos. The endless conflicts VICTOR ASAL in Syria, Libya, Yemen, Iraq, and Afghanistan aren’t over by any means, but they have evolved—devolved?—once again into chronic civil agony instead of multi- University of Albany, SUNY national warfare. CHRISTOPHER C. HARMON 2021 is also the tenth anniversary of the Arab Spring, a moment when the world Marine Corps University held its breath while citizens of countries across North Africa and the Arab Middle East rose up against corrupt authoritarian governments in a bid to end TROELS HENNINGSEN chronic poverty, oppression, and inequality. However, despite the initial burst of Royal Danish Defence College change and hope that swept so many countries, we still see entrenched strong-arm rule, calcified political structures, and stagnant stratified economies. PETER MCCABE And where have all the terrorists gone? Not far, that’s for sure, even if the pan- Joint Special Operations University demic has kept many of them off the streets lately. Closed borders and city-wide curfews may have helped limit the operational scope of ISIS, Lashkar-e-Taiba, IAN RICE al-Qaeda, and the like for the time being, but we know the teeming refugee camps US Army (Ret.) of Syria are busy producing the next generation of violent ideological extremists. -
Gwadar: China's Potential Strategic Strongpoint in Pakistan
U.S. Naval War College U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons CMSI China Maritime Reports China Maritime Studies Institute 8-2020 China Maritime Report No. 7: Gwadar: China's Potential Strategic Strongpoint in Pakistan Isaac B. Kardon Conor M. Kennedy Peter A. Dutton Follow this and additional works at: https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/cmsi-maritime-reports Recommended Citation Kardon, Isaac B.; Kennedy, Conor M.; and Dutton, Peter A., "China Maritime Report No. 7: Gwadar: China's Potential Strategic Strongpoint in Pakistan" (2020). CMSI China Maritime Reports. 7. https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/cmsi-maritime-reports/7 This Book is brought to you for free and open access by the China Maritime Studies Institute at U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in CMSI China Maritime Reports by an authorized administrator of U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. August 2020 iftChina Maritime 00 Studies ffij$i)f Institute �ffl China Maritime Report No. 7 Gwadar China's Potential Strategic Strongpoint in Pakistan Isaac B. Kardon, Conor M. Kennedy, and Peter A. Dutton Series Overview This China Maritime Report on Gwadar is the second in a series of case studies on China’s Indian Ocean “strategic strongpoints” (战略支点). People’s Republic of China (PRC) officials, military officers, and civilian analysts use the strategic strongpoint concept to describe certain strategically valuable foreign ports with terminals and commercial zones owned and operated by Chinese firms.1 Each case study analyzes a different port on the Indian Ocean, selected to capture geographic, commercial, and strategic variation.2 Each employs the same analytic method, drawing on Chinese official sources, scholarship, and industry reporting to present a descriptive account of the port, its transport infrastructure, the markets and resources it accesses, and its naval and military utility. -
The Economic Contribution of Pakistani Women Through Their
The Economic Contribution Table of Contents of Pakistani Women through BACKGROUND ...............................................................................................1 Low status of women in Pakistani society ....................................1 their Unpaid Labour Education and improvements in female school attendance....2 Employment status and income .......................................................3 Women’s dependence on men ..........................................................3 Study author: METHODOLOGY ............................................................................................4 Zehra Arshad RESULTS ..........................................................................................................5 Family composition, education, formal employment ...............5 Researchers: Unpaid work and the typical woman’s day .................................6 Leisure, rest, and recreation ...............................................................9 Zehra Arshad with Malki Welfare Trust Mansehra Rural-urban differentials in terms of hours worked................10 Umeed-e-Nau Organization –Rawalpindi Family decision-making ....................................................................10 Perceived importance of women’s work .....................................12 Data analysis: THE ECONOMIC VALUE OF WOMEN’S WORK .........................................13 Asifa Khanum Valuing women’s unpaid household work in Pakistan .........15 Tasks that elude economic valuation ............................................18 -
NARC TELEPHONE DIRECTORY Exchange No. 051-90733000, Fax
NARC TELEPHONE DIRECTORY Exchange No. 051-90733000, Fax. 9255034Agriculture Help Line. 0800-84420 Help Line Ext.3223***P.1/19 Name Designation Ext.# Direct Line Cell No Res. No Email Address Director General Office 1 Dr. M. Azeem Khan Director General 3020 Ph: 9255028 0300-9716115 2614703 [email protected] Fax:9255034 2 Mr. M. Ashraf Zia PA to Director General 3022 9255028 0333-5251668 [email protected] 4 Ms. Khalida Perveen Stenographer 3021 0302-5265196 5813890 [email protected] 5 Mr. Kamran Ahmed DEO 3021 0333-5690903 [email protected] 6 Reception 3040 Chairman Office 7 Dr. Yusuf Zafar Chairman Office 3024 9255046 [email protected] 8 Mr. M. Ashraf Zia PA to Chairman Office 3025 0333-5251668 [email protected] Planning & Research Monitoring Cell (PRMC) 9 Dr. Pervez Khaliq PSO/Director 3027 9255066 0322-5074728 4470937 [email protected] 10 Mr. Muhammad Gulistan Assistant 3029 [email protected] 11 Syed Imran Ali Shah PSO 3049 0345-5220649 [email protected] 12 Mrs. Afzala Tashfeen PSO 3039 0333-5248950 [email protected] 13 Mr. M. Rashid Minhas DEO 3029 0334-6666584 [email protected] 14 Ms. Sadaf Bashir UDC 3029 9255066 [email protected] Administration & General Services (AGS) Director Office 15 Mr.Khuwaja Asim Tasneem Director Admn 3008 9255047 16 Mr. Asghar Ali APS to Director 3007 9255047 0323-5335266 Personnel Admn 17 Ms. Saima Asad DD (HR) 3010 [email protected] 18 Mr. Rashid Anwar AD (Estt) 3009 0300-9103828 19 Mr. Arqam Haroom AD (Admn) 3009 0300-0300013 [email protected] 20 Mr Muhammad Gulzar Supdt. -
Chapter 6 the Creation of Shariat Courts518
CHAPTER 6 THE CREATION OF SHARIAT COURTS518 Zia-ul-Haq used his unfettered powers as a military dictator to initiate a radical programme of Islamisation.519 As mentioned in the Introduction, the most visible and internationally noticed aspect of this programme was a set of Ordinances which introduced Islamic criminal law for a number of offences.520 The effect of these measures is considered controversial. On one side of the spectrum is Kennedy, who in two articles argued that the Hudood Ordinances did not have a detrimental effect on the legal status of women.521 This claim has been refuted by a number of academics and human rights activists.522 In 1988, Justice Javaid Iqbal, while serving as a Supreme Court judge, stated in an article that: Ironically, those provisions of the law which were designed to protect women, now provide the means for convicting them for Zina. As a result of this inconsistency in the law, eight out of every ten women in jails today are those charged with the offence of Zina and no legal aid is available to them.523 Irrespective of any particular quantitative evaluation of the new Islamic criminal laws, there can be no doubt that there has been and still is an intense and informed 518 The expression shariat courts denotes all those courts which are constitutionally empowered to declare laws repugnant to Islam. They comprise the shariat benches of the High Courts and their successors, i.e. the Federal Shariat Court and the Shariat Appellate Bench of the Supreme Court. 519 For a good overview of Zias reign, see Mushaid Hussain, The Zia Years, Lahore, 1990 and Ayesha Jalal, The State of Martial Law: The Origins of Pakistans Political Economy of Defence, Cambridge, 1990. -
Freedom of Religion & Religious Minorities in Pakistan: a Study Of
Fordham International Law Journal Volume 19, Issue 1 1995 Article 5 Freedom of Religion & Religious Minorities in Pakistan: A Study of Judicial Practice Tayyab Mahmud∗ ∗ Copyright c 1995 by the authors. Fordham International Law Journal is produced by The Berke- ley Electronic Press (bepress). http://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/ilj Freedom of Religion & Religious Minorities in Pakistan: A Study of Judicial Practice Tayyab Mahmud Abstract Pakistan’s successive constitutions, which enumerate guaranteed fundamental rights and pro- vide for the separation of state power and judicial review, contemplate judicial protection of vul- nerable sections of society against unlawful executive and legislative actions. This Article focuses upon the remarkably divergent pronouncements of Pakistan’s judiciary regarding the religious status and freedom of religion of one particular religious minority, the Ahmadis. The superior judiciary of Pakistan has visited the issue of religious freedom for the Ahmadis repeatedly since the establishment of the State, each time with a different result. The point of departure for this ex- amination is furnished by the recent pronouncement of the Supreme Court of Pakistan (”Supreme Court” or “Court”) in Zaheeruddin v. State,’ wherein the Court decided that Ordinance XX of 1984 (”Ordinance XX” or ”Ordinance”), which amended Pakistan’s Penal Code to make the public prac- tice by the Ahmadis of their religion a crime, does not violate freedom of religion as mandated by the Pakistan Constitution. This Article argues that Zaheeruddin is at an impermissible variance with the implied covenant of freedom of religion between religious minorities and the Founding Fathers of Pakistan, the foundational constitutional jurisprudence of the country, and the dictates of international human rights law. -
Prospects for Youth-Led Movements for Political Change in Pakistan
January 2012 NOREF Policy Brief Prospects for youth-led movements for political change in Pakistan Michael Kugelman Executive summary This policy brief assesses the potential for two divided and polarised, and religious leadership too types of youth-led political change movements in lacking in charisma and appeal to produce such Pakistan. One is an Arab Spring-like campaign, a movement. Notwithstanding, there are several fuelled by demands for better governance and reasons why Pakistan could witness a religiously new leadership. The other is a religious movement rooted revolution. These include Pakistanis’ akin to the Iranian Revolution of 1979, which seeks intense religiosity and the growing influence in to transform Pakistan into a rigid Islamic state. Pakistan of an Islamist political party that seeks to The brief discusses the presence in Pakistan of install caliphates in Muslim countries. several factors that suggest the possibility of the emergence of an Arab Spring-type movement. Even without youth-led mass change movements, These include economic problems; corruption; urbanisation and political devolution ensure that a young, rapidly urbanising and disillusioned Pakistan will undergo major transformations. While population; youth-galvanising incidents; and, in emphasising that Pakistan must take ultimate Imran Khan, a charismatic political figure capable responsibility over issues of youth engagement, of channelling mass sentiment into political the brief offers several recommendations for how change. Europe can help Pakistani young people engage peacefully in the country’s inevitable process of Pakistan is too fractured, unstable and invested change. These include funding vocational skills in the status quo to launch a mass change certification programmes, financing incentives to movement, and talk of an Arab Spring is keep children in school, supporting civic education misguided in a nation that already experienced courses and sponsoring interfaith dialogue mass protests in 2007. -
Faizghar Newsletter
Issue: January Year: 2016 NEWSLETTER Content Faiz Ghar trip to Rana Luxury Resort .............................................. 3 Faiz International Festival ................................................................... 4 Children at FIF ............................................................................................. 11 Comments .................................................................................................... 13 Workshop on Thinking Skills ................................................................. 14 Capacity Building Training workshops at Faiz Ghar .................... 15 [Faiz Ghar Music Class tribute to Rasheed Attre .......................... 16 Faiz Ghar trip to [Rana Luxury Resort The Faiz Ghar yoga class visited the Rana Luxury Resort and Safari Park at Head Balloki on Sunday, 13th December, 2015. The trip started with live music on the tour bus by the Faiz Ghar music class. On reaching the venue, the group found a quiet spot and spread their yoga mats to attend a vigorous yoga session conducted by Yogi Sham- shad Haider. By the time the session ended, the cold had disappeared, and many had taken o their woollies. The time was ripe for a fruit eating session. The more sporty among the group started playing football and frisbee. By this time the musicians had got their act together. The live music and dance session that followed became livelier when a large group of school girls and their teachers joined in. After a lot of food for the soul, the group was ready to attack Gogay kay Chaney, home made koftas, organic salads, and the most delicious rabri kheer. The group then took a tour of the jungle and the safari park. They enjoyed the wonderful ambience of the bamboo jungle, and the ostriches, deers, parakeet, swans, and many other wild animals and birds. Some members also took rides on the train and colour- ful donkey carts. -
Henry Jenkins 6--Eter D Ei"3• Fessor of Humanities Professor of Comparatie Media Studies and Literature Co-Director, Comparative Media Studies
Tactical Cities: Negotiating Violence in Karachi, Pakistan By Huma Yusuf A.B. English and American Literature and Language Harvard University, 2002 SUBMITTED TO THE DEPARTMENT OF COMPARATIVE MEDIA STUDIES IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF SCIENCE IN COMPARATIVE MEDIA STUDIES AT THE MASSACHUSETTS INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY JUNE 2008 MASSACHUSETTS INSTITUTE.i © Huma Yusuf. All rights reserved. OF TEOHNOLOGY The author hereby grants to MIT permission to reproduce MAY 1 9 2008 and to distribute publicly paper and electronic copies of this thesis document in whole or in part in any medium now known or hereafter created. LIBRARIES Signature of Author: rrogram in Compirative ~edia Studies May 9, 2Q98 Certified By: William Charles Uricchio Professor of Comparative Media Studies Co-Director, Comparative Media Studies Thesis 4ervisor Accepted By: Henry Jenkins 6--eter d ei"3• fessor of Humanities Professor of Comparatie Media Studies and Literature Co-Director, Comparative Media Studies Tactical Cities: Negotiating Violence in Karachi, Pakistan by Huma Yusuf A.B. English and American Literature and Language Harvard University, 2002 SUBMITTED TO THE DEPARTMENT OF COMPARATIVE MEDIA STUDIES IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF SCIENCE IN COMPARATIVE MEDIA STUDIES AT THE MASSACHUSETTS INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY JUNE 2008 C Huma Yusuf. All rights reserved. The author hereby grants to MIT permission to reproduce and to distribute publicly paper and electronic copies of this thesis document -
The Politics of Our Lives: the Raising Her Voice in Pakistan Experience
THE POLITICS OF OUR LIVES The Raising Her Voice in Pakistan Experience RAISING HER VOICE ‘Pakistan is a difficult place to be female – I have hope, we have hope, we have to have hope. I am hopeful that the challenges I have faced, that my children will not. I am hopeful that the successes I have achieved will inspire my children. I think they are more confident because of my actions.’ Haseen Mussarat, RHV Women’s Leader, Sindh Province EXECUTIVE SUMMARY How can we change the power dynamics that exclude Pakistan is a country where, in 1988, Benazir Bhutto became women from decision making? How can the barriers that the first-ever woman prime minister of a Muslim country; prevent women from exercising their rights as equals to lead, where, in 2008, Dr. Fehmida Mirza became the first woman to propose and to call to account be overcome? to be elected as speaker of a National Assembly in the Muslim world; and where 2013 saw more than 100 women ‘No nation can rise to the height of glory members enter both houses of parliament. Yet, Pakistan is unless your women are side by side with also a country where Zubaida Begum was killed because of you.’ Mohammed Ali Jinnah, speaking to her attempt to break anti-women traditions by participating the Muslim University Union Aligarh, in local elections and raising women’s awareness of their 10th March 1944 right to vote; and where, during the May 2013 elections, in violation of election rules and the agreed code of ethics, In partnership with 17 Oxfam country teams, 45 partner many women were barred from voting,1 predominantly in the organizations and 450 coalition members, the Raising Her Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province.2 Voice (RHV) programme set out to find practical answers to The RHV programme entered this very complex and sensitive these questions.