The Democracy Support Deficit: Despite Progress, Major Countries Fall Short Daniel Calingaert, Arch Puddington, and Sarah Repucci
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Egypt Digital Rights Landscape Report
ids.ac.uk Digital Rights in Closing Civic Space: Lessons from Ten African Countries 209 Egypt Digital Rights Landscape Report Egypt Digital Rights Landscape Report Mohamed Farahat This is an Open Access report distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International licence (CC BY), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original authors and source are credited and any modifications or adaptations are indicated. This report is part of ‘Digital Rights in Closing Civic Space: Lessons from Ten African Countries’; the Introduction is also recommended reading. © 2021 Mohamed Farahat © Institute of Development Studies. DOI: 10.19088/IDS.2021.014 ids.ac.uk Digital Rights in Closing Civic Space: Lessons from Ten African Countries 210 Egypt Digital Rights Landscape Report 1. Introduction Egypt has experienced many political and social changes prior to and since the 2011 uprising. These changes have had a significant impact on civic space offline, as well as online. Digital rights are simply human rights in online spaces and are recognised as being of central importance. This is especially true when closing civic space in the physical world means that opening civic space online is a necessary last resort. The coronavirus (Covid-19) pandemic has highlighted the importance of digital rights, especially for vulnerable groups such as refugees and people in rural and remote areas. The main objective of this report is to give an overview of digital rights in Egypt, especially in the context of freedom of expression and freedom of assembly, the right to access the internet, and for access to information, and the right to knowledge; and to explore the impacts of the political context on civic space in general and digital rights in particular. -
Written Evidence Submitted by East Turkistan Government in Exile (XIN0078)
Written evidence submitted by East Turkistan Government in Exile (XIN0078) The East Turkistan Problem and How the UK Should Address it East Turkistan Government in Exile The East Turkistan Government in Exile (ETGE) is the democratically elected official body representing East Turkistan and its people. On September 14, 2004, the government in exile was established in Washington, DC by a coalition of Uyghur and other East Turkistani organizations. The East Turkistan Government in Exile is a democratic body with a representative Parliament. The primary leaders — President, Vice President, Prime Minister, Speaker (Chair) of Parliament, and Deputy Speaker (Chair) of Parliament — are democratically elected by the Parliament members from all over the East Turkistani diaspora in the General Assembly which takes place every four years. The East Turkistan Government in Exile is submitting this evidence and recommendation to the UK Parliament and the UK Government as it is the leading body representing the interests of not only Uyghurs but all peoples of East Turkistan including Kazakhs, Kyrgyz, Uzbeks, and Tatars. More importantly, the ETGE has submitted the first ever legal complaint to the International Criminal Court against China and its officials for genocide and other crimes against humanity. We would like the UK Government to assist our community using all available means to seek justice and end to decades of prolonged colonization, genocide, and occupation in East Turkistan. Brief History of East Turkistan and the Uyghurs With a history of over 6000 years, according to Uyghur historians like Turghun Almas, the Uyghurs are the natives of East Turkistan. Throughout the millennia, the Uyghurs and other Turkic peoples have established and maintained numerous independent kingdoms, states, and even empires. -
Constructing the Secular: the Changing Relationship Between Religion and Politics in the Tibetan Exile Community
HIMALAYA, the Journal of the Association for Nepal and Himalayan Studies Volume 36 Number 1 Article 12 May 2016 Constructing the Secular: The Changing Relationship Between Religion and Politics in the Tibetan Exile Community Emmi Okada University of Tokyo, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/himalaya Recommended Citation Okada, Emmi. 2016. Constructing the Secular: The Changing Relationship Between Religion and Politics in the Tibetan Exile Community. HIMALAYA 36(1). Available at: https://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/himalaya/vol36/iss1/12 This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License. This Research Article is brought to you for free and open access by the DigitalCommons@Macalester College at DigitalCommons@Macalester College. It has been accepted for inclusion in HIMALAYA, the Journal of the Association for Nepal and Himalayan Studies by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Macalester College. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Constructing the Secular: The Changing Relationship Between Religion and Politics in the Tibetan Exile Community Acknowledgements The author would like to thank the innumerable Tibetans in Dharamsala, India, without whose assistance the present research could not have been completed. She also wishes to acknowledge Professor David Gellner who supervised her MPhil thesis which formed the basis of this article, and the Tibetan Studies staff at the Oriental Institute at the University of Oxford, -
Political Parties and the Transition to Democracy
POLITICAL PARTIES AND THE TRANSITION TO DEMOCRACY A Primer in Democratic Party-Building for Leaders, Organizers and Activists The National Democratic Institute for International Affairs (NDI) is a nonprofit organization working to strengthen and expand democracy worldwide. Calling on a global network of volunteer experts, NDI provides practical assistance to civic and political leaders advancing democratic values, practices and institutions. NDI works with democrats in every region of the world to build political and civic organizations, safeguard elections, and promote citizen participation, openness and accountability in government. POLITICAL PARTIES AND THE TRANSITION TO DEMOCRACY A Primer in Democratic Party-Building for Leaders, Organizers and Activists TABLE OF CONTENTS Preface Introduction 2 Section 1: What Makes a Political Party Democratic? 4 Section 2: The Party Constitution 6 Section 3: Party Organization 8 Section 4: Developing a Policy Agenda and Message 13 Section 5: Communication and Outreach 18 Section 6: Membership Recruitment 23 Section 7: Fundraising 27 Section 8: Training 35 Conclusion 39 Appendices 40 A. Constitution of the Progressive Conservative Association of Canada B. Organization and Structure of the Australian Labor Party and the Democratic Party of the Republic of Korea C. Sample newsletter and tips for creating newsletters from the Liberal Democrats of Britain D. Party platforms from the Alliance of Free Democrats of Hungary and the African National Congress of South Africa E. Communication techniques from the Social Democratic and Labour Party of Northern Ireland and a letter to supporters from the Labour Party of Britain F. Information on membership recruitment and activation from the Labour Party of Britain G. -
Timor-Leste's Growing Engagement with the Pacific Islands Region
110 Regionalism, Security & Cooperation in Oceania Chapter 8 Acting West, Looking East: Timor-Leste’s Growing Engagement with the Pacific Islands Region Jose Kai Lekke Sousa-Santos Executive Summary • Timor-Leste is situated geopolitically and culturally at the crossroads of Southeast Asia and the Pacific Islands region, and has pursued a two-pil- lared neighborhood foreign policy of “comprehensive and collective en- gagement,” which is defined by “Acting West” and “Looking East.” • Timor-Leste is seeking to integrate itself within regional governance and security structures, and institutions of both Southeast Asia and the Pa- cific Islands, thereby increasing its strategic role as a conduit for cooper- ation and collaboration between the two regions. • Timor-Leste is of increasing geostrategic importance to the Asia Pacific in view of the growing focus on the Pacific Ocean in terms of resource security and the growing competition between China and the United States. • Timor-Leste could play an increasingly significant role in regional de- fense diplomacy developments if the Melanesian Spearhead Group re- gional peacekeeping force is realized. Timor-Leste’s Engagement with the Pacific Islands Region - Santos 111 “We may be a small nation, but we are part of our inter- connected region. Our nation shares an island with Indone- sia. We are part of the fabric of Southeast Asia. And we are on the cross road of Asia and the Pacific.” 1 - Xanana Kay Rala Gusmao Introduction Timor-Leste is situated geopolitically and culturally on the crossroads of Southeast Asia and the Pacific Islands region and has, since achieving in- dependence in 2002, pursued a two-pillared neighborhood foreign policy of ‘Acting West’ and ‘Looking East.’ Timor-Leste claims that its geographic position secures the “half-island” state as an integral and categorical part of Southeast Asia while at the same time, acknowledging the clear links it shares with its Pacific Island neighbors to the west, particularly in the areas of development and security. -
Codebook Indiveu – Party Preferences
Codebook InDivEU – party preferences European University Institute, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies December 2020 Introduction The “InDivEU – party preferences” dataset provides data on the positions of more than 400 parties from 28 countries1 on questions of (differentiated) European integration. The dataset comprises a selection of party positions taken from two existing datasets: (1) The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File contains party positions for three rounds of European Parliament elections (2009, 2014, and 2019). Party positions were determined in an iterative process of party self-placement and expert judgement. For more information: https://cadmus.eui.eu/handle/1814/65944 (2) The Chapel Hill Expert Survey The Chapel Hill Expert Survey contains party positions for the national elections most closely corresponding the European Parliament elections of 2009, 2014, 2019. Party positions were determined by expert judgement. For more information: https://www.chesdata.eu/ Three additional party positions, related to DI-specific questions, are included in the dataset. These positions were determined by experts involved in the 2019 edition of euandi after the elections took place. The inclusion of party positions in the “InDivEU – party preferences” is limited to the following issues: - General questions about the EU - Questions about EU policy - Questions about differentiated integration - Questions about party ideology 1 This includes all 27 member states of the European Union in 2020, plus the United Kingdom. How to Cite When using the ‘InDivEU – Party Preferences’ dataset, please cite all of the following three articles: 1. Reiljan, Andres, Frederico Ferreira da Silva, Lorenzo Cicchi, Diego Garzia, Alexander H. -
180203 the Argentine Military and the Antisubversivo Genocide
Journal: GSI; Volume 11; Issue: 2 DOI: 10.3138/gsi.11.2.03 The Argentine Military and the “Antisubversivo” Genocide DerGhougassian and Brumat The Argentine Military and the “Antisubversivo ” Genocide: The School of Americas’ Contribution to the French Counterinsurgency Model Khatchik DerGhougassian UNLa, Argentina Leiza Brumat EUI, Italy Abstract: The article analyzes role of the United States during the 1976–1983 military dictatorship and their genocidal counterinsurgency war in Argentina. We argue that Washington’s policy evolved from the initial loose support of the Ford administration to what we call “the Carter exception” in 1977—79 when the violation of Human Rights were denounced and concrete measures taken to put pressure on the military to end their repressive campaign. Human Rights, however, lost their importance on Washington’s foreign policy agenda with the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979 and the end of the Détente. The Argentine military briefly recuperated US support with Ronald Reagan in 1981 to soon lose it with the Malvinas War. Argentina’s defeat turned the page of the US support to military dictatorships in Latin America and marked the debut of “democracy promotion.” Keywords: Proceso, dirty war, human rights, Argentine military, French School, the School of the Americas, Carter Page 1 of 48 Journal: GSI; Volume 11; Issue: 2 DOI: 10.3138/gsi.11.2.03 Introduction: Framing the US. Role during the Proceso When an Argentine military junta seized the power on March 24, 1976 and implemented its “ plan antisubversivo ,” a supposedly counterinsurgency plan to end the political violence in the country, Henry Kissinger, the then United States’ Secretary of State of the Gerald Ford Administration, warned his Argentine colleague that the critiques for the violation of human rights would increment and it was convenient to end the “operations” before January of 1977 when Jimmy Carter, the Democratic candidate and winner of the presidential elections, would assume the power in the White House. -
Russia's Hostile Measures in Europe
Russia’s Hostile Measures in Europe Understanding the Threat Raphael S. Cohen, Andrew Radin C O R P O R A T I O N For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/RR1793 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available for this publication. ISBN: 978-1-9774-0077-2 Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif. © Copyright 2019 RAND Corporation R® is a registered trademark. Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions. The RAND Corporation is a research organization that develops solutions to public policy challenges to help make communities throughout the world safer and more secure, healthier and more prosperous. RAND is nonprofit, nonpartisan, and committed to the public interest. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. Support RAND Make a tax-deductible charitable contribution at www.rand.org/giving/contribute www.rand.org Preface This report is the collaborative and equal effort of the coauthors, who are listed in alphabetical order. The report documents research and analysis conducted through 2017 as part of a project entitled Russia, European Security, and “Measures Short of War,” sponsored by the Office of the Deputy Chief of Staff, G-3/5/7, U.S. -
Digital Government Review of Sweden Towards a Data-Driven Public Sector
Digital Government Review of Sweden Towards a Data-driven Public Sector Key findings Revised version – October 2018 Contents 1. BACKGROUND 1 2. STRENGTHENING THE INSTITUTIONAL GOVERNANCE FOR DIGITAL GOVERNMENT IN SWEDEN 6 3. LEVERAGING DATA FOR PUBLIC SECTOR DIGITAL INNOVATION AND INTELLIGENCE 14 4. OPEN GOVERNMENT DATA IN SWEDEN: From transparency to proactive openness, user engagement and public value co-creation 18 BIBLIOGRAPHY 24 NOTES 24 OECD Digital Government and Open Data Unit Digital Government Project KEY FINDINGS KEY DIGITAL GOVERNMENT REVIEW OF SWEDEN 1. Background The OECD Digital Government Review of Sweden builds on The OECD Recommendation on Digital Government Strategies the experience and knowledge acquired by the Reform contains twelve key recommendations grouped in three of the Public Sector Division of the OECD Directorate for main pillars (Figure 1.1) to support countries in realising the Public Governance through similar projects conducted digital transformation of the public sector, and therefore over the past 15 years in a number of OECD member and serves as an overall analytical framework for this review. partner countries. The Recommendation was adopted by the Council in 2014, and applies to all the OECD member countries, as well as to The Review also draws upon the close collaboration non-OECD members that proactively adhere to it. between the OECD and the Swedish Government, including the participation of Sweden in the OECD The aim of the Digital Government Review is to assist the Working Party of Digital Government Officials (E-Leaders), Swedish government in its efforts to take the full benefits of the OECD Expert Group on Open Government Data, digital technologies and data to boost public sector intelligence and the 2016 OECD comparative project on Digital and act as a platform for public value co-creation and Government Strategies for Transforming Public Services sustained public trust. -
Civil Servants Being Modi-Fied
CIVIL SERVANTS BEING ‘MODI-FIED’ New Delhi bureaucrats, accustomed to leisurely lunches, swimming & golf in the afternoon and long weekends, have been shaken out of their somnolence, say authors. Fear and suspicion hang heavy over the red-sands. Frequent visitors to Delhi Gymkhana Club, one of the oldest and most coveted clubs of India, cannot stop smiling these days. Once teeming with bureaucrats during, before and after lunch hour, the club is quiet in the afternoons now. "You don't see them throwing their weight around in the bar anymore," chuckles Mohan Guruswamy, the chairman of Delhi-based think-tank Centre for Policy Alternatives and one-time advisor to former finance minister Yashwant Sinha. 1 The scene at India International Centre, another favourite hangout of bureaucrats, is similar. "It's now easier to get a table at IIC during lunch," says Guruswamy, clearly enjoying the development And the driveways of the Delhi Golf Club are deserted during office hours. "People would leave early in the evening to swim or play golf without completing the day's work. All that has changed," says a secretary with a ministry. For the civil servants posted at the Centre, life has seen an upheaval in the three months since Narendra Modi took over as the prime minister. Leisure has shrunk; work production has increased. 2 Officially, central government officers are still on a five-day week schedule, but most of them -- along with their clerks, peons and drivers -- are working almost every Saturday. If they are not clearing files, they're preparing for the week ahead because there is no telling when the Prime Minister's Office will call asking for a file. -
Promoting Democracy. What Role for the Democratic Emerging Powers?
Discussion Paper 2/2014 Promoting Democracy What Role for the Democratic Emerging Powers? Gerd Schönwälder Promoting democracy What role for the democratic emerging powers? Gerd Schönwälder Bonn 2014 Discussion Paper / Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik ISSN 1860-0441 Die deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detail- lierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über http://dnb.d-nb.de abrufbar. The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data is available in the Internet at http://dnb.d-nb.de. ISBN 978-3-88985-591-6 Dr Gerd Schönwälder, Senior Associate, Centre for International Policy Studies (CIPS) at the University of Ottawa Former Guest Researcher, German Development Institute / Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik (DIE) E-mail: [email protected] © Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik gGmbH Tulpenfeld 6, 53113 Bonn +49 (0)228 94927-0 +49 (0)228 94927-130 E-Mail: [email protected] www.die-gdi.de Acknowledgements The bulk of this paper was written while the author was a guest researcher at the German Development Institute / Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik (DIE) and the remain- der while he was a Senior Associate at the Centre for International Policy Studies (CIPS) at the University of Ottawa (financial support from the International Development Re- search Centre (IDRC) is gratefully acknowledged). Many thanks to Jörg Faust, Jörn Grävingholt, Kimana Zulueta-Fülscher, and -
The Racist Legacy in Modern Swedish Saami Policy1
THE RACIST LEGACY IN MODERN SWEDISH SAAMI POLICY1 Roger Kvist Department of Saami Studies Umeå University S-901 87 Umeå Sweden Abstract/Resume The Swedish national state (1548-1846) did not treat the Saami any differently than the population at large. The Swedish nation state (1846- 1971) in practice created a system of institutionalized racism towards the nomadic Saami. Saami organizations managed to force the Swedish welfare state to adopt a policy of ethnic tolerance beginning in 1971. The earlier racist policy, however, left a strong anti-Saami rights legacy among the non-Saami population of the North. The increasing willingness of both the left and the right of Swedish political life to take advantage of this racist legacy, makes it unlikely that Saami self-determination will be realized within the foreseeable future. L'état suédois national (1548-1846) n'a pas traité les Saami d'une manière différente de la population générale. L'Etat de la nation suédoise (1846- 1971) a créé en pratique un système de racisme institutionnalisé vers les Saami nomades. Les organisations saamies ont réussi à obliger l'Etat- providence suédois à adopter une politique de tolérance ethnique à partir de 1971. Pourtant, la politique précédente de racisme a fait un legs fort des droits anti-saamis parmi la population non-saamie du nord. En con- séquence de l'empressement croissant de la gauche et de la droite de la vie politique suédoise de profiter de ce legs raciste, il est peu probable que l'autodétermination soit atteinte dans un avenir prévisible. 204 Roger Kvist Introduction In 1981 the Supreme Court of Sweden stated that the Saami right to reindeer herding, and adjacent rights to hunting and fishing, was a form of private property.