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Deseret Language and Linguistic Society Symposium

Volume 26 Issue 1 7

4-7-2000

Language Policy in : A Review

Raija Kemppainen

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BYU ScholarsArchive Citation Kemppainen, Raija (2000) "Language Policy in Estonia: A Review," Deseret Language and Linguistic Society Symposium: Vol. 26 : Iss. 1 , Article 7. Available at: https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/dlls/vol26/iss1/7

This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at BYU ScholarsArchive. It has been accepted for inclusion in Deseret Language and Linguistic Society Symposium by an authorized editor of BYU ScholarsArchive. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. Language Policy in Estonia: A Review

Raija Kemppainen

n Estonia, as well as in most nations, lan­ POLICIES guage policies are a part of the larger polit­ FROM AN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE I ical and historical context. Estonia is a soci­ ety that has had to quickly accommodate a In principle, it can be said that speakers dramatic change in its multicultural and mul­ of all languages have the same rights to use tilingual status. During its fifty-year Soviet their languages in all situations (Skutnabb­ occupation, Estonia, formerly a rather homo­ Kangas 1995, 41), but in reality, language geneous country, became a state with a large rights are a political issue, and different lan­ Russian-speaking minority. Since regaining guages have different political rights. The independence in 1991, Estonia has been in the language policies of a country do not dwell process of developing new language policies in a vacuum. They can reflect centuries-old concerning the minority population. When history and traditions, or they can be a prod­ comparing language policies in different uct of more recent events, some dramatic, as countries, it is important to examine and in most Eastern European countries. Estonia understand them in the right context­ has had major changes during the twentieth namely from historical and political perspec­ century. Predictably, prevailing language tives. Any analysis of national language poli­ policies have followed political trends. cies has to be made in the light of their con­ Estonia, which had been under various text, as Wren (1997) puts it: foreign rules for over seven hundred years, and had been vulnerable to foreign influ­ Attempting to compare nations and their overt ences, became independent in 1918. The and covert language policies firstly requires a Second World War interrupted progressive sense of both history and context-the politi­ development in Estonia. The country was cal, social, and economic influences on a partic­ occupied first by the and then ular nation's policy decisions. With their vastly by Nazi , and finally it became different population and land size, history, annexed to the Soviet Union in 1944. indigenous peoples, ethnic mix, and immigra­ call all three events "occupations." tion and education policies, any such compari­ Annexation to the Soviet Union led to a sig­ son has to be approached cautiously. (24) nificant Russian immigration into the The focus of this paper will be on educa­ country. tional language policies in Estonia. However, Before World War II, the Estonian popu­ we cannot discuss language-in-education lation consisted of nearly 90% ethnic policies without discussing general govern­ Estonians. In the most recent census (1989), ment policies-and we cannot discuss general the proportion of Estonians in the popula­ language policies without placing these poli­ tion was only 61.5% (963,300 people). cies in historical and political contexts. formed 30.5% (47,800 people) of the

DLLS 2000 52 RAIJA KEMPPAINEN

population and Russian-speaking than for the Estonians. In practice, nearly Ukrainians and Belarusians together every Estonian who was educated during comprised 4.9% (Raun 1997). The per­ the Soviet era-especially between the centage of the ethnic Estonian population 1960s and 1980s-was competent in declined because of large emigrations to Russian. Russians were a numerical the West during the war and deportations minority, but a minority with power in to other parts of . The Estonian eth­ the higher strata of society. nic population had decreased by one-fifth Russian domination also intruded on (200,000 people) by 1946 (Rannut 1991). everyday life. An Estonian approaching a However, the main change in population Russian speaker in the Estonian language ratios is due to Russian immigration to in a commercial or official setting could Estonia. Some of this immigration was get a reply "Speak a human language" forced, for example, in the form of the (Taagepera 1991,124). During the Soviet Russian military presence. Most of the period, the Estonian language was con­ immigration, however, was voluntary, sidered a language without a future. caused by higher standards of living in During the Soviet era, "an extensive Estonia compared to most Russian Russian-medium schools network was republics. The turnover of the immigrants established" (Estonian Ministry of was large as well. Estonians revealed neg­ Education 1997, 20). The curricula in ative attitudes toward Russian immigra­ Russian schools included some practical tion-partly as a result of the dramatic Estonian, whereas the Estonian-based changes in the demographics of the coun­ school had to teach Russian as a second try (Raun 1995). Another reason for these native language. In the latter part of the negative attitudes was a loss of self-deter­ 1970s, linguistic intensified. mination under the "Russification poli­ A 1978 government decree emphasized cy," a forced Russian influence in the the quality and quantity of Russian teach­ country. ing in national public schools. Additional For the Estonians, making life work in decrees a year later aimed at material the Soviet occupation meant adapting to support for Russian teaching (Rannut a new ideology and learning a new lan­ 1991). By the early 1980s, Russian was guage. During the Soviet era, there was introduced to preschools. Until the mid- no , but the Russian lan­ 1970s, higher education was in Estonian, guage became largely dominant. Under and theses and dissertations could be Russification there was an attempt to submitted in any language. However, in replace the Estonian alphabet with 1975, Moscow instituted a requirement the Cyrillic alphabet, an attempt that that all theses must be in the Russian lan­ failed. Many functions in society became guage (Raun 1995). Estonians were wor­ Russian because Estonia was under the ried that their people, language, and cul­ direct subordination of Moscow. These ture would disappear. Some claim that functions included banking, statistics, Russification brought the Estonian lan­ militia, transport, and many fields in pro­ guage near to extinction (Taagepera duction (Rannut 1991). This realignment 1991)-a perception that seems extreme of social and economic functions resulted in the light of how Estonians were able to in a change in the language-use patterns retain their language. But, keeping in of Estonians. According to the 1989 cen­ mind the small number of Estonians (less sus, 34.6% of Estonians were fluent in than one million), intensive Russification Russian, whereas only 15% of the Russian could have created just such a "worst sce- population could speak Estonian fluently nano.. " (Raun 1995). The figures are more accu­ Despite the strong domination of the rate for the Russian-speaking population in many societal LANGUAGE POLICY I N ESTONIA: A REVIEW 53 functions, including an increase of the policy and giving Russian the status of a Russian language in education, Estonian minority language (Ozolins 2000). cultural life and education remained Unlike other former Soviet republics, mainly Estonian (M. Hint, personal com­ and Estonia did not grant citizen­ munication, 23 September 1999). ship automatically to all citizens in the Language itself was an important factor country. Earlier, the Russians had been in preserving the Estonian culture. As citizens of the vast Soviet Union, residing Bliss (1996) states: in any of its republics or areas. In the newly independent Estonia, hundreds of Language simultaneously embodied the thousands of Russian speakers found expressive and impressive dimension of themselves foreigners, without citizen­ human activity; moreover, as the written ship, and without their earlier language and spoken "mother " remained the privileges. The had to principal means of communication define themselves anew. In 1993, a law between persons, the Estonian language was passed that set language require­ represented the agency and purpose of the ments for the citizenship (Raun 1995). Estonian independence social drama. (74) Citizenship requirements in Estonia The democratic developments in include five years (originally two) of resi­ Eastern in the late 1980s strength­ dency, declaration of no affiliation with ened the status of the Estonian language. the occupying Soviet forces, and knowl­ In 1989, Estonia passed a new language edge of the national language ( et law making Estonian the language of al. 1998). Predictably, the language issue the republic. The Soviet-era, one-way created bitterness. The test (knowledge of bilingualism in Estonia, where the about 2,000 Estonian words) is not per­ Estonians were required to learn Russian ceived as demanding by everyone, but but the Russians were not required to the idea that citizenship applicants are learn Estonian, was reversed with the new required to be able to speak the national law (Hint 1990). After the August 1991 language has been criticized (Vallens coup in Moscow, Estonia declared its 1995). The Estonians felt that de­ independence. Sovietization would be complete when all the Russians go back to Russia (Smith et al. 1998). CHANGES IN THE STATUS OF By 1995, about 70,000 Russians or THE MINORITY POPULATION other non-Estonians had out-migrated The collapse of the Soviet Union (Raun 1997). This out-migration has changed the status of the ethnic groups in recently declined. Excluding those who Estonia, as in other former Soviet have received Estonian citizenship and republics. The language law of 1989 was over 100,000 Russians who took Russian citizenship, there remain about 330,000 a law of "limited bilingualism," aimed at Soviet-era immigrants in Estonia who equalizing the Estonian and Russian lan­ have no citizenship but who are entitled guages and guaranteeing services in to permanent residency permits and are either language (Hint 1990). The law classified as "resident aliens" (Smith et al. required a knowledge of both Estonian 1998). This alienation is also expressed in and Russian languages in certain occupa­ the attitudes of the Russian population. A tions. Since then all state employees have survey from 1996 reveals that two-thirds needed knowledge of the national lan­ of the Russian population in Estonia guage in order to deal with the public in would prefer the Soviet period (Naulko, their positions (Ozolins 1994). The 1989 cited in Smith et al. 1998). During the language law was revised in 1995, period of Russian migration, Estonians removing the notion of a two-language were generally resentful. The Russians 54 RAIJA KEMPPAINEN

themselves had more positive attitudes states, language policies are intended to toward the Estonians than the Estonians create a loyal bilingual minority within had toward the Russians (Anderson et al. the cultural autonomy and integrate 1996). However, it appears that the them into society (Druviete 1997). For remaining Russian population is deter­ many in Estonia, language policies are a mined to stay in Estonia. A survey by a way of securing national survival for a Moscow-based research group shows population once threatened with becom­ that 93% of the Russians in Estonia will ing a minority in its own land (Ozolins stay in the country. Fifty-eight percent 1994). indicate their willingness to adapt to the In 1989, the same year the language local culture, and 72% identify them­ law was passed, a center for coordinating selves more with Estonia than with the teaching of the Estonian language to Russia (Brown 1997). These develop­ Russian children was founded (Rannut ments have meant that Estonia has had to 1991). The Law of Cultural Autonomy acknowledge the presence of the Russian was passed in 1993, which gives minority minority. groups the right to establish and support For an emerging nation, two factors educational institutions (Brown 1997; are important in "social renewal": lan­ Geistlinger 1997). The law makes it possi­ guage policy and education. Language is ble to organize mother-tongue education. the symbol of national identity and is Minority schools or minority classes in used in such vital domains as "politics, Estonian schools are regulated by the commerce, science, and mass media." Private Schools Law of 1993 and the The task for education is to rebuild the University Law of 1995 (Geistlinger "consciousness of unity and human dig­ 1997). nity that colonialism and imperialism has In 1993, Estonia passed the Law on sought to subvert" (de Beaugrande 1998, Basic and Upper-Secondary Schools, 275). Uianemets (1993) from the Estonian requiring the at Education Center wrote that "the most the secondary level (grades 10-12) in important factor for the survival of a state and municipal schools to be shifted nation and its cultural heritage is the from Russian to Estonian by the year opportunity for all its people to receive 2000. The law for unifying the curricula an education in the native language, from in Russian and Estonian basic and preschool to the university" (77). middle schools was passed in 1996. This unification concerns only curricula, not linguistic issues. Regarding the Law CURRENT EDUCATIONAL on Basic and Upper-Secondary Schools of LANGUAGE POLICIES 1993, it was realized that the timetable for The current language policies in the shift from Russian to Estonian at the Estonia have their roots in the past, in the secondary level was unrealistic. An legacy of the Soviet era and in the legisla­ amendment to the law was passed in 1997 tion of the early phase of the indepen­ adjourning the transmission from Russian dence process. The struggle over the to Estonian until 2007. education of the Russian minority is This law was debated in Estonia, and characterized by political uncertainty there were differing opinions about the (Brown 1997). Ruutel (1994), the former needed timetable, varying from 2000 to , has said that 2007. Those who supported the date of Estonians have "a continuous feeling of 2007 argued that students will have the danger" (23). Many Estonians still believe necessary language skills to go on in that Russia will invade Estonia and that Estonian secondary school by 2007 (Brown the loyalty of the Russian-speaking 1997). A bill to amend the Law on Basic population could be questioned (Brown and Upper-Secondary Schools is being 1997). For Estonia, as for the other Baltic considered by the Estonian Parliament. LANGUAGE POLICY I N ESTONIA: A REVIEW 55

According to the bill, the syllabus and cation and in the labor market by having instruction in non-Estonian schools must, them learn Estonian (Brown 1997). by 2007, guarantee such proficiency in These informal groups have targeted Estonian that permits students to continue Russian school administrators and teach­ education in Estonian after the basic school ers. With active involvement that is not (Estonian education bill 2000). tied to any high-level organization or to The language shift at secondary level the government, the parents have been instruction is a highly political issue, and demanding changes in Russian schools. the Russian party has its own view of the For example, some Russian schools in law. The leader of the party has said that have requested that the Estonian lan­ by 2007, Estonia will have two state lan­ guage be introduced in the first grade guages, Estonian and Russian, and that he instead of the third. This wish became a believes that the passed law will not be reality, according to a new law that will be enacted (Brown 1997). Russian politicians enacted in the 2000-2001 school year. From claim that the aim of the act is to close then on, the Estonian language will be Russian-speaking secondary schools by taught in all Russian schools starting with 2007. However, in accordance with the the first grade (M. Hint, personal commu­ agreement on protection for national nication, 18 October 1999). Other Russian­ minorities, minorities must be given a speaking parents have gone further and chance to preserve and practice their cul­ tried to enroll their young children in ture and to maintain the knowledge of Estonian or bilingual schools (Brown their minority language. Also in accor­ 1997). "Many Russian parents prefer dance with international practices, a school Estonian language schools for their chil­ that functions in the official language dren" (M. Hint, personal communication, has to offer 60% of the instruction 23 September 1999). Besides parental in the official language, which, efforts, Estonian and Russian educators in Estonia's case allows 40% of its have found new ways to reinforce instruction in another language than Estonian language and cultural programs Estonian. Even after the language shift in in Russian schools (Brown 1997). Also, Estonian secondary education, the non­ there is some evidence that general lan­ Estonian students will be permitted to guage attitudes among the Russian speak­ learn their native language and ethnic cul­ ers are changing. ture (Estonian education bill 2000). Ozolins (1994) states that resistance to The Law on Basic and Upper­ the citizenship laws (including language Secondary Schools, including the language requirements) among the Estonian shift, has prompted two kinds of reactions Russian population has diminished. One among the Russian-speaking population. explanation for the low resistance is the First, at the political level, political leaders nature of the Russian population: many of the Russian fraction in the parliament members of the Russian population can have worked to abolish the law. They see be called economic immigrants whose the language policies as a part of the larger political mobilization is low (Smith 1998; minority program that violates the rights Ozolins 2000). Even though there are con­ of the Russian-speaking minority. The sec­ tradictory research results on the Russian ond kind of reaction comes from informal speakers' attitudes about learning groups representing parents and teachers. Estonian (see Titma, Tuma, and Silver They are interested in educational oppor­ 1998), most research show that the tunities for their Russian-speaking chil­ Russian-speaking minority in Estonia dren. Because higher education is mostly perceive the knowledge of the Estonian conducted in Estonian, parents want to language to be necessary for them. secure the future for their children in edu- Laitin's study (1996) shows that 58.2% of 56 RAIJA KEMPPAINEN

Russian respondents agree that all per­ and Finnish have become languages of manent residents should be fluent in business life in Estonia. English has large­ Estonian. Nearly 96% agree that Estonian ly replaced Russian in Estonian-based should be a required school . schools. The Russian language is not a However, only 7.9% agree that assimila­ mandatory subject but an optional tion brings the best future for the language, along with other foreign lan­ Russians in Estonia. guages (M. Hint, personal communica­ According to contemporary language tion, 18 October 1999). However, Russia policies, Russians still are able to main­ remains the second largest single busi­ tain their Russian language but are ness partner (Bungs 1998). Maintaining required to learn Estonian as well. This proficiency in Russian, therefore, would approach is reminiscent of partial addi­ be an additional resource for Estonia. tive bilingualism. Additive bilingualism A few trends in adapting the lan­ makes use of the resources of a child's guage requirements seem to be evident in mother-tongue; its goal is to help people Estonia. As indicated earlier, there is function in both language communities some evidence that Russian speakers in (Handscombe 1997). Additive bilingual­ Estonia perceive proficiency in the ism appears to be a realistic approach for Estonian language to be important for the Russian-speaking students in Estonia them. Also, it appears that overall lan­ because they will be able to use mother­ guage attitudes of the older and younger tongue resources in early grades and end Russian-speaking generations differ. The up learning Estonian, which will then younger generation appears more willing allow them to function in Estonian to learn Estonian than the older genera­ society. tion, which is accustomed to managing in Monolingual Russian speakers func­ Estonian society in Russian (Laitin 1996; tion within an insecure social situation. Smith 1998). Unemployment has touched Russian Another interesting phenomenon is speakers more that Estonians (M. Hint, Russian parents' interest in securing their personal communication, 23 September children's knowledge of the Estonian lan­ 1999). According to Titma, Tuma, and guage-for example, by enrolling their Silver's (1998) study, Russian speakers children in Estonian schools (Brown 1997; are economically disadvantaged in Druviete 1997). In addition, European Estonia. These researchers refer to differ­ integration and Estonia's aspirations ences in occupations and they report the toward the affect peo­ differences to be due to language ability, ple's language preferences. Laitin (1997) because many jobs demand a high profi­ foresees that the will ciency in Estonian. The demands of high­ become significant both among Estonian er education and labor-market access and Russian speakers in Estonia. suggest that education in the national In the future, the language repertoire language should start early. Policies have of the Estonians might include Estonian to be balanced with many requirements; and English; the language repertoire of additionally, there are inconsistencies in the Russians might include Russian, the policy goals. Guaranteeing competen­ Estonian, and English. However, very cy in the titular language is important; on few Russian speakers appear to be will­ the other hand, another language should ing to be assimilated into Estonian soci­ be considered as a resource. ety. Russian-speaking politicians in Estonian business life is oriented to Estonia want to make sure that the European Union (EU): over 50% of Estonian-as well as English-are not Estonian foreign trade is with European replacing the Russian language. All in all, Union countries (Bungs 1998). English the linguistic situation is under constant LANGUAGE POLICY I N ESTONIA: A REVIEW 57 development in Estonia. As Ozolins REFERENCES (2000) puts it: "An essential aspect of the debate on language policy in the Baltic is Anderson, . A., B. . Silver, M. Titma, and E. D. that the linguistic situation there is Ponarin. 1996. Estonian and Russian communities: dynamic and gradually changing" (43). Ethnic and language relations. International Journal of Sociology 26 (2): 25-45. 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