Policy Bulletin Political and Counterterrorism In Southeast Asia: The Stanley An Agenda for US Policy Foundation ince late 2001, after the interven- Asia. On the one hand, it has returned tion in Afghanistan, the United the region to the US “policy screen.” On SStates has focused attention on the other, it views Southeast Asia in a “second fronts” in the war on terrorism, single dimension—that of Islamic 44th Strategy assuming that Al Qaeda would disperse extremism—which can result in unbal- for Peace its operatives and resources more widely. anced, even myopic, policies. Conference Southeast Asia, a region of prime impor- tance during the Cold War, holds both Despite these contradictions, counterter- threat and promise. Indonesia, the largest rorism cooperation between the United October 16-18, 2003 country in the region, is home to more States and Southeast Asia has met with than all Arab states combined. some success. Greater awareness of Airlie Center, Warrenton, VA Southeast Asian Islam has traditionally extremist networks in the region has been moderate, but in the past decade resulted in tighter law enforcement and radical Islamists—indigenous and the arrest of some key terrorists. At the foreign—have made strides both same time, however, the United States is underground and in the public arena. at risk of encouraging greater radicalism in Southeast Asian Islamist communities Washington counts several Southeast with policies that often do not accurately Asian governments as military or politi- reflect local conditions and concerns. cal allies, but allegiance to the United States is far from automatic. After the To address the difficulties of formulating fall of Saigon in 1975, American foreign new policies in the post-September 11 policy centered on other regions. era, the Stanley Foundation chose to Southeast Asia’s response was to foster examine political Islam and counterter- greater independence in foreign policy rorism in Southeast Asia as one topic in and to balance relations with the United its 44th Strategy for Peace Conference States with stronger ties to other powers, on “New Security Challenges in notably China. In this interim, globaliza- Southeast and South Asia.” Participants tion and democratization have made identified specific challenges in the More information on the Asia-Pacific domestic populations more vocal, and region and formulated recommendations Initiatives program is they are increasingly critical of US poli- on both paradigm shifts and concrete available online at cies. Fearing political consequences, gov- policy measures. api.stanleyfoundation.org. ernments are reluctant at times to pursue

This Policy Bulletin Islamist radicals, particularly if they are Policy Challenges summarizes the primary perceived as bowing to US pressure in findings of the conference as A majority of participants in the round- interpreted by the rapporteur. doing so. table agreed that US counterterrorism Participants neither reviewed nor approved this bulletin. policy tends to conflate political Islam Therefore, it should not be assumed that every The new US focus on counterterrorism and terrorism worldwide. In the words of participant subscribes to all as an organizing principle in foreign pol- one participant, “US policy tries to of its recommendations, observations, and conclusions. icy is a mixed blessing for Southeast reduce the entire to the

Arab street.” In Southeast Asia a connection Global media has made Southeast Asians exists between Islamist extremism and terror- more aware of the plight of Muslims in ism in some cases, but it is generally narrower other areas. As a result, Southeast Asian and weaker than that found in some other Muslims are increasingly concerned about regions, particularly the Middle East. A the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, among greater effort is needed to distinguish Muslim others, and more inclined to subscribe to a political expression from terrorism. Along need to defend Islam worldwide. The US these lines, participants identified eight chal- intervention in Iraq has strengthened this lenges in crafting US counterterrorism policy universalist view among Southeast Asian in Southeast Asia: Muslims and damaged the US image in some quarters. Recent polls indicate that • Understanding political Islam in approval of the United States has fallen by Southeast Asia. In the past decade, politi- 75 percent in Indonesia in the past 18 cal Muslims have often been viewed from months. One participant maintained that, the outside as part of a global “Algerian despite administration insistence that the dilemma,” a reference to the 1992 election United States is not waging war against in that country that brought to power an Islam, “The data just doesn’t support In Southeast Islamist party (with an insurgent base) that.” The United States has heretofore Asia a that sought to end secular rule. This tended to view Southeast Asia as more connection model assumes that political Muslims are parochial in its foreign policy interests and invariably militant. Some participants dis- in Islamic issues. exists agreed and pointed to moderate groups between seeking political expression for Islamic • Plotting the intersection between sepa- Islamist issues in Southeast Asia. In Malaysia, ratism and terrorism. In counterterrorism political Islam is embodied by the oppos- policy, Washington is primarily concerned extremism ing Islamic Party of Malaysia (Parti Islam with international groups—particularly and terrorism SeMalaysia, or PAS). Competing for those that threaten the United States— in some cases, power in the formal political arena has while some Southeast Asian governments given PAS a motivation to distance itself are faced with security threats from several but it is from terrorist groups. In Indonesia, politi- sources. In Indonesia, there is no evidence generally cal Muslims are generally not driven by to date that the Acehnese separatist group, narrower Islamic ideology; instead, they are found Free Aceh Movement (Gerakan Aceh across a spectrum of parties and often Merdeka, or GAM), has connections to Al and weaker pursue pragmatic policy goals. Radical Qaeda or other foreign terrorist groups. In than that Islamic parties pose little threat, and failed Jakarta’s view, however, GAM presents a found in...the to win even 3 percent of the vote in the clear threat to Indonesian internal stability. last election. A different problem is presented by the Middle East. Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) in • Placing Southeast Asia in a global con- the Philippines. Although the MILF spo- text. Despite the fact that Southeast Asian radically engages in peace talks with Islam is broadly a moderate strain, world Manila, recent intelligence suggests that events have nurtured a global Islamic con- the group’s home territory in Mindanao sciousness among Muslims in the region. has become “the new Afghanistan”—a Southeast Asians who joined the muja- training ground for the Jemmah Islamiyah, hadin against the Soviet Union in Southeast Asia’s regional terrorist network. Afghanistan in the 1980s developed ties Thus far, the United States has resisted bids with radical groups from other regions. from Indonesian and Philippine leaders to 2

declare both of these groups to be terrorist, as at least an equal threat, since terrorist although the case of the MILF presents an groups often recruit from them. Second, a obvious dilemma. focus on the educational system may be misplaced. Instead, policymakers also need • Separating violent radical Islamists from to consider unemployment as a spur to nonviolent ones. Several participants made extremism, a problem that is linked to edu- a distinction between Islamist radicals in cation but not exclusively defined by it. Southeast Asia who support the use of violence and those who do not. It follows • Identifying the most effective actors in that policy should attempt to widen and Southeast Asian security. A major dimen- strengthen that difference, but such a sion in US global policy has been the use policy—particularly from an external of military force to counter terrorism. power—is inherently delicate and risky. However, there are few if any terrorist How can radical nonviolent Muslims be threats in Southeast Asia that are likely to drawn into dialogue and the mainstream respond to a military solution, particularly political process? Should the United States one involving foreign troops. The excep- make direct efforts in this regard, such as tion has been the Philippines, where US identifying nonviolent Muslim radicals for and Philippine armed forces have com- Although exchange programs, or take a backdoor bined in a joint training exercise to pursue some approach, by supporting indigenous the Group, a small Islamic Islamic processes that offer alternatives to this splinter group reputed to have connections group? to Al Qaeda. But as in almost everything educational relating to Southeast Asia, few rules apply institutions • Dealing with ambiguous institutions, par- across the board. In Malaysia and are breeding ticularly educational systems. Although Singapore, longstanding internal security some Islamic educational institutions are laws place the police and intelligence grounds for breeding grounds for extremism and ter- agencies automatically in control of coun- extremism rorism in Southeast Asia, the majority are terterrorism. In Indonesia, counterterror- and not. Nevertheless, their potential to serve ism policy is focused on police but it risks this function has prompted Southeast further alienating the armed forces, which terrorism Asian governments to take a variety of have suffered in prestige for the past sever- in Southeast approaches. In Indonesia, the pesantran al years. Participants offered two views on Asia, the system is incorporated into the state edu- the Philippines: one that a corrupt and cational system, with curriculum issued by inefficient police system made the military majority government agencies. It consists of multi- option inevitable, the other that the mili- are not. ple levels and kinds of education. In tary took credit at times for police work in Malaysia, the state is encouraging stu- apprehending terrorists. dents to shift to secular schools. In the Philippines and Thailand, both Muslim- • Understanding and strengthening links minority countries, religious schools are between US domestic and foreign policy. lacking in resources and tend to be equal- Just as American policies in other regions ly inadequate in providing both religious are increasingly important to Southeast and vocational or academic training. Asian Muslims, so do US domestic poli- cies play a significant, and sometimes Participants offered two cautions with negative, role in US relations with Islamic respect to Islamic education in Southeast communities in the region. Concern about Asia. First, secular schools should be viewed the treatment of Muslims in the United

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States, particularly with respect to visa and and focused on the region in the context of other immigration policies, has caused a broader conventional security threats in growing percentage of Muslims to avoid the Asia Pacific theater. A comprehensive travel to the United States. An increasing assessment of US goals and options in the number of Southeast Asian students are region after September 11 is overdue. choosing to study in Australia rather than When a public diplomacy program is the United States. resumed, it should be tailored to Southeast Asian Islam rather than to • Balancing ownership of the war against images of religion in the Middle East or, terrorism between the United States and conversely, of Islam as it is practiced in Southeast Asia. The United States is the United States. stymied in its relations with Southeast Asia by the broad perception in the • Emphasize prevention over preemption. region that the war against terrorism is To stem what were perceived to be imme- an American one. This impression has diate threats to security from terrorists, been modified in recent months as some US counterterrorism policy in Southeast Southeast Asian countries have experi- Asia has focused primarily on coercive The more enced terrorist attacks or made arrests of strategies to preempt planned attacks. difficult key extremists and have become more However, this approach has given exclu- tasks for enfranchised in the antiterror campaign sive attention to the extremist end of the as a result. Nevertheless, Southeast spectrum in Muslim communities, improving Asians frequently criticize the US neglecting the large majority of moder- relations approach as superficial and concerned ates. A policy that gives greater attention with primarily with threats to Americans, to preventing terrorism will by definition rather than a deeper commitment that focus more on this “silent majority,” Southeast addresses the root causes of extremism address root causes, and improve the US Asia and and terrorism. image in the region. counter- terrorism Recommendations: • Balance the current emphasis on appre- Changing the Paradigm hending individuals with attention to policy Participants agreed that the more difficult social networks and social policy. To date, there lay tasks for improving relations with Southeast US counterterrorism policy in Southeast with Asia and counterterrorism policy there lay Asia has aimed to defeat terrorist groups by with changes in US thinking on the region. decapitating them; that is, apprehending top changes Improving the conceptual foundation will leaders. This assumes that terrorist networks in US not only make US policy more effective but have vertical hierarchies and chains of com- mand. However, research into Southeast thinking will also increase Southeast Asian participa- tion and ownership in the antiterrorism Asian groups, particularly the Jemmah on the campaign. They offered six recommenda- Islamiyah, suggests that these groups are region. tions in this regard: structured in a more horizontal way and based on social and familial relations. In the • Make a new assessment of US policy in short term, these networks will meet Southeast Asia and place counterterrorism reductions with replacements, although issues in context. The last comprehensive the quality of these substitutes appears to review of official US policy toward be declining. Greater attention to local Southeast Asia was done in the mid-1990s nuances on the sources of terrorist groups will help to weaken these groups further.

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• Replace counterterrorism policy with a Recommendations: broader policy to strengthen Southeast Changing the Program Asian domestic security. US policy needs Although the policy challenges and con- to be widened to incorporate nontradi- ceptual changes discussed above suggest tional security threats of concern to the need for a long-term view of Southeast Southeast Asians but are frequently Asia, all have immediate policy application. downplayed in US policy. For example, Participants identified seven specific initia- the strategies and tactics used to track tives that could have a beneficial effect on and apprehend terrorists can also be US policy in Southeast Asia and US rela- applied to the small arms trade and tions with the region. human trafficking. Some de-emphasis of terrorism and Islam could make coopera- • Reduce visa and immigrant registration tion between the United States and requirements and pay closer attention to Southeast Asia easier and benefit coun- their impact on policy. Public diplomacy terterrorism as a result. efforts to demonstrate that the United States respects Islam are negated by • Seek a more genuinely regional approach immigration policies that categorically Public to counterterrorism. As in other areas of target foreign Muslims for suspicion. policy in Asia (conventional military Moreover, these policies will make it dif- diplomacy cooperation, trade), the United States ficult for US policymakers to engage efforts to prefers hub-and-spokes arrangements of moderate and nonviolent radical Muslims demonstrate bilateral relations to a regional approach. in greater dialogue. Most important, the However, the fungible nature of terrorism United States risks losing the support of a that the makes it borderless and suggests the need generation of young Southeast Asian United for a stronger regional component to US Muslims who would otherwise choose to States policy. In the post-September 11 era, study in the United States, sowing the Washington has been more willing in seeds for future waves of radicalism and respects principle to consider an ASEAN policy anti-Americanism. Islam are but lacks a concrete strategy for one. negated by • Encourage partnerships in educational • Plan for a long-term policy and commit- assistance programs, work with secular immigration ment. As they reorient their own policies as well as religious institutions, and policies that toward counterterrorism and toward encourage a prototype of Muslim educa- categorically greater cooperation with the United tion tailored to the region. US policy is States, many Southeast Asians fear that beginning to acknowledge the impor- target the United States will lose interest in the tance of education in counterterrorism, foreign region again and turn to other areas with but it is too narrowly focused on rooting Muslims for more urgent crises. To address both the extremists out of the educational system. preventive and preemptive aspects of American assistance programs should suspicion. counterterrorism, long-term policies and take a comprehensive approach to educa- commitments are required not only in tion in select areas, including secular as counterterrorism but in other aspects of well as religious institutions. Assistance policy central to Southeast Asian concerns. agencies should seek a partnership arrangement and encourage local design of programs rather than transporting American models and pedagogy. However,

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where local leaders indicate it is useful, promotion. In recent years, they have been cross-fertilization of educational methods downplayed in favor of an emphasis on in the region should be encouraged. building civil society. US assistance poli- cies should consider a fresh look at rule of • Encourage job creation to counter law programs and update them to include extremism by reexamining US trade poli- counterterrorism and other objectives cies in the region. The other side of the related to internal security. Maintaining a educational coin is attention to vocational strong democracy component in these pro- prospects in significant Muslim popula- grams will help guard against abuse of tions of Southeast Asia. While there is internal security laws for political purposes. no proven link between terrorism and poverty—many terrorist leaders are mid- • Strengthen intelligence cooperation with dle or upper middle class—terrorism’s Southeast Asian counterparts with an day labor is often the unemployed and emphasis on human intelligence. Moving disaffected. Specific job creation pro- from a predominant focus on individual grams, while well intended, are not likely terrorists to a broader and more in-depth to reach a critical mass. Reorienting US approach to social trends will require Moving trade policy in Southeast Asian countries greater intelligence efforts. US intelligence from a where lifting tariffs would give an eco- cooperation with Southeast Asia has predominant nomic boost to vulnerable areas would improved in the post-September 11 peri- have a broader and more positive impact. od, but more can be done to improve this focus on cooperation with training and greater individual • Emphasize police over military action emphasis on human intelligence on both terrorists to a against terrorism; in military cooperation sides of the Pacific. programs, strengthen civic action compo- broader nents for armed forces. In countries such as • Encourage dialogue with Southeast Asian and more Indonesia, where police play an increasing governments and publics on US policies in-depth role in tracking and apprehending terror- in other regions of concern. While the ists, providing training and related support United States is not likely to make major approach to helps emphasize that counterterrorism is changes in its Middle East policy to social trends part of the broader legal and judicial func- assuage concerns in other regions, it will require tion. In other countries, such as the should do more to acknowledge those con- Philippines, where a military approach cerns, privately and publicly. Specifically, greater has been established, the United States the United States should encourage dia- intelligence should consider supplemental programs logue with Southeast Asian governments efforts. to improve policing. In addition, joint and publics on issues central to Muslims in military exercises should have a strong the region, including policy on the Israeli- civic action component. This would Palestinian conflict as well as in Iraq. improve infrastructure in beleaguered Southeast Asians feared a unilateralist areas while it strengthens support for approach from the United States before joint maneuvers. counterterrorism became a leading US objective and Southeast Asia regained sig- • Encourage a rule of law renaissance in US nificance in American foreign policy. In assistance, incorporating counterterror- the post-September 11 era, these fears ism objectives. In the 1980s and early have intensified dramatically. 1990s, rule of law programs played a major role in US assistance for democracy

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Southeast Asia has the potential to serve as R. William Liddle, Professor of Political Science, a model of moderation for the Islamic world College of Social and Behavioral Sciences, The Ohio State University and as an example of ways in which old allies can refashion their relations to address Eugene Martin, Executive Director, The Philippine new security threats. In recent months, Facilitation Project, United States Institute of Peace Southeast Asians have been forced by events to confront the rise of extremism in the Edward Masters, Cochairman, Board of Trustees, The United States-Indonesia Society region and encouraged by the United States to open new areas of cooperation on coun- Bronson E. Percival, Counterterrorism Coordinator, terterrorism. To make these policies succeed, Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs, US however, no less effort is required from the Department of State United States to examine its relations with Nongnuth Phetcharatana, Deputy Chief of Southeast Asia and to make appropriate Mission, Royal Thai Embassy policy investments in the region. Surin Pitsuwan, Member of Parliament, National Participant List: Assembly of Thailand Chair Angel Rabasa, Senior Policy Analyst, RAND Southeast Catharin E. Dalpino, Adjunct Professor, Southeast Asia has the Asian Studies, Georgetown University and The Paul Victor G. Raphael, Chief, Southeast Asian Division, H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies, Office of Analysis for East Asia and the Pacific, potential to The Johns Hopkins University Bureau of Intelligence and Research, US Department of State serve as a Rapporteur Santanina T. Rasul, Chairperson, Magbassa Kita model of Todd Andrews, Ph.D. Candidate in Political Foundation, Inc. Science, The George Washington University moderation Bruce Vaughn, Analyst, Southeast and South Asian for the Participants Affairs, Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Islamic Zachary Abuza, Associate Professor of Political Division, Congressional Research Service, The Science, Simmons College Library of Congress world....

Azyumardi Azra, Rector, State Islamic University, Meredith Weiss, Assistant Professor of International Indonesia Studies, DePaul University

John J. Bresnan, Adjunct Senior Research Scholar, The Stanley Foundation Staff East Asian Institute, Columbia University Cliff Brockman, Associate Producer, Common Robin Bush, Director of Programs in Islamic Civil Ground Society, The Asia Foundation Elizabeth Constantine, Program Officer Michael Kraig, Program Officer Paul M. Cleveland, President, The United States- Jeffrey G. Martin, Vice President and Director of Indonesia Society Programs Susan R. Moore, Conference Management Donald K. Emmerson, Senior Fellow, Institute for Associate International Studies, Stanford University Richard H. Stanley, President Leslie Winter, Program Associate James L. Huskey, State Department Rusk Fellow, Affiliations are listed for identification purposes only. Georgetown University Participants attended as individuals rather than as representatives of their governments or organizations. Karl Jackson, C. V. Starr Distinguished Professor and Director, Asian Studies Program, The Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies, The John Hopkins University 7

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