MON NATIONALISM AND Introduction THE INVENTION OF My fieldwork has been conducted in TRADITIONS: THE CASE Wangka Village (Fang Mon), Moo 2, Tumbon Nong Luu, Sangkhlaburi District OF THE MONS IN THEIR of Kanchanaburi Province. I interviewed DIASPORIC Mon migrants at this site and also did COMMUNITIES1 research into the circumstances they face. This research project started in 2003 and Juajan Wongpolganan2 ended in 2005. Most Mons from Sangkhlaburi have been Abstract denied the right to Thai citizenship, even though they were born in Thailand to Mon This essay is aimed to describe and parents who migrated to the country after analyze the invention of Mon traditions by 1948 and made homes there. The denial of applying Eric Hobsbawm and Terence rights has had a variety of impacts on Ranger’s concept of invented traditions. these people. Several thousand Mons from As I found in my observations in the field Burma who arrived in Thailand before and in archival research, the Mons in their 1976 have been issued ‘pink cards,’ homeland and their diasporic communities whereas immigrants arriving in Thailand overseas have invented a number of after 1976 were issued ‘orange cards.’ traditions in order to show solidarity. Both identification cards3 allow the Mons These include national costumes, a national flag, a national anthem, and a 3 According to the Thai Immigration Law, national day. highlanders and displaced ethnic minority groups are classified into 19 groups with 19 different colored cards as can be further clarified. (1) People in the Hilly Areas 1 This essay is part of the author’s Ph.D. (Highlands) (light blue card) holding non-Thai research titled Identity Construction of Mon national ID cards and granted Thai citizenship Women at the Thai-Burma Border: The Case by changing their nationality. of a Mon Community in Sangkhlaburi, (2) KMT(Koumintang) Veterans Kanchanaburi Province, funded by the (white cards): the first generation has been Thailand Research Fund (TRF) and the offered documents that specified a particular Thailand-United States Educational location of their permanent residence and Foundation (TUSEF). The author would like to allowed them to change their nationality, express her gratitude to her dissertation whereas the second and third generations are committee, including Professor Dr. Cholthira granted Thai citizenship. Satyawadhna, Associate Professor Dr. Kritaya (3) The non-military, Haw Chinese Achvanijkul, and Dr. Charnvit Kasetsiri as Migrants (yellow card): the first generation are well as her international advisor, Assistant granted documents specifying their permanent Professor Dr. Tamara Loos, Southeast Asia residence, and the second and the third Program (SEAP), Cornell University, New generations who were born here in Thailand York, USA, for their academic and moral are granted Thai citizenship. support. (4) The Independent Haw Chinese 2 Ph.D. candidate, Program of Integrated (white card with an orange frame): the first Sciences, Thammasat University generation are granted documents specifying

Downloaded from Brill.com09/30/2021 11:17:49PM via free access Mon Nationalism and the Invention of Traditions

to stay indefinitely and to work in the their permanent residence, and the second and border provinces but nowhere else. If they the third generations who were born here in need to leave their settlement, they must Thailand are granted Thai citizenship. ask permission from district officials. (5) Displaced Burmese Persons (pink They are not allowed to look for jobs in card): the first generation are granted any other areas except as issued on their documents specifying their permanent cards nor are they able to further their residence, and the second and the third generations who were born in Thailand are study beyond junior high school granted Thai citizenship. (Mattayom Suksa 3), except those whose (6) Illegal Entrants from Burma who families are able to support them when came into the country after March 6, 1976 furthering their higher level of education (having permanent residence) (orange card) are allowed to extend their temporary stay with endorsed to be Thai nationals according to the unlimited duration and have been granted regulations. permission to work. (14) Migrants from Ko Kong, (7) Illegal Entrants from Burma who Cambodia (green card) who were born to Thai came into the country after March 6, 1976 parents and came into the country prior to (staying with employers) (purple card) are November 15, 1977: the first generation are allowed to extend their temporary stay with granted documents specifying their permanent unlimited duration and have been granted residence, and the second and the third permission to work. generations who were born here in Thailand (8) Vietnamese Migrants (white card are granted Thai citizenship. with a navy blue frame): the first generation (15) Migrants from Ko Kong, are granted documents specifying their Cambodia (green card) who were born to Thai permanent residence, and the second and the parents and came into Thailand after third generations who were born here in November 15, 1977 have not yet been granted Thailand are granted Thai citizenship. any type of status by Cabinet Resolution. (9) Laotian Migrants (light blue card): (16) Illegal Entrants from Cambodia there is still no Cabinet Resolution to grant (white card with a red frame): there is no them any type of status yet. Cabinet Resolution available to grant them any (10) Nepalese Migrants (green card): type of status yet. the first generation are granted documents (17) Displaced Burmese Persons who specifying their permanent residence, and the were born to Thai parents and came into second and the third generations who were Thailand prior to March 9, 1976 (yellow card born here in Thailand are granted Thai with a navy blue frame): the first generation citizenship. are granted documents specifying their (11) Malayo-Chinese, Communist permanent residence, and the second and the Veterans (green card): the first generation are third generations who were born here in granted documents specifying their permanent Thailand are granted Thai citizenship. residence, and the second and the third (18) Displaced Burmese Persons who generations who were born here in Thailand were born to Thai parents and entered Thailand are granted Thai citizenship. after March 9, 1976 (yellow card with a navy (12) Tai-Lue (orange card): the first blue frame) are allowed to extend their generation are granted documents specifying temporary stay with unlimited duration and their permanent residence, and the second and have been granted permission to work. the third generations who were born here in (19) Communities in the Highlands Thailand are granted Thai citizenship. (green card with a red frame): the first (13) Phi Tong Luang (light blue card): generation who migrated into Thailand are these indigenous people, the original granted documents specifying their permanent inhabitants (khon tai dangdoem), have been residence (Archavanitkul, 2005).

51 Downloaded from Brill.com09/30/2021 11:17:49PM via free access MANUSYA: Journal of Humanities 10.1, 2007

(Mattayom Suksa 6) either in the school of the village center. The language used as located in Sangkhlaburi district or schools a medium of instruction in all Thai schools in districts nearby like Thong Paphoom or is exclusively Standard or Central Thai so even in Kanchanaburi Province. The main the younger generation of Mon people is problem faced by those Mon students is facing cultural assimilation into the Thai the lack of official documents such as ID mainstream. cards or house registration documents when applying for a job or furthering their There is a total ban on speaking Mon at education. Nevertheless, for the past few the school. The teachers give a years the situation has been better for the psychological reason for the ban, saying Mon offspring since school administrators that they do not want their students to feel have become more flexible and thus inferior to their Thai counterparts once provide an opportunity for those children they grow up. This idea is in accordance to further their studies in state-run with the assimilation policy of the Thai institutions. Still, they are prone to be authorities. As Khachadphai discriminated against by local Thai Burutsapatana writes about applying the officials when they are required to renew process of acculturation or ‘Thai-ization’ their cards every year. Officials may to Mon descendants by means of demand to see their cards at any time, and schooling, ‘Mon children who were born some even confiscate their cards without here in Thailand (at Sangkhlaburi) have giving proper reasons.(Dhienpanya and been accommodated in the local school others, 2004: 468-469; Sripanguen, 2000: system, and they are quite literate in Thai. 208) Hopefully, it will not be difficult for them to be acculturated (italics added) to become Thais one day’ (Burusapatana, However, since 2004 a number of pink card holders have been allowed to apply 1997: 81). for Thai citizenship with the local administrator known as the phuyaiban. However, from my informal interviews About 3,000 people applied and submitted with the new generation of Mon relevant documents. Some are not eligible descendents in Sangkhlaburi, I found that to apply for this status because they were they lacked motivation to further their born in Burma, but their offspring born in education after finishing high school since Thailand are. Some parents felt that their it is impossible for them to get legal jobs status did not matter so long as their after graduation. They can only be hired as children could become Thai citizens with illegal migrant workers in sweatshop full rights.4 industries located in suburban areas of Bangkok and in other parts of the country The Mon children of Wangka Village due to their status as non-Thai citizens. attend a locally-run pre-school and a state- Theoretically, both the pink and the orange run school comprising primary and middle card holders have restrictions on travel out grades, both within short walking distance of Sangkhlaburi. Fortunately, since 2004 the Thai government has become more flexible with migrant workers and thus 4 Interview with Mons at the field-site at allows their employers to register them Wangka Village, August 2, 2004. with local officials and accompany them to

52 Downloaded from Brill.com09/30/2021 11:17:49PM via free access Mon Nationalism and the Invention of Traditions

workplaces located in Bangkok and the became forced labor in constructing like. strategic roads or cultivating food crops to feed whole armies during long wars. In sum, the Mon descendants at However, the Mons tried to stay on good Sangkhlaburi have encountered various terms with the Siamese. According to barriers due to their lack of Thai Robert Halliday, ‘One of the dangers to citizenship. Then in 2004 when the Thai the Burmese monarchs in the invasions government started to apply the policy of from Siam was the fact that the Mons, who providing the offspring of illegal migrants were the nearest neighbours to the in Thailand with the chance to apply for Siamese, were always ready to be on Thai citizenship since they were born here friendly terms with the invaders’ in Thailand, the third generation of Mons (Halliday, 1986: 10). in Wangka Village did apply for their birthright status. Meanwhile, these Mon During the period from around the youths are on the brink of losing their third century C.E. to the thirteenth Mon-ness by being gradually assimilated century, the Mons had kingdoms into the Thai mainstream. Accordingly, the in central and northern Thailand as Mons since their nationalist period (1945- well as in Lower Burma. They 2005) have invented a variety of symbols were famous for their conversion and rituals to claim their rights as a free to Buddhism before any other state with its autonomy and to try to people in mainland Southeast Asia maintain their solidarity and their ethnic (Keyes, 1987: 19). identity or Mon-ness. These innovations However, the Burmans, their northern have been shared by the Mons in their rivals, came to power and established a home country and by those in diasporic kingdom in Pagan, and in 1057, King communities around the world. Anawrahta began to wage war on the

neighboring Mon kingdom. The rationale This article is divided into three parts: given for the legitimacy of his invasion namely (1) the migration of the Mons into was that the Mon monarch, King Manuha Thailand; (2) Mon nationalist movements; of Thaton, had refused to give him a copy and (3) the invention of Mon traditions. of the Theravada Buddhist scriptures (Fink, 2001: 17). Part I: The Migration of the Mons into Siam/Thailand Moreover, during the long pre-colonial period, the Mons tried very hard to The Migration of the Mons into maintain their kingdoms as well as to Siam/Thailand protect themselves against continuing invasions by Burman royal armies. As

noted by Hall (quoted in Halliday, 1986), Historically, wars between Siam and ‘The Mons never lost their desire for Burma have affected ethnic groups along independence and were bound one day to the border with Burma, especially the make another bid at restoring the kingdom Mons and Karens, since they were of Pegu,’ (Halliday, 1986: 10) but to no exploited and abused by both the Siamese avail because in 1757 they lost their last and Burmese armies. These indigenous kingdom at Pegu to a man of prowess, peoples were drafted as soldiers. Some King Alaungphaya, the king of the

53 Downloaded from Brill.com09/30/2021 11:17:49PM via free access MANUSYA: Journal of Humanities 10.1, 2007

Burmans, and ever since they have been ‘a with the largest number of refugees, people without a country.’ 5 amounting to 10,000 according to a Thai historian, Nitthi Iaosiwong. Regardless of Basically, the severe oppression of the the exact number, additional manpower in Mons by Burman kings caused them to Central Siam would become an important migrate in great numbers to Siam, where political factor in strengthening the newly they were warmly welcomed. This can be founded kingdom (Ieosiwong, 1993: 513). seen in a letter written in 1633 by the Mons of Martaban which says, ‘The Lord Moreover, each time Bangkok learned of the golden prasada, the righteous king about any migration of Mons into Siam, of Ayuthia, was the haven of the Mon people of high position were assigned to race, and on every occasion saved the lives receive them at the borderlands. For of the Mon people’ (Halliday, 1986: 10) example, in the reign of King Rama II, Prince Maha Mongkut, who would later Nonetheless, there are some discrepancies come to the throne as King Rama IV, was in the records regarding the exact number assigned this duty. The Mon migrants of Mon migrants into Siam during the were allotted suitable pieces of land for Ayutthaya, Thonburi, and early Bangkok housing and farming and given some periods. According to Halliday (1986: 10), provisions (Ieosiwong, 1993: 11). there were four major migrations starting Moreover, high-ranking officials in the from the Ayutthaya period: the first during Mon court were assigned their former the reign of King Naresuan (1590-1605); positions in the Siamese court next in 1660 during the reign of King (Deepadung and others, 1995: 8). Narai, a fact mentioned in both Siamese and Mon histories; again in 1774 during Therefore, in the early Bangkok period, a the Thonburi period; and the last in 1814 number of the Mons were among the high in the Bangkok period. officers of the Siamese court, as noted by Captain Burney, the British envoy to Siam Traditionally, since the Ayutthaya period, at the time of the first Anglo-Burmese Mon men who migrated to Siam were war. They were ‘the best troop and artisans recruited to be soldiers. In the early and in fact the most useful subjects Bangkok period these soldiers were under belonging to Siam … Many of them are the control of the Department of Mon employed by the court in situations of Regiments with Chao Phaya Mahayotha as great trust and confidence’ (Halliday, the commander in chief. The Mon troops 1999: 18). For instance, in 1787 during the were assigned to five different reign of King Rama I, Binnya Sein was departments (Ieosiwong, 1993: 510). promoted to a position of highest nobility in the Siamese court as Chao Phraya Maha A Royal Burmese Chronicle mentioned Yotha. He controlled all the Mon armies in 1775 in the Thonburi period as the time Siam after defeating the Burmese armies in Tavoy (Deepadung and others, 1995: 5 A phrase coined by Robert Halliday to refer 36). to the Mon ethnic groups who became minority groups in Burma and to descendants The Mon migration was distinctive in that of Mon migrants to Thailand in the Thonburi it involved the movement of a whole and early Bangkok Periods assimilated to be community into Siam. Thus, each Thai now.

54 Downloaded from Brill.com09/30/2021 11:17:49PM via free access Mon Nationalism and the Invention of Traditions

household leader was accompanied by his The Migration of the Mons into immediate family. Consequently, the Sangkhlaburi Mons were able to re-establish their self- contained communities in Siam without Wangka Village is a semi-permanent Mon any need to integrate with the Siamese. settlement located in the Thai borderlands. Moreover, since their communities were Members of this community migrated into largely economically self-sufficient, Thailand after World War II because of opportunities to exchange commodities political conflicts among various ethnic with people from other communities were groups in Burma, causing the Burmese rather rare. Accordingly, Mon military to crack down on ethnic communities at that time were able to insurgents. Groups of immigrants fled maintain their cultural as well as ethnic from both armed conflict (Dhienpanya identity for a very long period of time and others, 2004: 280-281; Sripanguen, (Ieosiwong, 1993: 511). 2000: 218) and starvation in their homelands and took refuge along the Thai- In Thailand today, small Mon populations Burma border. Some of the Mon ethnic descended from refugees from Burma in groups resided temporarily in settlements the late eighteenth and early nineteenth provided by the Thai government for centuries still dwell in western Thailand humanitarian reasons in Sangkhlaburi, and in the area around Bangkok. These where they were surrounded by a Mon descendants have attempted to retain neighborhood of other Mon communities, their ethnic identity, which is centered on such as Ban Mongsatay, Ban Mai, Buddhism and the conservation of the Songklia, and the Three Pagodas Pass.6 cultural heritage of their ancestors. As noted by Keyes, ‘These Mon people The first group of Mons to arrive at continue to speak their own language, Sangkhlaburi in June 1949 numbered although they are almost universally about 60 households and included two bilingual in Thai, and continue to observe Buddhist monks. They were originally some distinctive customs that are mainly from Yebu Village about 40 km northwest associated with their own Buddhist of Three Pagodas Pass. These villagers temple-monasteries’ (Keyes, 1997: 19). were accused of being sympathizers of Mon resistance groups, so Burmese troops However, the migration of the Mons into sacked and burned their village. Thailand has not ceased. This is mainly Thousands of villagers became homeless due to political unrest resulting from the and some fled to Thailand seeking help civil war involving various ethnic from their relatives there. Since then, they insurgencies and the Burmese regimes have settled permanently on Thai soil, and established after the country gained most have married Mons, Thai, Mon-Thai, independence from the British in 1948. or Thai-Raman from old Mon Since then, Burma has become a focus of communities near Bangkok. Some have attention and concern by the international married Burmese (Sripangern, 2000: 218). community as the country which ‘has some of the longest running insurgencies in the world’ (Kramer, 2005: 33).

6 Interview with Mons at Wangka Village, August 2, 2004.

55 Downloaded from Brill.com09/30/2021 11:17:49PM via free access MANUSYA: Journal of Humanities 10.1, 2007

After 1962, the peak productivity of the supplies donated by his religious followers Thai-Burma border trade at Sangkhlaburi in Thailand (Lang, 2002: 136-137). brought about a new wave of immigrants from Burma into Most villagers in Wangka are engaged in Sangkhlaburi. Thus, the village was small businesses, day labor, trading or enlarged. In 1984, about 800 households fishing, whereas a number of young in Sangkhlaburi Mon villages were women and men are hired as migrant relocated to their present site when the workers in the industrial provinces located Electricity Generating Authority of on the periphery of Bangkok. Thailand (EGAT) constructed a Nevertheless, very few have been granted hydroelectric dam near their former Thai citizenship or have full Thai location. However, since they are not Thai identification papers. Most are issued with citizens, the Thai authorities did not short-lived ID in the form of different provide them with land for housing or for colored cards; for example, ‘pink cards’ farming, though they had lost their land signifying the status of being ‘displaced with the construction of the hydroelectric persons’ though they are Thai-born project. Meanwhile the authorities descendants of Mons who migrated to provided 12 rai (about 5 acres) of farmland Thailand as long as 50 years ago. and a housing site to each family with 7 Thai citizenship in that area. Part II: Mon Nationalist

In the mid-1990s, with a population of Movements (1945–2005) over one thousand households, the Mon village of Wangka is the largest long-term According to Kachadphai Burusapattana, Mon settlement of its kind in the Thai the political movements of the Mons to borderland. Nowadays, the Mons have gain self-determination were not as become the dominant segment of the assiduous as those of the other ethnic population in the village of about 10,000. groups like the Karens or the Shans due to Almost all of them are living on the the fact that the Mons have been monastery grounds of Wat Wangka assimilating into the mainstream culture of Wiwaikaram, which was founded by the Burmans over a very long period of Venerable Abbot Luang Pho Uttama, a time (Burusapattana, 1997: 40). However, Mon monk who has been a ‘firm this point of view needs to be carefully foundation stone’ for the village and a examined, and I agree with Smith’s negotiator between the Mon villagers and critique (Carey, 1997: 10-11) of the the Thai authorities. This Venerable Abbot Burmese historian Daw Mya Sein, who is also well known for humanitarian relief wrote in the mid-1940s that in spite of the work along the Thai-Burma border, ‘animosities between the three principal distributing rice and other provisions to sub-families [that is, ethno-linguistic displaced persons taking refuge in nearby groups] in Burma – the Mon-Khmer, the border areas, regardless of their ethnic Tibeto-Burman and the Shan – […] the background or political ideology, using assimilation and transformation of these races into a united nation has been steadily progressing for generations.’ However, he 7 Interview with Mons at Wangka Village, also notes that ‘post-colonial Burma has August 2, 2004. yet to find a cohesive national and political

56 Downloaded from Brill.com09/30/2021 11:17:49PM via free access Mon Nationalism and the Invention of Traditions

identity, which will both bring lasting nationalities exercising the full right of peace and allow the country to take its self-determination inclusive of right of proper place […] in the international secession’ (Lang, 2002: 117). community of nations’ (Carey, 1997: 10- 11). In 1981, there were internal conflicts among the NMSP members themselves. A number of Mon nationalist movements Thereafter they split into two factions: one were established after the colonial period had Nai Shwe Kyin as the leader, and the in Burma to resist the assimilationist other was headed by Nai Non La. Then, in schemes of the Burman regimes, which 1987 both sides agreed to re-unite, with insisted on the use of Burmese as the Nai Shwe Kyin as the president. Their official language and intervened in the permanent headquarters were located just conservation of literature, culture and art opposite Sangkhlaburi district in of the indigenous people of Burma. For Kanchanaburi province.8 example, the first Mon nationalist organization, the Mon National Defense The political movement of the New Mon Organization (MNDO) was founded by State Party (NMSP) had a paramilitary Nai Hla Maung and Nai San Thu in 1948 wing, which was infamous for its rigor or as the paramilitary wing of the Mon efficiency in terms of military tactics and Freedom League (MFL) and the Mon use of ammunition compared to the United Front (MUF). Nai Shwe Kyin was paramilitaries of the Karens or the the leader of the MFL and Nai Hla Muang Kachins. Nonetheless, in the more than 40 was the leader of the MUF. There was also years since, it has been well recognized for another nationalist organization called the its single-minded determination to found United Mon Association (UMA) with U an autonomous state in Burma. Moreover, Po Cho as its leader. About a year later, the party and its militia have been strongly Mon nationalist factions went supported by the Mons in Burma and underground in order to fight for Thailand. Apart from its political autonomy in the same manner as the movement in Burma, the NMSP has had Karens (South, 2003: 106-107). humanitarian relief organizations to provide aid and supplies to needy Mon In 1952, the MFL, the MUF and the UMA migrants fleeing civil wars in Burma and were dissolved and replaced by the Mon taking refuge in the Thai-Burma People’s Front, with Nai Aung Thun as the borderlands (Burusapatana, 1997: 53-54; leader. This organization was defeated by Trichote, 1999: 120). the Burmese regime on July 19, 1958 (South, 2003: 10). Only one day later, Nai Shwe Kyin established both the New Mon 8 Some observers believe this conflict was due State Party (NMSP) and the Mon National to ideological divisions. That is, the Non La Army (Burusapatana, 1997: 41). group accused Nai Shwe Kyin and his supporters of pro-Maoist tendencies. Nai Shwe The reason for the establishment of this Kyin in turn charged his rivals with supporting party, according to its founder, was ‘to the opposition Soviet bloc. There was also an assumption that the 1981-87 NMSP was establish an independent sovereign state fundamentally the result of a struggle among unless the Burmese government is willing the leadership over patronage and the control to permit a confederation of free of key resources (South, 2003: 136).

57 Downloaded from Brill.com09/30/2021 11:17:49PM via free access MANUSYA: Journal of Humanities 10.1, 2007

Like other ethnic insurgent groups at that time, both the NMSP and the KNU gained The NMSP-SLORC Ceasefire revenue from taxing black market trade at the Thai-Burma border. Their headquarters In 1995, the NMSP entered into a ceasefire and tollgates were located in the Three agreement with the State Law and Order Pagodas Pass region. In 1988, a war broke Restoration Council (SLORC) because the out between these two ethnic insurgent Mons had been scattered by a massive factions over control of trade through Burmese military presence related to the Three Pagodas Pass, the area under their construction of a gas pipeline from the joint control. Seeing that unity was Yadana gas fields to Thailand. The Royal powerful, they came to a peaceful Thai Army and the National Security resolution of the conflict and continued to Council of Thailand forced the NMSP to live and work together in spite of their agree to a ceasefire with the Burmese differences (Silverstein, 1997: 140). army, the Tatmadaw, through the relocation of Mon refugees who were However, in 1990 the Burmese army victims of the civil war. The intention was overran their headquarters at Three to open the way for the economic Pagodas Pass. This event has been dubbed exploitation of parts of Lower Burma ‘the Fall of Three Pagodas Pass.’ But most (Rajah, 1998: 136). Mon insurgents were able to escape and head north or south of their former base, However, the new Mon nationalist fighting alongside the Karens (Silverstein, organization under the name Mon Unity 1997: 113). Meanwhile, because of the League (MUL), a non-violent political capture of Three Pagodas Pass by the movement based in Thailand with a Burmese army, a boundary dispute erupted network in Europe and North America, has between Thailand and Burma since the criticized the so-called improvements Burmese troops claimed that the gained in the Mon State after the NMSP immediate territory around the three entered into the ceasefire agreement with pagodas at the pass belonged to Burma SLORC. according to a British colonial map. Consequently, the Burmese army tried to Although the NMSP has for its claim areas on the Thai side of the pass. part and for over five years Since then, this area has become the key conformed to the ceasefire site of boundary disputes between agreement entered into with the Thailand and Burma (Lang, 2002: 112). SLORC/SPDC military government of Burma in 1996, the Moreover, as a result of the fall of Three human rights situation in Mon Pagodas Pass, ten thousand Mon civilians areas of Burma has not improved fled across the border into Thailand and as had been expected. In many were soon organized into five main camps respects similar to the fates of on the Thai side of the border. Burma’s other under and unrepresented ethnic minorities, the Mon continue to suffer from regular and frequent conscription of forced labor (including as

58 Downloaded from Brill.com09/30/2021 11:17:49PM via free access Mon Nationalism and the Invention of Traditions

porters for the military), various and porter services, the Rangoon regime types of illegal and arbitrary taxes, agreed in principle that these practices paddy collection and land would finally cease and that contracts seizures, as well as continued would finally be applied to secure labor interruption and harassment of for infrastructure projects. Meanwhile, Mon efforts in language education SLORC could not promise that the and cultural and literary Tatmadaw would cease conscripting production. 9 porters when troops were sent in and around the area once the ceasefire process A number of western academics have was concluded (Lang, 2002: 117). criticized the ceasefire agreements made by SLORC/SPDC and representatives In the long run, the Mons in Burma as well from ethnic insurgent groups. As as in their diasporic communities both in Silverstein notes, ‘They have failed to Thailand and overseas have tried to address the basic economic, political and maintain their ethnic identity in the form constitutional questions of concern to the of traditions. minorities, issues which have divided the minorities and Burmans since the nation Part III: The Invention of Mon recovered its independence in 1948’ Traditions (Silverstein, 1997: 151).

Rather, the ceasefire agreement has shared The Mon and their nationalist movements some characteristics with a military truce, in Burma and their diasporic communities and when it was finally concluded, the around the world have created many government acclaimed it as ‘national symbols and conventions to help maintain reconciliation achieved through sincerity their ethnic identity and to further their and mutual understanding’ (Lang, 2002: claim to self-determination in a free state. 117). Moreover, the NMSP-SLORC truce Thus, I have used Eric Hobsbawm and itself was treated as a ‘gentleman’s Terence Ranger’s concept of ‘the agreement’ since no treaty or invention of tradition’ in my analysis memorandum was signed (Burusapatana, (Hobsbawm and Ranger, 2003). 1997 : 56; South, 2003: 223). What was to According to Hobsbawm and Ranger, the be gained as a result of going into the term ‘invented tradition’ is applied in a ‘legal fold’ or the NMSP being ‘steadfast’ broad, but not imprecise, sense that with the Rangoon regime was ‘national encompasses ‘traditions’ as invented, development,’ like funding for the constructed, and formally established. restoration of deteriorated infrastructure These come to light in a manner that can facilities, such as roads in Mon State. The be traced back to a datable period during NMSP also launched negotiations to which they are established very rapidly. conduct business; namely, import-export Invented tradition is ‘a set of practices, activities, logging, fishing, and other joint normally governed by implicitly accepted ventures. On the matter of forced labor rules and of a ritual or symbolic nature, which seek to inculcate certain values and norms of behavior by repetition, which 9 Mon Unity League, ‘General Statement,’ in automatically implies continuity with the MUL Report International Conference, 1, past. In fact, where possible, they normally http://www.mrc.-usa.org/mul_report1.htm attempt to establish continuity with a

59 Downloaded from Brill.com09/30/2021 11:17:49PM via free access MANUSYA: Journal of Humanities 10.1, 2007

suitable historic past’ (Hobsbawm and Ranger, 2003: 1). The golden sheldrake symbolizing the Mons is known in Mon as ‘bop.’ In Pali Hobsbawm and Ranger’s approach of this aquatic bird is named hamsa or ‘invented tradition’ is applicable to my hongsa, which is derived from Hamsavati analysis because the Mons are proud of in Pali. Hamsavati/Hongsawaddy (I: From their history, their past kingdoms, and the 1281 to 1539; and II: From 1541 to 1774) cultural legacy handed down to them by was one of the most prosperous kingdoms their ancestors. The Mon people have in Mon history. The sacred bird was created a number of traditions such as the selected to signify the Hongsawaddy Mon National Flag, the Mon National Kingdom. The Mons believe that at the Day, the Mon National Anthem, Mon time of the Lord Buddha, the Mon lands formal costumes, and a legendary were still submerged beneath the sea. prophecy about their future political Some years after his enlightenment, the supremacy. All these symbols have been Buddha passed overhead on an aerial tour shared by the Mons on both sides of the of the lands east of India and noticed two Thai-Burma border as well as by Thai- sheldrakes, the female perched upon the Mon communities near Bangkok and even back of the male, settled on a pinnacle by the Mons in their diasporic sticking out of the sea. The Lord Buddha communities overseas. prophesied that a great nation would one day emerge from the sea there and that its The Mon National Flag people would glorify Buddhism. Several centuries later, the god Indra founded the The Mon national flag is also used by the city of Hongsawaddy (or Pegu) and New Mon State Party (NMSP), a well- handed it over to two brothers, Samala and known nationalist movement that lost its Vimala, princes of Thaton. A great city prominent political role among Mon was built on the spot where the sheldrakes patriotic nationalists once it arranged a had rested (South, 2003: 52-53). ceasefire agreement with State Law Order Restoration Council/ State Peace and Historically, the flag used by the Mons Development Council (SLORC/SPDC) in since they still had their own kingdom 1995. This flag can be traced back to 1958 in Lower Burma contained the figure when the NMSP was established by Nai of a three-faced man with the body of a Shwe Kyin. The flag shows a yellow lion, known as the lion man or manus sheldrake or sacred goose flying towards a singha in Mon. light-blue star. According to one NMSP source, ‘Red stands for courage and bravery; yellow for glory and nobility; and The Mon National Anthem blue for truth. The light blue star signifies the guiding Pole Star – the symbol of our The lyrics of the Mon anthem were written conviction.’ 10 by the late Nai Shwe Kyin, the founder of the NMSP, whereas the melody was 10 composed by Captain Anon Puntarikapa The New Mon State Party, Mon National in 1948, the year when the Mon started Liberation Movement (in Brief). 1980, 8, their revolt against the Burmese (unpublished). government. Several years later, the

60 Downloaded from Brill.com09/30/2021 11:17:49PM via free access Mon Nationalism and the Invention of Traditions

anthem was recorded in Thailand by Thai- and representatives from many other Raman people from various old Mon ethnic communities in Fort Wayne. Like communities located near Bangkok.11 The any ritual to commemorate the founding of Mon National Anthem goes as follows: a nation state, the anniversary program started with a salute to the Mon National Our kingdom, our history, and our Flag, the Mon National Anthem, and a prestige were established by our tribute to Mon patriots who had lost their ancestors, who lost their flesh, lives in the cause of freedom. This was their blood, and their sweat. These followed by patriotic speeches by legacies have been handed down members of the nationalist movements in to us in both our hearts and souls. exile and by well-wishers and ended with Let us make them survive for the Mon traditional dances.13 prosperity of our Ramanyadesa 12 [Monland] (my translation). The Mon National Day was first adopted by the United Mon Association (UMA) The Mon National Day founded by U Po Cho, and it has become his lasting contribution to the Mon The Mon National Day is celebrated every nationalist movement to commemorate the year during the night of the waning moon legendary founding of Hongsawaddy, the of the third lunar month to commemorate golden kingdom of the Mons in Lower the founding of the city of Hongsawaddy Burma (South, 2003: 101). (or Pegu). The Mons in Burma hold a magnificent celebration. At Three Pagodas In 2005 the Mon Youth Club of Bangkok Pass, the celebration includes a parade by held their National Day ceremonies at Wat the Mon National Army, speeches given Sattha Tham, a temple in Samutsakorn by Mon patriotic leaders, Mon classical province. The atmosphere of the dances, and various other kinds of celebration was that of promoting Mon entertainment (Paladsing, 1972: 8). The traditions and culture rather than Mon migrant community in the U.S. in patriotism among fellow Mon people. Fort Wayne, Indiana also celebrates Mon Basically, it seemed that the intention of National Day. For example, last year they the organizers was to promote tourism by organized the 57th anniversary of Mon offering cultural demonstrations consisting National Day on February 7, 2004. This of a Mon food procession, the making of was a great event since there was a sand pagodas, Mon music and Mon dances gathering of distinguished guests and Mon by representatives from various Mon migrants from the diaspora in the U.S. The communities in both Thailand and Burma. well-wishers consisted of a professor, a Moreover, there were demonstrations of representative of the local congressman, a Mon traditional sports. A well-known Thai representative of the Fort Wayne mayor, historian and anthropologist, Sisak Walipodom gave a speech in Thai about 11 Interview with Sunthorn Sripangern, General the historical background of Mon Secretary of the Mon Unity League via e-mail on February 21, 2005. 13 The Agenda of the 57th Anniversary of Mon 12 In Thailand, many terms can be used to National Day http://www.mrc-usa.org/aganda- refer to the Mon ethnic group; namely Raman, 57th_mnd.htm Meng (northern dialect), or Talaing, while the old Mon land is known as Ramanyadesa.

61 Downloaded from Brill.com09/30/2021 11:17:49PM via free access MANUSYA: Journal of Humanities 10.1, 2007

communities in Thailand. At the same sacred and meaningful by every Mon in time, he emphasized not only the Burma and Thailand alike. But after the significance of Mon culture but also the NMSP agreed to the ceasefire with the greatness of Mon civilization in Southeast Rangoon regime, he said mockingly that Asia in the past, particularly its adoption participating in this nationalistic of Buddhism. Although the Mons have not celebration has been more or less like been able to maintain their independence going to a village fair. 16 and sovereignty, they have been able to preserve their language, culture, traditions Mon Prophecy and Buddhism very firmly – thus helping to protect Thailand from some of the worst aspects of globalization and capitalism. Mon nationalists have created a prophecy Moreover, Mon food is healthy consisting or prediction that one day they would mainly of vegetables and herbs found defeat their enemy, the Burmans, and live locally. These should be promoted for in freedom in their own autonomous state. tourism. In the end, he concluded that he This prophetic story makes use of symbols believed that Mon communities in signifying historical events and peoples. Thailand are bigger and culturally stronger The prophecy has five parts, allegorically than their counterparts in Burma.14 tracing the history of Burma from pre- colonial times to the present and on into an However, Mon National Day ceremonies imagined future. This prophecy gives the held on the Thai-Burma border had a Mons heart to continue their struggle for totally different atmosphere. There was a self-determination and serves their demonstration of the glory of the NMSP psychological battle for political with a parade of Mon soldiers and ascendancy, which is as important as their speeches given by the elite of the NMSP. physical struggle. The five parts of this Some of the Mons who participated in this Mon prophecy are as follows: celebration appreciated the more (1) The Brahmini-duck, or sheldrake, the militaristic and patriotic aspects of this national symbol of the Mons, would alight ceremony because they felt proud of the on the lake close to the eighteenth century long fight of the party to gain autonomy, capital of Burma, Ava. But it would fall though they have yet to fulfill their prey to the bow of a hunter from mission. This was particularly true of Moktsobo Village. This story symbolizes those who were NMSP veterans.15 A the rise of King Alaungphaya, founder of Thai-based Mon civilian whose father had the Kongbaung dynasty, who was born in been an NMSP soldier said that during the Moktsobo village and drove the Mons time when the NMSP was still very active from Ava and Upper Burma in 1752. and had not yet entered into a ceasefire with the Tatmadaw, the celebration of Mon National Day was treated as very (2) The hunter from Moktsobo would be beaten by an umbrella stick, which would 14 A summary of electronic mail from prevent him from slaughtering the Sunthorn Sripangern, who participated in the sheldrake. The British, who were latest Mon National Day on February 20, 2005 at Wat Satthatham, Samutsongkram province. 15 Interview with a Mon lady who used to be 16 Interview with a Mon teacher who was born an NMSP soldier, June 11, 2005. in Thailand, June 11, 2005.

62 Downloaded from Brill.com09/30/2021 11:17:49PM via free access Mon Nationalism and the Invention of Traditions

represented as the umbrella stick, defeated peacocks’ feathers would turn yellow, and the Kongbaung dynasty and colonized the the birds would reclaim themselves as whole country in three Anglo-Burmese Brahmini-ducks, meaning that the wars, in 1824, 1852 and 1855. The British Burmese would then reclaim themselves exploited the resources of Lower Burma as Mons (Thong Tai, 1991: 70-71). for over a century and of Upper Burma for over half a century, leaving the native There is another version of the Mon people in poverty. prophecy told by a senior Mon monk, Akkara Mahar Bandhita of Burma, who (3) The umbrella stick in turn would be passed away in 1996 at the age of 82. He struck by lightning and an alliance would told this prophecy in Burmese and be entered into with the lord of the sun and clarified its meaning. This kind of moon. The Japanese, who were prophecy is called ‘Miang Jeng’ in Mon personified as the lightning, drove the and ‘Tabaung’ in Burmese. It is the British out of Burma in only four months prediction of a person who practiced in 1942, and 30 comrades, Burmese dhamma and meditation in those days and nationalists led by Bo Aung San, sided at the same time foretold the fate of the with the Japanese whose national flag country. This specific prophecy was once depicts the sun. At the time of the sung as a song by a well-known Burmese Japanese invasion, Minami, a Japanese singer, Khin Maung Zin, during the time military officer, was dubbed ‘Bo Mogyo,’ of British rule in Burma. It was banned by which literally means lightning, by a the British regime as seditious. The Burmese astrologer, thus reinforcing the prophecy, which was told in Burmese, is prediction. as follows:

(4) The lightning in turn would be shwe hinthar in go sin (A golden swan devoured by a powerful lion, whereby the went into the lake.) shores of the seas would be heaped with skeletons. The allies, led by the mok so lay neh kwin (The hunter shot it superpower the United States, defeated the with a crossbow.) Japanese, annihilating the Japanese navy during the Second World War, resulting in mok so go hti yo yeik baik pan aung floating corpses being washed ashore. hlaung yuoh htar (The hunter was hit by an umbrella stick and left exhausted.) (5) The lions would restore the crest of hti yo go mojo pyit kwin nay la min neh the Brahmini-duck, which would cause the mate chin htar (The umbrella stick was lord peacocks to take flight and hide in struck by lightning that was allied with the bamboo groves. The Brahmini-duck would sun and the moon.) fly aloft to chase the lord peacocks away and to hoist its own ensign. Although the ta go gye taw chinthe mojo go phan sar peahens had laid their eggs (initiated pinle kannar hmar ayo taung lo pong (A independence), the chicks when hatched powerful lion held the lightning that would turn out to be Brahmini-ducks, caused the shore to fill with bones.) meaning that though independence was regained in the name of the Burmans, the chinthe doh tadwe shwe hinthar amauk tin real rulers would be the Mons. The (The lion put a crest on the golden swan).

63 Downloaded from Brill.com09/30/2021 11:17:49PM via free access MANUSYA: Journal of Humanities 10.1, 2007

daung min doh htwet shwe waylu taw between ethnic insurgent groups and the hmar pohn yuoh ne (The lord of the Burman regime broke out as minority peacocks fled into the jungle.) groups sought autonomy. This was especially true for the Mons, who used to shwe hinthar kaungkin pyan alan htu yuoh have a kingdom and great civilization in ne (The golden swan flew into the sky Lower Burma. Likely the creator of this holding a flag.) prophecy was a Mon who foretold it when Burma was again under British rule once u kya u kya daung zartar pauk taw akhar the Japanese army had been defeated by shwe hinthar (The peahens laid eggs that the Allies at the end of World War II. when hatched became golden swans.) This prophecy or prediction is a kind of aye mya aye mya tharyar bi anar gat ay millenarian belief, which offers hope for a gat ay khit (That there will be a peaceful new heaven, a new world, a new era when time in the future.) 17 all the chaos and many problems of The first version of the prophecy appears society will be solved and replaced by to be a clarification of the latter. However, justice and peace in the future. Sometimes both of them foretold the political situation these prophecies may lead to popular from the beginning of the Konbaung movements to put an end to an oppressive dynasty founded by the hunter from regime or to change people’s ideas or to Moktsobo, or King Alaungphaya, during wait for a new era of fecundity and the pre-colonial period up to the serenity to come (Bowen, 2002: 254). beginning of the colonial period. There For example, some Buddhists believe in was a great endeavor to throw off the the Sri Ariyametrai era, which is British colonial yoke from the Burmese. expected to arrive 5,000 years after the This could be fulfilled by the 30 masters Lord Buddha passed away. or ‘Thakin’ led by General Aung San. This episode coincided with the According to Bowen (2002: 254), these occupation by the Japanese army in World kinds of movements occur especially when War II. However, the Japanese turned out there has been an abrupt change in society to be new tyrants who tried to colonize and people feel that this has threatened Burma. Thus, all the Burmese joined their old way of life. Moreover, this forces to get rid of their new oppressors change not only triggers a popular reaction by means of underground movements until but also leads to innovation (Bowen, 2002: they were able to fulfill their destiny. In 254). In the case of Burma, various ethnic due course, the British regime returned to groups were suppressed not only by the re-claim sovereignty over Burma. Shortly Burmans but also by the British as well as after that, when Burma gained her the Japanese. The prophecy was not independence in 1948, the civil war crystal clear and people required basic skill in reading between the lines. The creator of the prediction, who probably 17 This version was told by Sunthorn was a holy person or monk, made use of Sripangern, who is the general secretary of the various symbols in the form of Mon Unity League (MUL), via e-mail, personification: namely the hunter, the February 20, 2005. golden swan, the peacock, the umbrella stick, the lion, the lightning, the sun and

64 Downloaded from Brill.com09/30/2021 11:17:49PM via free access Mon Nationalism and the Invention of Traditions

the moon, and readers needed to use their which says groups make use of old things interpretive skills. The oracular nature of in new situations so actions appear to have the prophecy made it seem sacred. been repeated continually from the historic past. Mon invented traditions have been A number of millenarian movements, such placed in an appropriate past. Their as the Saya San Rebellion (1930-32), prophecy goes back to the time when occurred in Burma when this country was Hongsawaddy, the Mons’ capital under British colonial rule. Saya San led mentioned in the Lord Buddha’s prophecy, poor Burmese peasants to fight against the was founded, and their ancestors became discrimination and oppression of the the first Theravada Buddhists in Southeast British colonial regime. However, the Asia. The prophecy then carries on their rebels were crushed by the British, and history and projects a glorious future. Saya San was executed. Later when the Mon prophecy was sung by a well-known The symbol or sign of a golden swan Burmese singer, it was banned by the mentioned in the Lord Buddha’s prophecy British, possibly for fear that history is the origin of the name Hongsawaddy. It would repeat itself. has been accepted as the signifier for the Mons and thus has been used as the It is apparent that invented traditions, such emblem on the Mon national flag. It is said as the Mon national anthem, the Mon that the Burmese regime is opposed to the national flag, the Mon National Day and emblem of a flying swan since it signifies even the Mon prophecy, signify Mon the motive for the Mons to fight for nationalism after Burma gained autonomy. Accordingly, the emblem of a independence from British rule. Since standing swan is used instead on the flag then, the Mons and the Karens and other of the Mon State. Furthermore, a replica of ethnic groups have fought for self- a standing swan has been constructed and determination as free states as they were housed on tall posts that are found in most prior to the the colonial period. General Mon temples both in Thailand and Burma Aung San promised that ten years after as Mon ethnic boundary markers. Burma gained her independence from Britain, minority ethnic groups like the According to Hobsbawm and Ranger, Mons and Karens could choose to separate symbols and new instruments are invented from Burma and become free states with as crucial parts of the patriotic movement self-determination. This agreement was of a nation state; namely, the national ratified by the Pang Laung Treaty, and the anthem and the national flag and the minority groups wanted the promise kept. personification of the nation in the forms The Mons, who took pride in the history of of symbols or images either formally or their great kingdom and civilization lost to informally as in the case of the Mons in Alaungphya, the Burmese king, when their diasporic communities. These people Pegu fell in 1757, also sought to re- share symbolically and emotionally as establish Monland. members of their imagined or virtual nation. The significance of the universal Symbols used in the Mons’ invented symbols jointly held by the Mons are in traditions as well as the Mons’ invented agreement with Hobsbawm and Ranger, nation are congruent with Hobsbawm and who cite Firth in Symbols, Public and Ranger’s definition of invented tradition, Private:

65 Downloaded from Brill.com09/30/2021 11:17:49PM via free access MANUSYA: Journal of Humanities 10.1, 2007

The National Flag, the National have been regarded as imperative by the Anthem and the National Emblem NMSP elites rather than by Mon civilians are the three symbols through in general. which an independent country proclaims its identity and Formal Mon Costumes sovereignty, and as such they command instantaneous respect The Mon people in Wangka Village still and loyalty. In themselves they appear to be firm in maintaining their reflect the entire background, ethnic identity, especially with overt thought and culture of a nation signals or signs like dress, language, house (Hobsbawm and Ranger, 2003: form, and lifestyle. This is also true of 11). their basic value orientation, the standards of morality and excellence by which every Practically, the Mons have fought to member of the community is evaluated

establish a free state in Burma by means of (Barth, 1998: 14). For example, according 18 insurgent movements, especially the to Robert Halliday, the typical Mon dress NMSP, which fought against the is basically quite indistinguishable from Tatmadaw for as long as 40 years before that of the Burmese. However, the Mons entering into a ceasefire with the Rangoon appear to be trying by color and pattern, if regime. The NMSP-SLORC/SPDC not by style of dress, to distinguish ceasefire has been widely criticized among themselves from the Burmese. The men Mon nationalist groups that claim the wear saluing and cover the upper part of underlying reason for the leadership to the body with a shirt or a t-shirt for agree to the ceasefire was to seek business opportunities for themselves rather than to 18 Robert Halliday (1864-1933) has been protect Mon civilians who are still being characterized as ‘the Father of Mon Studies.’ oppressed by the Tatmadaw. His life story is little known. Even his time of Consequently, it is impossible for the residence in Amherst district of lower Burma Mons to found a free state, and they as well as his travels to Siam has been remain ‘a people without a country’ in the reconstructed. He served as a missionary in classic phrase of Robert Halliday, ‘the Ye, a town in Burma. Some of his missionary father of Mon studies.’ Consequently, a activities were reported in an article published nation for the Mon is, in fact, their virtual in 1927 in the Baptist Missionary Review. In or imagined community, and so they have his lifetime he had many contacts with scholars including George Coedes(1886-1969), Charles created a number of traditions Otter Blagden (1864-1949), and symbolically and emotionally shared by all Silawantathera (Shwe Nge). His published the Mons in Burma, along the Thai-Burma work consists of three books, namely The border, in the Thai-Raman communities, Talaing (1922), The Mon – English Dictionary and in their diasporic communities around (1922) and an edition and translation of lik the world because of their consciousness smin ‘asah (1923). Moreover, his translation of the great civilization and history of their of a chronicle, Rajawan, initially appeared as ancestors. an article in the Journal of the Burma Research Society (JBRS) but was also released the same However, a critical observation made by year as a monograph. Between 1913 and 1932, over a dozen of his articles were published in South (2003: 40) is that Mon National Day the JBRS and the Journal of the Siam Society. and the creation of Mon patriotic elements (Christian Bauer (ed.), 2000: IX-X).

66 Downloaded from Brill.com09/30/2021 11:17:49PM via free access Mon Nationalism and the Invention of Traditions

everyday use, but for formal occasions Mon people wearing their national men wear a red saluing with a white costumes when they were very young. checked pattern to match a short white Mon people in the village have donned jacket with red checks on it. The ganin is their national costumes for the Mon worn by the women. There is a long- National Day, for visiting the temple sleeved blouse to complete the costume. during the Songkran festival, for their For special occasions women will wear a wedding day, and even for the funerals of cotton or silk scarf over the shoulders. Mon elites, like the cremation of the late They also have formal costumes for Nai Shwe Kyin in 2003 in Burma. The special occasions consisting of red ganin next answer given by one key informant and long-sleeved white blouses. When was that there has been a general going to make merit at the monastery, agreement about Mon dress among Mon elderly women usually dress in brown cultural activists, who consist mainly of ganin and white cotton blouses with Mon university students from Rangoon brown or white scarves over the shoulders and Mandalay who participated in a 1971 to match. Moreover, Mon women usually meeting with the primary goal of have long hair twisted into a chignon at demonstrating the power of solidarity the back of the neck. Their hairstyle is among Mon students and the secondary quite different from that of Burmese objective of being economical. This women, who coil their hair a different way meeting was chaired by Professor Mong and put it more on the top of the head.19 To while Nai Ong Mo acted as secretary.20 However, this cannot be treated as a fixed rule since Burma consists of various ethnic Burmese leaders claim that minority groups, which are not easy to distinguish peoples have been so well assimilated into from one another (Paladsing, 1983: 19). the mainstream of Burmese society that it is hard for anyone to distinguish any cultural differences. This may be During religious festivals young Mon congruent with Hobsbawm and Ranger, women bear burdens on their heads and who remark that traditions invented by walk to the monastery in order to offer private groups are different from those alms to the monks. They also cater there to officially instituted and planned, and the their parents and senior relatives who stay latter are more easily traced because they overnight at the pavilion for laypersons in are likely to be well documented the monastery to meditate and pray (Hobsbawm and Ranger, 2003: 8). together with other merit makers of their age. However, one of the key informants went

further, suggesting that Mon national From the author’s informal interviews costumes represent a merging of styles and with the Mons in Wangka Village about patterns of ancient Mon handwoven cloth. Mon national costumes, three different Mon fabric has a variety of patterns and answers were given. The first group of uses special weaving and embroidery informants, who were about 45 years of techniques. age, said that they had first noticed the

20 19 Interview with Nai Oc Pai Wongraman, a Interview with a Mon woman at Wangka Mon cultural conservationist of Wangka Village in August 2, 2004. Village on June 24, 2005.

67 Downloaded from Brill.com09/30/2021 11:17:49PM via free access MANUSYA: Journal of Humanities 10.1, 2007

In order to design their national costumes, Empirically, in order to come to a Professor Mong To sent a team to conduct conclusion that the Mon national costumes a fieldwork study in Mon localities and were invented not more than 25 years ago collect relevant data to be considered. (1971-2005), the researcher would like to Eventually, they came to the unanimous cite the study by Halliday about Mon dress conclusion that a woman’s costume from one of his book, The Talaing which consisted of a white, long-sleeved blouse was published for the first time in 1917: and a red ganin with one edge The dress worn by the Talaings in embroidered and a scarf to match for Burma is the ordinary Burmese special occasions like going to make merit dress. In that respect they are quite at the temple. Men are to wear a red indistinguishable from the saluing with a white checked pattern to Burmese. The men wear a loin be matched with a shirt or a t-shirt cloth, glik, consisting of a piece of covered with a jacket for special and narrow cloth, some eight yards formal occasions. long, sewn in two breadths without cutting. It is put round the Formerly the Mons used natural dyes. For body and fastened in with a twist example, a red dye could be extracted at the waist, and the remaining from the bark of a particular kind of tree part of it is gathered up in three whereas a white tint came from the natural folds and hung from the waist in color of cotton yarn. The white checked front or simply thrown over the patterns signified the paddy fields, because shoulder. Old men may be seen on the Mons are proud that originally their cold mornings with the spare end ancestors were wet rice farmers.21 worn round the shoulders as a From my point of view, the Mon national shawl. The silk material for this costumes were invented in order to serve garment is sometimes cut and the Mon nationalistic ideology and show made into two saluings. To make unity. Though the style of dress is virtually an ordinary saluing, a piece of indistinguishable from that of the Burmese cloth, some twenty-two inches in general, by opting for particular colors wide and four and a half yards and patterns the Mon show the long, is woven. It is cut in two and distinctiveness of their ethnic identity and the two breadths joined. The ends establish ethic boundaries. Moreover, the are then sewn together and the Mon national outfits signify the main garment is complete. Cotton is occupation of the Mon ancestors, who used for work-day wear and silk were wet rice farmers. And wet rice for special occasions. The upper cultivation itself was a significant part of the body is covered with a innovation in the formation of a mandalic short white cotton jacket or one of state in Southeast Asia in ancient times. darker material. The head is covered with a bright coloured silk handkerchief put round and the ends tucked in as a turban (Halliday, 1999: 27). 21 Interview with Nai Oc Pai Wongraman on June 24, 2005. Moreover, Halliday describes dress for Mon women as follows:

68 Downloaded from Brill.com09/30/2021 11:17:49PM via free access Mon Nationalism and the Invention of Traditions

6). This is the case with the Mons, who The ganin worn by the woman is have opted to use ancient patterns of formed just like the men’s handwoven cloth to invent national saluings, except that it has a broad costumes to signify the uniqueness of the band of a different pattern on the Mon people and to serve as ethnic top and is somewhat smaller than boundary markers by their nationalist the men’s garment. A jacket of movements. white or colored cotton or silk completes the costume. On festive occasions a bright silk scarf is Conclusion worn over the shoulders. Very old women may sometimes be seen An analysis of Mon invented traditions with an open ganin consisting of a shows that they are related to Mon piece of silk, almost square, made nationalist movements and have been of two widths joined together. It is developed since Burma gained her sometimes partly laced to keep it independence from British rule in 1948. from opening too much in The Mons are proud of their kingdom, walking. Sandals or slippers are Hongsawaddy, and their long history. worn by both men and women Nevertheless, during the colonial period in (Halliday, 1999: 27). Burma the Mons did not initiate political movements or struggle for their autonomy. Halliday in his 1917 work The Talaing Only after the Karens started to fight for noted that Mon dress was not distinctively their political rights when Burma gained different from that of the Burmese her independence in 1948 did the Mons, (Halliday, 1999: 27). Thus within the last who were allied with the Karens, start to thirty-five years (1971-2005) the Mon do so. The Mon political movements nationalist movements have attempted to aimed at self-determination but were also find a mutual symbol that signifies based on nostalgic memories of their solidarity by selectively using unique ancestors, the first group to settle in lower colors and patterns in their outfits to use as Burma, having the golden swan of the ethnic boundary markers. Moreover, the Lord Buddha’s prophecy as their guiding Mon national costumes are economical light. Moreover, before the Burmans because they can be used on a variety of migrated into Burma, the Mons used to occasions. The Mon children who are have a great civilization, a kingdom descendants of the displaced Burmese embracing a wide swathe of land that is people at Sangkhlaburi put on Mon under the sovereignty of Burma and national costumes to go to school every Thailand nowadays. The Burmans have Friday as part of a cultural promotion not only deprived the Mons of their campaign at the local level. kingdom but also of their culture their language and alphabet (Fredholm, 1993).22 The invention of Mon national costumes is in accordance with Hobsbawm and Ranger’s concept that ancient materials can be used ‘to construct invented 22 There is a popular song for Mon children traditions of a novel type for quite novel telling how the Burmans forced the Mons to purposes’ (Hobsbawm and Ranger, 2003: give them their alphabet, but only 33 letters were given to the oppressors, the Burmans.

69 Downloaded from Brill.com09/30/2021 11:17:49PM via free access MANUSYA: Journal of Humanities 10.1, 2007

References Fink, Christina. 2001. Living Silence: Burma under Military Rule. Achvanijkul, Kritaya. 2005. Chon Bangkok: White Lotus. Klumnoi ti Dai Sathana Hai Yu- Asai nai Prathet Thai. Fredholm, Michael. 1993. Burma: (Unpublished). Ethnicity and Insurgency. Westport: Praeger. Barth, Fredrik (ed.). 1998. Ethnic Groups and Boundaries. Prospect Heights: Halliday, Robert.1999. The Talaing. Waveland Press. Bangkok: Orchid Press.

Bowen, John R. 2002. Religion in Halliday, Robert. 1986. Immigration of the Practice: An Approach to the Mons into Siam. In The Mons: Anthropology of Religion. Boston: Collected Articles from the Allyn and Bacon. Journal of the Siam Society, ed. by . Michael Smithies, pp. 7-20. Burusapatana, Kachadphai. 1997. Chon Bangkok: The Siam Society.

Klumnoi Sanchat Phama. Hobsbawm, Eric and Terence Ranger Bangkok: Roongsilp. (eds). 2003. The Invention of Tradition. Cambridge: Cambridge Carey, Peter (ed.).1997. The Challenge of University Press. Change in a Divided Society. New York: St Martin’s. Ieosiwong, Nitthi. 1993. Kanmuang Thai Samai Prachao Krung Thonburi. Deepadung, Sujaritlak and others. 1995. Bangkok: Matichon. Social, Cultural and Political Roles of a Minority Group in the Keyes, Charles F. 1987. Thailand: Ratanakosin Era: Origin and Buddhist Kingdom as Modern Change in 200 Years: The Mon. Nation-State. Boulder: Westview Bangkok: Duan Tula. Profiles.

Dhienpanya, Paphatsaun and others. 2004. Kramer, Tom. 2005. Ethnic Conflict and Community Rights: The Case of Dilemmas for International the Effects of the Construction of a Engagement. In Trouble in the Gas Pipeline on Indigenous Mon Triangle:Opium and Conflict in Communities and Mon Immigrant Burma, ed. by Martin Jelsma, Tom Communities at Sangkhlaburi Kramer and Pietje Vervest, pp.33- District of Kanchanaburi 59. Bangkok: O.S. Printing House. Province. Bangkok: Satfour. Lang, Hazel. 2002. Fear and Sanctuary: Accordingly, there are 33 letters in Burmese Burmese Refugees in Thailand. whereas there are 35 letters in Mon. Ithaca: Southeast Asia Program Publications.

70 Downloaded from Brill.com09/30/2021 11:17:49PM via free access Mon Nationalism and the Invention of Traditions

Mon Unity League. General Statement. In The New Mon State Party. 1980. Mon MUL Report International National Liberation Movement (in Conference, 1, http://www.mrc.- Brief). (unpublished). usa.org/mul_ report1.htm Thong Tai. 1991. Siang Priak Jak Khon Paladsing, Pisan. 1983. Khon Mon: Karn Mon. Bangkok: Tech Promotion Tosu Khong Chonchat Rai and Advertising. Phaendin. Bangkok: Athit. Trichote, Pornpimon. 1999. The Burmese Paladsing, Pisan. 1972. Mon Chonchat Rai Government and the Ethnic Phaendin. Bangkok: Chatuchak. Minority Group. Bangkok: Thammasat University Press. Rajah, Anan. 1998. Ethnicity and Civil War in Burma: Where is the Interviews rationality? In Burma: Prospect for Democratic Future, ed. by Interview with a Mon lady who used to be Robert I. Rotberg, pp. 135-150. an NMSP soldier. June 11, 2005. Washington: Brookings Institution Press. Interview with a Mon teacher who was born in Thailand. June 11, 2005. Silverstein, Josef. 1997. The Civil War, the Minorities and Burma’s New Interview with Nai Oc Pai Wongraman. Policies. In Burma: The Challenge June 24, 2005. of Change in a Divided Society, ed. by Peter Carey, pp. 129-155. Interview with Mons at the field-site at Oxford: St Antony. Wangka Village. August 2, 2004.

South, Ashley. 2003. Mon Nationalism and Civil War in Burma: The Golden Sheldrake. London: Routledge Curzon.

Sripangern, Sunthorn. 2000. Loss of Mon Rights: A Mon Nationalist’s Perspective from Sangkhlaburi. Thai Culture: International Review on Tai Cultural Studies, Community Rights in Thailand and Southeast Asia 5.2: 207-220.

The Agenda of the 57th Anniversary of Mon National Day http://www.mrc-usa.org/aganda- 57th_mnd.htm

71 Downloaded from Brill.com09/30/2021 11:17:49PM via free access