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Crystal N. Feimster

General & the threat of sexual violence during the Downloaded from http://direct.mit.edu/daed/article-pdf/138/2/126/1829613/daed.2009.138.2.126.pdf by guest on 25 September 2021

Scarlett’s breath came back to her as sud- lent content, speci½cally its sexual un- denly and painfully as after a blow in the dertones, gave me nightmares. In one stomach. A Yankee, a Yankee with a long instance, Scarlett, confronted by a Yan- pistol on his hip! And she was alone in the kee soldier, shoves a pistol in his face house with three sick girls and the babies! and pulls the trigger. The viewer under- As he lounged up the walk, hand on hol- stands Scarlett’s motivation: that im- ster, beady little eyes glancing to right and plicit in the “unspeakable horrors that left, a kaleidoscope of jumbled pictures lay bound up in the name of ‘Yankee’” spun in her mind, stories Aunt Pittypat is the threat of rape. had whispered of attacks on unprotected Few scholars have addressed the sexu- women, throat cuttings, houses burned al threat captured in this confrontation over the heads of dying women, children between Scarlett and the Union solider. bayoneted because they cried, all of the In fact, historians have accepted without unspeakable horrors that lay bound up question the idea that Union soldiers in the name of “Yankee.” rarely raped southern women, black or white, and have argued that sexual vio- –Margaret Mitchell, Gone With the Wind1 lence was rare during the Civil War. Yet Mitchell’s ½ctional account of one wom- As a young girl growing up in the an’s wartime experience makes clear South, I was forced to watch Gone With that a perceived threat of rape during the Wind throughout my primary and the Civil War was all too real for south- secondary education. As May dwindled ern women. into June, teachers grew weary of lectur- Wartime rape is an issue both ancient ing on multiplication tables or constitu- and contemporary, evident more recent- tional history and resorted to “historical ly in reports of mass rapes in the Yugo- ½lms” to pass the time, with Gone With slavian wars of secession and the genoci- the Wind at the top of the list. I hated the dal massacres in Rwanda, but equally movie at every age–and not because I present in accounts from the Torah, the wanted to crawl under my desk and die Bible, Homer, Anglo-Saxon chronicles, of humiliation every time a black person and in mythological events like the rape came on screen. Rather, the ½lm’s vio- of the Sabine women. Indeed, much his- torical evidence seems to suggest that © 2009 by the American Academy of Arts whenever and wherever men go to war, & Sciences

126 Dædalus Spring 2009 rape and the threat of sexual violence Most rapes, however, likely went unre- The threat against women are inevitable, even stra- ported because many women, especially of sexual violence tegic components of warfare. women of the planter elite, considered during the During the Civil War many southern sexual assault a fate worse than death. American women feared sexual assault, and hun- Because a white woman’s virtue repre- Civil War dreds, perhaps thousands of women sented her most valuable commodity, suffered rape. Even though the federal much was at stake in making public a military de½ned rape as a crime punish- crime understood to tarnish that virtue. able by court-martial, even execution, Women did, however, write about re- some Union soldiers were not deterred: ported sexual assaults and the fear of at least 250 were court-martialed for rape in their diaries and letters. Mary the crime of rape.2 In North Carolina Chesnut, a plantation mistress in South Downloaded from http://direct.mit.edu/daed/article-pdf/138/2/126/1829613/daed.2009.138.2.126.pdf by guest on 25 September 2021 during spring 1865, Private James Preble Carolina, complained in her wartime “attempted to rape” two white women, diary: Mrs. Rebecca Drake and Miss Louise I think these times make all women feel Bedard, and “did by physical force and their humiliation in the affairs of the violence commit rape upon the person world. With men it is on the ½eld–glory, of one Miss Letitia Craft.”3 When Perry honour, praise & power. Women can only Holland of the 1st Missouri Infantry stay at home–& every paper reminds us confessed to the rape of Miss Julia An- that women are to be violated–ravished derson, a white woman in Tennessee, & all manner of humiliation. How are he was sentenced to be shot, but his the daughters of Eve punished?7 sentenced was later commuted.4 Mrs. Catherine Farmer, also of Tennessee, Her words capture the vulnerability testi½ed that Lieutenant Harvey John and fear that southern white women of the 49th Ohio Infantry dragged her experienced during the Civil War, but into the bushes and told her he would also reveal her frustration and anger kill her if she did not “give it to him.” over Confederate soldiers’ failure to He tore her dress, broke her hoops, protect southern women during the and “put his private parts into her,” war. With so many men taking part in for which he got ten years in prison.5 the war effort, southern white women In Georgia, Albert Lane, part of Com- found themselves without male pro- pany B, in the 100th Regiment of Ohio tection, forcing them for the ½rst time Volunteers, was also sentenced to ten to demand protection and participate years because he “did on or about the in their own defense. Their acts of pub- 11th day of July, 1864 . . . upon one Miss lic protest and violent self-defense Louisa Dickerson . . . then and there forc- served not only as a political challenge ibly and against her will, feloniously to Union occupation, but also as a chal- did ravish and carnally know her.”6 In- lenge to southern gender roles.8 At the terestingly, the majority of the 250 court- same time that southern women de½ed martialed cases involved either black the image of the dependent and fragile women raped by white men or white southern belle, they also raised ques- women raped by black men, suggesting tions about southern white men’s abil- that race played a key role not only in ity to provide proper protection. the cases the sought to pursue, but also in who was willing to As federal troops began to occupy report rape. southern territory, rumors that Yankees

Dædalus Spring 2009 127 Crystal N. planned to rape their way through the A merchant who refused to sell shoes to Feimster South spread. Refugees and local news- a federal soldier had all of his stock sold papers reported “outrages against wom- at auction. Shopkeepers who closed en” and other atrocities allegedly com- their stores in protest were ½ned $100. mitted by Union soldiers.9 The Confed- A contractor who refused to do work erate Congress whipped up the rumors for the army was imprisoned on bread and intensi½ed women’s fears when it and water until he agreed to perform declared: the job.12 Storekeepers and businessmen, out of The conduct of the enemy has been desti- ½nancial necessity, had little choice but tute of that forbearance and magnanimity to yield to Butler’s orders; their wives

which civilization and Christianity have Downloaded from http://direct.mit.edu/daed/article-pdf/138/2/126/1829613/daed.2009.138.2.126.pdf by guest on 25 September 2021 and daughters were under no such com- introduced . . . clothing of women and in- pulsion. In fact, southern white women fants is stripped from their persons . . . remained openly resistant to Union oc- helpless women have been exposed to the cupation, seeking not only to provoke most cruel outrages and to that dishonor Union troops, but also to compel Con- which is in½nitely worse than death.10 federate men to action. If a New Orleans When Confederate propaganda did not belle met a Union of½cer or soldier on succeed in keeping women in a state the sidewalk, she contemptuously gath- of constant fear, the mere presence of ered up her skirts and walked to the Union soldiers did. other side of the street. When federal In spring 1862, when General Ben- soldiers boarded streetcars or entered jamin Butler arrived in New Orleans churches, southern women got up and with Union troops, he was greeted by left with a great to-do. They wore Con- a mob of men and women dismayed federate flags in their hats and dresses by defeat and outraged by the prospect and hummed southern patriotic songs of Union occupation. New Orleaneans within earshot of northern troops. One challenged and resisted the authority woman, draped in a Confederate flag, of Butler and his 2,500 soldiers at every walked up to a soldier standing guard, turn: shopkeepers refused to do busi- stared at him, and spat in the gutter be- ness with “Yankees,” ministers refused fore walking away in disgust; others spat to say prayers for President Lincoln, directly in the faces of federal soldiers.13 and citizens destroyed Union flags. To In fact, some went so far as to dump maintain order, Butler declared martial their chamber pots onto passing Union law and set out to establish proper re- soldiers. Of displays like these, one gen- spect for his troops and the Union cause. eral noted, “Such venom one must see Butler had William B. Mumford, a pro- to believe. Such unsexing was hardly fessional gambler who had torn the U.S. ever before in any cause or country so flag from the U.S. Mint in New Orleans, marked and so universal. I look at them arrested and sentenced to hang.11 When and think of fallen angels.”14 a New Orleans bookseller placed a skele- If some southern women hoped that ton labeled “Chickahominy” in the win- their actions would force Union of½cers dow of his store, a place where numer- to retaliate, they got their wish on May ous Union soldiers had been slain, But- 15, 1862, when General Butler issued his ler sentenced him to two years’ con½ne- infamous “General Orders, No. 28”: ment at Ship Island, a federal prison dur- ing the war, off the coast of Mississippi.

128 Dædalus Spring 2009 As the of½cers and soldiers of the United of New Orleans, he argued, had left him The threat States have been subject to repeated in- no choice but to pass “an order charac- of sexual violence sults from the women (calling themselves terizing [their] acts” as unwomanly and during the ladies) of New Orleans in return for the undeserving of protection. American Civil War most scrupulous non-interference and courtesy on our part, it is ordered that Exploiting ideas about gender and hereafter when any female shall by word, class, Butler expected the threat of sex- gesture, or movement insult or show con- ual violence to shame and force south- tempt for any of½cer or soldier of the ern women into policing their own be- United States she shall be regarded and havior. When asked why he had not just held liable to be treated as a woman of arrested the women, Butler explained the town plying her avocation.15 the “Guard House” was no place for Downloaded from http://direct.mit.edu/daed/article-pdf/138/2/126/1829613/daed.2009.138.2.126.pdf by guest on 25 September 2021 Butler’s Order licensed his troops not “lovely ladies” and insisted, “These in- only to refuse protection, but to offer in- sults come from the balconies of houses sult and to treat as prostitutes the wom- whence Juliet made love, and my men en who offended federal troops and re- must have broken open private dwel- sisted occupation. lings and chased the fair, feeble, fretful, Butler insisted that Order 28 was not and ferocious rebels to their bedrooms a call to rape, but he clearly believed to have seized them.” Using language that threatening sexual violence was a of sexual seduction, Butler reasoned justi½able means of subduing southern that if his soldiers had been reduced to women. When one of Butler’s of½cers “dragging screeching women through expressed concern that “troops may the streets to the Guard House,” south- misunderstand the order,” Butler de- ern women would have succeeded. No fended: southern man, he argued, would have stood by as Union soldiers carried “Mrs. Let us, then have one case of aggression Judge This and Mrs. Col. That and the on our side. I shall know how to deal honorable Miss so and so” kicking and with that case, so that it will never be screaming to jail.18 repeated. So far, all the aggression has Those closest to Butler agreed the been against us. Here we are, conquerors Order was necessary and the insult to in a conquered city; we have respected southern womanhood justi½ed. “Never every right . . . and yet we cannot walk has anything been more deserved,” ex- the streets without being outraged and plained Butler’s wife Sarah: spit upon by green girls. I do not fear the Their insolence is beyond endurance, and troops; but if aggression must be, let it must be checked. Such forbearance was not be all against us.16 never shown to a conquered town as our Butler at once acknowledged his sol- people have shown them. . . . To show their diers’ remarkable restraint and conced- appreciation of such forbearance, they ed southern women’s success in agitat- step out of their parlor on the piazzas and ing his troops. The Order was an “abso- grossly insult our of½cers as they pass lute necessity from the outrageous con- along the street.19 duct of the Secession women here, who took every means of insulting my sol- Like her husband, Sarah Butler believed diers and inflaming the mob,” he ex- that the women of New Orleans forfeit- plained to his superiors.17 The women ed their right to protection by refusing to behave as proper ladies. More impor-

Dædalus Spring 2009 129 Crystal N. tantly, Secretary of State William Sew- ble insult: the others will take care of Feimster ard openly supported the Order, Assis- themselves.23 tant Secretary of the Navy Gustavus Fox Butler was adamant: southern ladies applauded Butler’s actions, and Presi- who resisted federal occupation by in- dent Lincoln, who received both domes- sulting and assaulting federal troops tic and international pressure to repudi- behaved like prostitutes, unworthy of ate the Order, never did so.20 protection. Confederates were outraged. The may- News of Butler’s Order circulated or of New Orleans, John T. Monroe, was widely in the Confederacy, where it was the ½rst to condemn the Order, accusing understood as a direct attack on south- Butler of giving “license to the of½cers

ern womanhood. The Jackson Mississip- Downloaded from http://direct.mit.edu/daed/article-pdf/138/2/126/1829613/daed.2009.138.2.126.pdf by guest on 25 September 2021 and soldiers . . . to commit outrages . . . pian offered $10 thousand for Butler’s upon defenseless women” and threat- head, and Confederate generals read ening to step down as mayor if Butler the edict to their troops to spur them did not revoke the Order.21 Butler, un- to battle. From Corinth, Mississippi, swayed by intimidation, informed the General Beauregard declared: mayor that “the language of the letter would not be tolerated, and if he be- MEN OF THE SOUTH: Shall our moth- lieved that he could no longer control ers, our wives, our daughters, and our sis- the ‘aroused’ passions of the people, he ters be thus outraged by the ruf½anly sol- would be relieved of his responsibility” diers of the North, to whom is given the and sent directly to Fort Jackson, the right to treat at their pleasure the ladies Union prison. When the mayor protest- of the South as common harlots? Arouse, ed that his only desire was to “vindicate friends, and drive back from our soil those the honor of the virtuous women of the infamous invaders of our homes and dis- City,” Butler reassured him that the Or- turbers of our family ties.24 der did not “contemplate any virtuous Governor Moore of Louisiana pro- women,” explaining that virtuous wom- claimed that the “annals of warfare be- en would not insult “by word, gesture, tween civilized nations afford no simi- or movement” federal troops and thus lar instance of infamy” and encouraged had nothing to fear.22 Monroe accepted New Orleanians to rise up against But- Butler’s reasoning, rescinded his letter, ler’s occupation. , presi- and signed an of½cial letter of apology. dent of the Confederacy, described But- The next day, however, he withdrew ler as possessing “instincts so brutal as his apology on the grounds that he had to invite the violence of his soldiery “misunderstood” Butler’s explanation against the women of a captured city”25; and called on the general to make a pub- he, too, called for Butler’s head. South- lic announcement declaring that Order ern women had succeeded in provoking 28 did not apply to decent ladies, to southern men to their defense–at least which an impatient Butler insisted: rhetorically–because, as New Orleanian There can be, there has been, no room Clara Solomon wrote in her diary, “the for misunderstanding of General Order insult offered to us is also to them.”26 No. 28. . . . I shall not, as I have not abated, a single word of that order; it was well Butler’s Order 28 entangled the threat considered. If obeyed, it will protect the of rape with more generalized anxieties true and modest woman from all possi- about the limits of southern manhood

130 Dædalus Spring 2009 and the hollowness of antebellum gen- ed how the women of the city greeted The threat der and class politics. Across the South, Confederate soldiers who confessed of sexual violence women worried whether or not their they were running from federal troops: during the husbands and sons, fathers and brothers “Why don’t you stand your ground?” American would defend them from the horrors of “Shame on you all!” and “We are dis- Civil War invasion. Confederate newspapers pub- appointed in you! Who shall we look lished a plea from “THE DAUGHTERS OF to now for protection?”28 In a letter NEW ORLEANS”: to her husband, Julia Davidson com- plained, “The men of Atlanta have AN APPEAL TO EVERY SOUTHERN brought an everlasting stain on their SOLDIER.–We turn to you in mute name. Instead of remaining to defend

agony! Behold our wrongs! Fathers! Downloaded from http://direct.mit.edu/daed/article-pdf/138/2/126/1829613/daed.2009.138.2.126.pdf by guest on 25 September 2021 their homes, they have run off and left Husbands! Brothers! Sons! We know Atlanta to be defended by an army of these bitter, burning wrongs will be ful- women and children.” She concluded, ly avenged–never did southern women “God help us for there is no help in appeal in vain for protection from insult! man.”29 In Virginia, a group of wom- But, for the sake of your sisters through- en declared the Confederate army in- out the south, with tears we implore you competent and suggested the forma- not to surrender your cities, “in consider- tion of a ladies regiment in the Army ation of the defenseless women and chil- of Shenandoah.30 In Jasper County, dren!” Do not leave your women to the Mississippi, a group of “Ladies” peti- mercy of this merciless foe! Would it not tioned the Confederate secretary of have been better for New Orleans to have war for male protection; but they also been laid in ruins, and we buried up be- requested weapons of their own to neath the mass, than that we should be defend themselves from “the demonic subjected to these untold sufferings? Is invasion.”31 life so precious a boon that, for the pres- Southern women’s outrage at Butler’s ervation of it, no sacri½ce is to great? Ah, threat and their appeals for protection no! ah, no! Rather let us die with you, oh, revealed that they were neither com- our fathers! Rather, like Virginius, plunge pletely defenseless, nor content to be your own swords into our breast, saying, thought of as so. Before federal troops “This is all we can give our daughters.”27 ever arrived in Louisiana, Sarah Mor- Limited in their power to resist occupa- gan of Baton Rouge con½ded in her tion, the women of New Orleans called journal that she had a “pistol and carv- on Confederate men to ½ght on their be- ing knife ready.” After learning of But- half and clung to traditional notions of ler’s Order No. 28, she wrote, “Come manhood. But the women’s appeal also to my bosom, O my discarded carving- reveals uncertainty about these notions knife, laid aside under the impression –and a recognition that proper man- that these men were gentlemen.”32 Julia hood, as they understood it, was fail- LeGrand of New Orleans recorded in ing them. her diary, “Mrs. Norton has a hatchet, Confederate of½cers and soldiers a tomahawk, and a vial of some kind of were notorious for abandoning cities spirits with which she intends to blind and towns as federal troops advanced. all invaders.”33 In August 1862, Miss In May 1863, Mary Ann Loughborough, Emma Holmes, of Charleston, South who had followed her husband’s regi- Carolina, wrote, “Mrs. Henry M. Hyams ment from Jackson to Vicksburg, record- of New Orleans, the wife of the Lieut.

Dædalus Spring 2009 131 Crystal N. Governor of the State has rendered her arms, it turns out, did not have to in- Feimster name historic among Southern women, volve her direct use of the weapon: who have nobly avenged the insults of appealing to a perpetrator to turn that ‘Butler, the Beast.’” Holmes explained very weapon on her, she also acted in in detail how a “Yankee of½cer” stopped self-defense, in an effort to avoid that Hyams and demanded that she bow in fate worse than death. accordance with Butler’s Order. When she refused, “the vile wretch threw his Butler’s Order licensed Union of½cers arms around her and kissed her,” and and troops in their treatment of women upon his release Hyams “drew a pistol well beyond New Orleans. Union Major and shot him dead in all the flush of Thomas J. Jordan told women in Sparta, his insolence.”34 Mrs. Hyams, the sto- Tennessee, that if they refused to cook Downloaded from http://direct.mit.edu/daed/article-pdf/138/2/126/1829613/daed.2009.138.2.126.pdf by guest on 25 September 2021 ry went, was spirited away by a sympa- for his troops he would be forced to thetic Union of½cer who helped her “turn his men loose upon them and he reach southern lines.35 would not be responsible for anything Women all over the South armed they might do”; in Selina he advised, themselves. From her family plantation, “They had better sew up the bottoms Oakland, eight miles north of Holly of their petticoats” if they were unwill- Springs, Mississippi, nineteen-year-old ing to serve his troops. After stripping Cordelia Lewis Scales wrote to a dear and spanking a group of young women friend: who had emptied their chamber pots I wish you could see me now with my on passing soldiers, Union troops in hair parted on the side with my black Rome, Georgia, who were aware of But- velvet zouave on & pistol by my side & ler’s declaration in New Orleans justi- riding my ½ne colt, Beula. I know you ½ed their actions accordingly: “No one would take me for a Guerilla. I never but an abandoned woman would do a ride now or walk without my pistol. thing like that. Abandoned women had Quite warlike, you see.36 no rights that anyone was bound to re- spect.”39 In Macon, Georgia, a man explained The geographical reach of Butler’s that his mother and sister, who lived in Order ensured that the threat of sexual the country, felt “quite secure” with the violence and the fear of rape were com- pistol and long knife that he had given mon to southern women and central to them. To her husband, Julia Pope Stan- how they experienced the Civil War. In ley of Georgia wrote, “Oh that I had the face of fear, and eager to uphold pre- more faith. But when I hear of how our existing gender and class norms, south- women are insulted by the Yankees, my ern women had little room to maneuver heart almost faints within me”; howev- under Order 28 without being regarded er, she concluded, “Every woman ought as a “woman of the town.” Yet southern to be armed with a dagger to defend her- women’s ideas about men–and them- self.”37 Even Jefferson Davis made sure selves–began to crack as they saw the his wife, Varina, had a pistol for her pro- many ways men were unable or un- tection. He made a point to show her willing to protect them during the war. how to use it herself, but in the end sug- Southern women challenged notions of gested, “You can at least, if reduced to their defenselessness and came to real- the last extremity, force your assailants ize, as Butler predicted, that they had to to kill you.”38 A woman’s taking up “take care of themselves.”

132 Dædalus Spring 2009 ENDNOTES The threat 1 of sexual Margaret Mitchell, Gone With the Wind (1936; repr., New York: Scribner, 2007), 417. violence 2 Thomas P. Lowry, Sexual Misbehavior in the Civil War: A Compendium (Xlibris, 2006). during the American 3 Robert I. Alotta, Civil War Justice: Union Army Executions Under Lincoln (Shippensburg, Civil War Penn.: White Mane Publishing Company, 1989), 165. 4 Lowry, Sexual Misbehavior in the Civil War, 154. 5 Ibid., 155. 6 Ibid., 148. 7 Mary Chesnut, The Private Mary Chesnut: The Unpublished Civil War Diaries, ed. C. Vann Woodward and Elisabeth Muhlenfeld (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 145. Downloaded from http://direct.mit.edu/daed/article-pdf/138/2/126/1829613/daed.2009.138.2.126.pdf by guest on 25 September 2021 8 The gender and racial hierarchy of the plantation South sanctioned male dominance and discouraged female autonomy. Because southern white women were legally subordinated to and economically dependent upon their fathers and husbands, they had little choice but to accept paternalistic domination in exchange for male protection and a measure of dis- crete power within the household. For further discussion of nineteenth-century ideas about southern womanhood and manhood, see Elizabeth Fox-Genovese, Within the Planta- tion Household: Black and White Women of the Old South (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1988); Catherine Clinton, The Plantation Mistress: Woman’s World in the Old South (New York: Pantheon, 1984); Ann Firor Scott, The Southern Lady: From Pedestal to Politics, 1830–1930 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1970); Stephanie McCurry, Mas- ters of Small World: Yeoman Households, Gender Relations, and the Political Culture of the Ante- bellum South Low Country (London: Oxford University Press, 1997); and Laura F. Edwards, Scarlett Doesn’t Live Here Anymore: Southern Women in the Civil War Era (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2004). 9 Lee Kennett, Marching Through Georgia: The Story of Soldiers and Civilians During Sherman’s Campaign (New York: HarperCollins, 1995), 84. 10 Catherine Clinton, Tara Revisited: Women, War & the Plantation Legend (New York: Abbe- ville Press, 1995). 11 Robert S. Holzman, Stormy Ben Butler (New York: Macmillan Company, 1954), 69–70. 12 For discussion of how citizens of New Orleans responded to Butler’s occupation, see Christopher G. Pena, General Butler: Beast or Patriot–New Orleans Occupation May–De- cember 1862 (1st Books Library, 2003), and Chester G. Hearn, When the Devil Came Down to Dixie: Ben Butler in New Orleans (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1997). 13 On Butler and the women of New Orleans, see Mary Ryan, Women in Public: Between Ban- ners and Ballots, 1825–1880 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1990), 130–171; George C. Rable, “‘Missing in Action’: Women of the Confederacy,” in Divided Houses: Gender and the Civil War, ed. Catherine Clinton and Nina Silber (New York: Oxford Uni- versity Press, 1992), 134–146; Hans L. Trefousse, Ben Butler: The South Called Him Beast! (New York: Twayne, 1957), 107–121; and Drew Gilpin Faust, Mothers of Invention: Wom- en of the Slaveholding South in the American Civil War (New York: Vintage Books, 1996), 207–214. 14 Thomas Williams, “Letters of General Thomas Williams, 1862,” American Historical Review 14 (22) (1909): 307–338. 15 “General Orders No. 28,” in Private and Of½cial Correspondence of Gen. Benjamin F. Butler During the Period of the Civil War, vol. 1 (Norwood, Mass.: The Plimpton Press, 1917), 490. 16 Quoted in James Parton, General Butler in New Orleans: History of the Administration of the Department of the Gulf in the Year 1862 (New York: Mason Brothers, 1864), 327–328.

Dædalus Spring 2009 133 Crystal N. 17 Major General Benjamin Butler, “Letter to Hon. E. M. Staton, Secretary of War (May 16, Feimster 1862),” in Private and Of½cial Correspondence of Gen. Benjamin F. Butler During the Period of the Civil War, vol. 1, 493. 18 Major General Benjamin Butler, “Letter to O. C. Gardner (June 10, 1862),” in ibid., 581–583. 19 Sarah Butler, “Letter to Harriet Heard (May 15, 1862),” in ibid., 486–489. 20 Hearn, When the Devil Came Down to Dixie, 109. 21 John T. Monroe, “Letter to Major General Benjamin F. Butler (May 16, 1862),” in Private and Of½cial Correspondence of Gen. Benjamin F. Butler During the Period of the Civil War, vol. 1, 497–498. 22 Major General Benjamin F. Butler, “Memorandum,” in ibid., 498. Downloaded from http://direct.mit.edu/daed/article-pdf/138/2/126/1829613/daed.2009.138.2.126.pdf by guest on 25 September 2021 23 Major General Benjamin F. Butler, “Letter to John T. Monroe (May 16, 1862),” in Parton, General Butler in New Orleans, 333. 24 Quoted in Hearn, When the Devil Came Down to Dixie, 104. 25 Jefferson Davis, “A Proclamation,” in The War of Rebellion: A Compilation of the Of½cial Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, series 2, vol. 5, ed. BVT. Lieut. Col. Robert N. Scott (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Of½ce, 1880–1901), 795–797. 26 Elliott Ashkenazi, ed., The Civil War Diary of Clara Solomon: Growing up in New Orleans, 1861–1862 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1995), 367–370. 27 Parton, General Butler in New Orleans, 339. 28 Mary Ann Loughborough, “In the Cave at Vicksburg,” in Heroines of Dixie: Confederate Women Tell Their Story of the War, ed. Katharine Jones (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1955), 225–226. 29 “Julia Davidson to John M. Davidson (July 19, 21, 26, 1864),” quoted in George Rable, Civil Wars: Women and the Crisis of Southern Nationalism (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1989), 171. 30 Jean V. Berlin, “Did Confederate Women Lose the War?: Deprivation, Destruction, and Despair on the Home Front,” in The Collapse of the Confederacy, ed. Mark Grimsley and Brooks D. Simpson (Lincoln and London: University of Nebraska Press, 2001), 179. 31 Faust, Mothers of Invention, 59. 32 Sarah Morgan, “The Enemy Comes to Baton Rouge (May 17, 1862),” in Heroines of Dixie, ed. Jones, 132–133. 33 Julia LeGrand, “New Orleans is Full of Rumors (December 20, 1862),” in ibid., 193–195. 34 John F. Marszalek, ed., The Diary of Miss Emma Holmes, 1861–1866 (Baton Rouge: Loui- siana State University Press, 1979), 191. 35 Robert Rosen, The Jewish Confederates (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 2000). 36 Cordelia Lewis, “I Never Walk or Ride Without My Pistol (October 29, 1862),” in Heroines of Dixie, ed. Jones, 179–182. 37 Quoted in Kennett, Marching Through Georgia, 146. 38 Varina Howell Davis, Jefferson Davis, Ex-President of the Confederate States of America: A Memoir by His Wife, vol. 2 (New York: Belford, Co., 1890), 577. 39 Reid Mitchell, The Vacant Chair: The Northern Soldier Leaves Home (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), 102–103.

134 Dædalus Spring 2009