JETS) Is a Refereed Journal Published Biannu- Ally (Fall and Spring)

JOURNAL OF EASTERN TOWNSHIPS STUDIES REVUE D’ÉTUDES DES CANTONS DE L’EST

EASTERN TOWNSHIPS RESEARCH CENTRE / CENTRE DE RECHERCHE DES CANTONS DE L’EST INTERNAL EDITORIAL COMMITTEE COMITÉ INTERNE DE RÉDACTION Jonathan Rittenhouse Bishop’s University (Drama), Editor Rina Kampeas Executive Director, ETRC/CRCE Jean Levasseur Bishop’s University (Études françaises et québécoises) Monique Nadeau-Saumier Bishop’s University

MANAGEMENT COMMITTEE / COMITÉ DE GESTION J. Derek Booth Bishop’s University (Geography) Peter Gossage Université de Sherbrooke (Histoire et sciences politiques) Marie-Paule LaBrèque Acton Vale Monique Nadeau-Saumier Bishop’s University Jonathan Rittenhouse Bishop’s University (Drama)

CONSULTANTS Guy Laperrière Université de Sherbrooke (Histoire et sciences politiques) J.I. Little Simon Fraser University (History)

COMITÉ EXTERNE DE RÉDACTION EXTERNAL EDITORIAL COMMITTEE G. Caldwell Martinville D. Cartwright University of Western Ontario A. Désilets Sherbrooke J-M. Dubois Université de Sherbrooke J-C. Dupont Université Laval M. Echenberg McGill University M-P. LaBrèque Acton Vale L. Lacroix Université du Québec à Montréal G. Lane Lennoxville G. Laperrière Université de Sherbrooke M. Lessard Université du Québec à Montréal J.I. Little Simon Fraser University J.O. Lundgren McGill University A. Mercier Collège de Sherbrooke R. Milot Collège de Sherbrooke M. Phelps Knowlton C. Rose Bishop’s University H. Senior McGill University A. Sirois Sherbrooke P. Southam Université de Sherbrooke I. Tait Champlain College R.W. Vaudry University of Alberta B. Young McGill University JOURNAL OF EASTERN TOWNSHIPS STUDIES REVUE D’ÉTUDES DES CANTONS DE L’EST

No 12 Spring / Printemps 1998

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS / REMERCIEMENTS

The editors of the Journal of Eastern Townships Les rédacteurs de la Revue d’études des Cantons Studies/Revue d’études des Cantons de l’Est de l’Est/Journal of Eastern Townships Studies gratefully acknowledge the financial tiennent à remercier de leur assistance of: généreux soutien financier :

THE BÉLANGER-GARDNER LA FONDATION FOUNDATION BÉLANGER-GARDNER

THE TOWNSHIPPERS’ LA FONDATION DES GENS DES RESEARCH & CULTURAL CANTONS DE L’EST POUR LA FOUNDATION RECHERCHE ET LA CULTURE La Revue d’études des Cantons de l’Est (RECE) est une revue scientifique publiée deux fois l’an, à l’automne et au printemps. Les articles parus dans la RECE sont répertoriés dans l’Index des périodiques canadiens, Canadian Index et CBCA. La revue peut être consultée dans la base de données CBCA Fulltext de Micromedia et dans celle de l’Index des périodiques canadiens de la Information Access Company. Nous invitons les chercheurs et chercheuses de toutes les disciplines des sciences sociales et humaines à nous soumettre des articles portant sur les Cantons-de-l’Est. Nous acceptons des textes de 2 000 à 7 000 mots, dactylographiés à double interligne, et présentés selon les normes de publication de la discipline de spécialisation. Le manuscrit doit être accompagné d’un fichier sur disquette (WordPerfect 6.1 ou un logiciel compatible). Veuillez faire parvenir vos articles au : CRCE Casier 132 Université Bishop’s Lennoxville (Québec) J1M 1Z7

The Journal of Eastern Townships Studies (JETS) is a refereed journal published biannu- ally (fall and spring). JETS is indexed in the Canadian Periodical Index, Canadian Index and CBCA. The journal is accessible online in Micromedia’s CBCA Fulltext database and Information Access Company’s Canadian Periodical Index database. We welcome manuscripts relating to the Eastern Townships in all disciplines of the social sciences and humanities. Manuscripts should be between 2,000 and 7,000 words and conform to the editorial principles of the discipline concerned. Please supply one copy of your text in manuscript, double-spaced throughout, and one copy on floppy disk (Word- Perfect 6.1 or compatible equivalent). Send to: ETRC Faculty Box 132 Bishop’s University Lennoxville, QC J1M 1Z7

Illustration de la couverture : « The mechanical crew that put out the paper » ca 1905. (Source : Service d’archives du CRCE, fonds The Record.) Cover illustration: “The mechanical crew that put out the paper,” ca. 1905. (Source: ETRC Archives Department, The Record fonds.) Design : VisImage Impression / Printing: Imprimeries Transcontinental, division Métrolitho Dépôt légal / Legal deposit: 2e trimestre 1998 / 2nd quarter, 1998 © 1998 ETRC/CRCE et les auteurs / and the authors NO 12 SPRING/PRINTEMPS 1998 TABLE OF CONTENTS TABLE DES MATIÈRES JOURNAL OF EASTERN TOWNSHIPS STUDIES REVUE D’ÉTUDES DES CANTONS DE L’EST

ARTICLES La Cène de l’archevêché de Sherbrooke : un témoin du séjour de l’artiste lyonnais Étienne Couvert au Canada / Jacques Amaz 5 Abstract 15 Ostropol on the St. Francis: The Jewish Community of Sherbrooke, Quebec—A 120-Year Presence / Michael Benazon 21 Résumé 40

COMPTES RENDUS State and Society in Transition: The Politics of Institutional Reform in the Eastern Townships 1838–1852 by J.I. Little / recensé par Christine Hudon 51 The Politics of Codification: The Lower Canadian Civil Code of 1866 by Brian Young / recensé par Marie-Paule Rajotte LaBrèque 57

DOSSIER: THE RECORD • A Note from the Editors / Note de la rédaction 61 ARCHIVES • Quelques fragments d’histoire : les archives du Record / Sylvie Côté 63 • Une même mission : informer / Gilles Dallaire 67 LECTURE • A Hundred-Year Record: The History of the Sherbrooke Daily Record / Susan C. Mastine and Tara McCully 71

ERRATUM 102

BIOBIBLIOGRAPHIES/NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS 103 The name of Robin Burns, founder of the Eastern Townships Research Centre and a founding member of the JETS editorial team, is sadly missing from this issue’s editorial details. We mourn Robin’s passing earlier this year. A portion of the contents of the next issue of JETS will be dedicated to his memory and work.

Le nom de Robin Burns, fondateur du Centre de recherche des Cantons-de-l’Est et membre fondateur du comité de rédaction de la RECE, est tristement absent de la page générique de ce numéro. Nous sommes affligés de son décès survenu plus tôt cette année. Une part du prochain numéro de la revue sera consacrée à sa mémoire et à son oeuvre. LA CÈNE DE L’ARCHÊVÊCHÉ DE SHERBROOKE : UN TÉMOIN DU SÉJOUR DE L’ARTISTE LYONNAIS ÉTIENNE COUVERT AU CANADA Jacques Amaz Université Lyon II Université Lyon III

n 1906, l’artiste lyonnais Étienne Couvert (1856–1933) séjourne E au Canada dans l’espoir de trouver des débouchés nouveaux mais aussi pour établir ses enfants sur des terres inexploitées du Manitoba. Il laisse sur place plusieurs oeuvres dont la plus importante, intitulée La Cène (ill. 1), est conservée à l’archevêché de Sherbrooke. Cette composition typique de l’oeuvre d’Étienne Couvert est aujourd’hui documentée, grâce à l’étude récente du fonds familial Couvert, par une correspondance et des oeuvres préparatoires inédites. Cette toile, outre son intérêt formel, matérialise l’intérêt que portent les artistes lyonnais à l’étranger et plus particulièrement au Canada, qui possède toujours dans l’imaginaire collectif français une place privilégiée.

Ill. 1 : La Cène, huile sur toile, H. 113 cm, L. 71 cm, signé et daté E. Couvert 1913 en bas à droite à l’encre noire, archevêché de Sherbrooke. 6 REVUE D’ÉTUDES DES CANTONS DE L’EST

Étienne Couvert est, en 1906, un peintre déjà connu dans la région rhodanienne. À Lyon même, il a réalisé les deux décorations peintes qui, d’après Bénézit1, sont ses deux oeuvres majeures, à savoir, en 1893, La Vierge et les douze apôtres dans la coupole de la croisée du transept de l’église Saint-Pothin2 et, en 1900, Le Christ entouré du Tétramorphe dans le cul-de-four de l’église Saint-Irénée3. Cependant ces travaux importants, qui lui donnent une notoriété certaine, ne le font pas vivre; La Vierge et les douze apôtres sont, par exemple, réalisés gratuitement4. À partir de 1898–1900 l’artiste diversifie sa production en composant de nombreux cartons de vitraux religieux dont, en 1902, ceux de la chapelle Notre-Dame de Laval à Baffie près de Montbrison5. Mais cela ne suffit pas; l’artiste doit par ailleurs donner des cours de dessin dans un établissement privé et religieux lyonnais, Les Chartreux. À partir de 1905, la politique anticléricale du gouvernement français fait se tarir les commandes religieuses. Étienne Couvert cherche des débouchés nouveaux à l’étranger; il pense alors au Canada, qui le fascine depuis sa plus tendre enfance. Avant de partir, il cherche des appuis, tout au moins des avis et des conseils. Ceux-ci ne sont pas, dans l’ensemble, très encourageants : Monseigneur l’archevêque a bien reçu votre lettre et la carte de Monseigneur Morel. Sa Grandeur croit que le Manitoba n’est pas encore aussi avancé que Montréal ou le Québec. Nous sommes dans l’enfance. Nos églises sont relativement peu nombreuses et pauvres. Nous serions très heureux de voir un artiste-peintre s’établir au milieu de nous mais nous ne pourrions pas lui promettre le travail voulu. Une visite préalable est ce qu’il y a de plus sage à faire6. Ces conseils de prudence sont réitérés par plusieurs correspondants de Couvert : La peinture comme art n’offre pas grand avenir au Canada. C’est aléatoire, il y a des artistes-peintres mais la plupart végètent. […] Il y a aussi des maisons fabriquant des vitraux mais en général ces articles sont importés de France […] Comme professeur, je ne crois pas qu’il y aurait beaucoup à faire7. Il y en a beaucoup. Cependant cela pourrait se trouver mais avec des protections, ce qui manque naturellement à un arrivant. Je ne saurais trop conseiller à votre ami d’être prudent et de bien réfléchir. Beaucoup sont venus et s’en sont retournés sans avoir pu réussir. S’il a une situation assez satisfaisante en France, peut-être serait-il mieux de la garder. Dans tous les cas il vaut beaucoup mieux qu’il vienne d’abord faire un voyage d’essai Jacques Amaz 7

avant d’y venir définitivement avec sa famille et voir par lui- même s’il y aurait quelque chose à faire8. Mais la situation de l’artiste ne motive pas à elle seule l’intérêt porté par l’artiste au Canada. Son fils Camille suit, à cette même époque, les cours d’une école d’agriculture tenue par les frères marianistes à Grangeneuve dans le département de l’Allier. Étienne Couvert apprend que le gouvernement canadien incite de jeunes étrangers à acquérir des terres à bas prix, à condition qu’ils s’engagent à les cultiver. L’espoir qu’a l’artiste d’établir ses enfants sur de bonnes terres dans le Manitoba compense largement le manque de perspective personnelle et motive sa décision de séjourner au Canada durant l’été 1906. Étienne Couvert et sa femme9 quittent la France le 1er août 1906 et arrivent à Québec le dimanche 12 août. Ils se rendent alors rapidement à Winnipeg, où ils sont recommandés à monseigneur Langevin. Les premières lettres témoignent d’un réel enthousiasme : Les renseignements que le frère Chapon nous avait donnés sont parfaitement exacts. Une propriété doit rapporter 3 000 piastres c’est-à-dire 15 000 francs. Elle peut rapporter moins, mais elle peut aussi rapporter jusqu’à 30 000 par an, pas d’une façon régulière. Vous voyez mes enfants si vous êtes travailleurs quelle situation vous auriez. En la comparant à ce que nous avons à Lyon où nous n’avons que 4 500 francs assurés et 2 000 des Chartreux. Et puis plus d’impôts, plus de location. Pour l’élevage des vaches et des chevaux on peut aussi faire très bien et je crois que François pourrait aussi avoir une jolie situation10. L’optimisme est à ce point grand que, deux semaines après son arrivée, le couple décide d’acquérir sans plus attendre une terre : Nous allons faire l’achat d’une propriété; c’est ce que l’on nous conseille de tous côtés. Et il faut se dépêcher. Elles ont déjà augmenté parce que le père Lecoq a ramené de Bretagne une quarantaine d’homme ce qui a fait immédiatement monter le prix des terres. Au printemps nous l’aurions payé 2 500 francs de moins et nous aurions mieux pu choisir notre endroit. Au printemps prochain elles seront encore un peu plus cher parce que c’est le moment où tout le monde arrive. Que je serais heureuse si je pouvais vous voir à l’abri du besoin, mes pauvres enfants11. Madame Couvert ajoute que ses enfants pourront venir les rejoindre à la fin de la même année. Pourtant l’artiste n’est pas optimiste sur ses chances personnelles de trouver du travail : « Au 8 REVUE D’ÉTUDES DES CANTONS DE L’EST

point de vue peinture, je crains qu’il n’y ait pas beaucoup à faire. Ils n’ont pas le temps de penser à cela. Enfin je vais continuer à me renseigner, nous en tirerons plus tard les conclusions12 ». Rapidement les premières déceptions arrivent : Tout ce que l’on nous avait dit concernant le rendement d’une terre était faux. Ainsi mes enfants il faut vous sortir de la tête qu’un homestead (c’est-à-dire une terre que vous auriez pour rien) vous rendra 15 000 francs par an. Ce n’est pas vrai (et cependant tout le monde à Sainte-Rose nous avait dit cela y compris le père Lecoq, curé de la paroisse). De sorte que nous nous sommes abstenus d’acheter la propriété qu’on voulait nous faire acheter13. Étienne Couvert tente de recueillir d’autres avis : Papa est parti hier chez les Trappistes de Saint-Norbert très expérimentés dans l’agriculture. Il va leur demander ce qui serait le plus avantageux d’entreprendre dans cette partie soit de cultiver des légumes, soit de faire de l’agriculture mixte (blé et élevage) soit toute autre culture. Il y a des gens qui gagnent beaucoup avec des melons. Les Trappistes font aussi beaucoup de miel. Ce serait l’affaire de François. Je suis obligé de vous quitter maintenant, mes chers petits, il faut que j’aille chez un curé qui a cherché du travail pour papa. Et je vais savoir la réponse14. Les espoirs du couple ne renaissent pas de ces nouvelles recherches; il semble surtout que les bonnes terres soient trop chères pour leur maigre bourse. Étienne Couvert et sa femme sont de retour à Lyon le 28 septembre 1906, juste à temps pour que le professeur reprenne ses cours aux Chartreux.

Ce séjour se termine donc par un constat d’échec si l’on ne considère que l’ambition initiale de Couvert d’établir sa famille au Canada. Cependant l’artiste a tout de même eu le temps de recueillir plusieurs commandes, qui témoignent aujourd’hui de son passage. L’abbé Janichewski (curé d’Authon) commande un décor de théâtre de 3 mètres de hauteur et de 2,40 mètres de largeur15, dont il est entièrement satisfait malgré un coût supérieur à celui initialement prévu : « Le décor m’arrive en parfait état, d’ailleurs il est parfait à tout point de vue et j’attends de lui à la lumière et en place un merveilleux effet16 ». Les soeurs du couvent de Notre-Dame-du-Saint-Rosaire demandent, quant à elles, un portrait à l’artiste : Nous tenons depuis quelques semaines le portrait de notre Mère Jacques Amaz 9

Marie-Anne17 que vous avez reproduit au crayon. Nous en sommes bien satisfaites. Vous priant d’agréer nos sincères remerciements pour votre travail, nous avons l’honneur d’être vos humbles servantes, les Soeurs du Saint-Rosaire18. L’oeuvre la plus importante d’Étienne Couvert aujourd’hui au Canada est La Cène conservée à l’archevêché de Sherbrooke. On ne connaît pas les circonstances de la commande. En revanche, on sait qu’en 1913, date figurant sur le tableau en bas à droite, le projet est déjà ancien puisque le commanditaire, J.-A. Laporte, curé à Sherbrooke, menaçait de confier la réalisation de La Cène à un artiste canadien : J’ai reçu hier votre lettre et sa bonne nouvelle avec d’autant plus de plaisir que j’avais perdu tout espoir. Ne voyant rien venir, ni tableau, ni lettre, je croyais que, pour une raison ou une autre, vous aviez renvoyé aux calendes grecques l’exécution de mon humble commande. Aussi l’occasion s’étant présentée de faire peindre ici La Cène, prudemment afin de n’avoir pas à payer deux tableaux, j’avais demandé à M. Badin19 qui avait été mon premier intermédiaire auprès de vous de vouloir bien vous écrire pour annuler ma commande. Maintenant je suis tout à l’attente de votre envoi20. Deux dessins préparatoires sont datés par l’auteur de 1912. Ils permettent donc de savoir que l’oeuvre fut réalisée cette année-là ou, au plus tard, durant les quatre premiers mois de l’année 1913. Dans la lettre précitée, les conditions de l’achat sont rappelées : Je solderai la note aussitôt qu’elle me sera remise : cinquante piastres pour le tableau; l’emballage et l’encadrement en sus. C’est peu mais c’est ce dont nous sommes convenus. Si vous ne m’indiquez pas une autre voie, je vous paierai par une traite payable à Paris à la Banque Nationale canadienne21. L’oeuvre arrive à Sherbrooke le 15 juillet 1913 et satisfait apparemment pleinement le commanditaire : Votre tableau m’est arrivé hier, très heureusement sans une égratignure, sans une poussière. On l’eut dit verni la veille à Montréal […] Je vous l’ai dit dans ma lettre précédente, je n’ai aucune notion de peinture. Je ne me donnerai pas la peine de jouer au connaisseur et ne vous ennuierai pas par des compliments dont vous saisiriez de suite la fausseté. Simplement et très cordialement je vous donne l’assurance de mon entière satisfaction. La seule idée de ce tableau pris au moment angoissant de la fuite de Judas est une jolie trouvaille. Le contraste 10 REVUE D’ÉTUDES DES CANTONS DE L’EST

des blancheurs dorées qui entourent Jésus-Christ tempère doucement l’impression pénible qui se dégage de Judas, le personnage central, pour remplir toute l’atmosphère du tableau […] Vous avez peint avec cette sincérité qu’on a que jeune, que la science plus tard essaie vainement de remplacer. Merci! Je vous adresse en même temps une carte postale afin que vous puissiez imaginer mieux où est allé votre tableau. Ce que nous appelons ici les Cantons de l’Est est une région nouvelle dans un pays neuf. Sherbrooke en est la ville principale avec 19.000 âmes […] Un peintre canadien de valeur, M. Suzor-Côté, actuellement en France je crois, il y a quelques années, passant ici et étant frappé de la physionomie de mon église, en prenait le croquis par un ciel enneigé de décembre et m’en a fait une copie bien jolie. Votre peinture sera en bonne compagnie22.

La réalisation de La Cène de Sherbrooke est documentée par plusieurs oeuvres préparatoires inédites conservées au sein du fonds familial Couvert à Lyon. Les premières esquisses dessinées n’ont pas été conservées. Cependant, les oeuvres connues en rapport avec La Cène permettent de comprendre quel fut le cheminement créatif de Couvert. L’artiste hésite longuement entre le format horizontal de l’oeuvre définitive et une composition verticale. Les traces d’un projet ambitieux qui montre, dominant La Cène, le domaine céleste peuplé de trois anges porteurs d’un phylactère subsistent dans deux oeuvres montrant un stade de réflexion déjà avancé (ill. 2 et 3*). Le programme iconographique, la répartition et les attitudes des différents personnages ne sont pas définitivement arrêtés. Après avoir précisé l’emplacement de chaque personnage, Couvert opte pour un format horizontal, qui lui permet de donner plus d’air à la composition et d’accorder plus d’amplitude à la gestuelle des apôtres. L’artiste réalise alors, d’après modèle, des dessins assez poussés des académies des différents personnages, avec répartition des principales masses d’ombre et de lumière. Dans un premier temps, ceux-ci sont représentés nus, comme le veut l’usage académique23. On a retrouvé ainsi les études de Jacques le Majeur, André et Judas (respectivement ill. 4, 5, 6). Viennent ensuite les études dessinées de détails. Le visage de Judas, qui se trouve au premier plan, fait l’objet de deux études qui sont autant d’autoportraits (ill. 6 et 7). On a trouvé aussi, entre autres, dans le fonds familial, une étude de la main droite de Philippe; l’inscription

* Les illustrations 2, 3, 4, 5, 6 et 7 sont regroupées à la fin de l’article (voir pages 18 et 19). Jacques Amaz 11

Stephanus manus portée en bas à droite de ce dernier dessin indique que l’artiste a pris comme modèle sa propre main gauche vue dans un miroir. Ensuite sont réalisées les études peintes à l’huile, ici au nombre de deux. À ce stade pourtant avancé du travail, la composition n’est pas encore totalement décidée. La première montre quelques différences par rapport à l’oeuvre définitive : la composition est en contrepartie, Jésus a les mains levées, les apôtres figurés de dos sont au nombre de quatre, la fenêtre en arrière-plan est trilobée. La seconde, malgré le mauvais état de sa conservation, laisse voir une composition identique à celle de La Cène de Sherbrooke.

Au point de vue iconographique, Étienne Couvert privilégie le thème de l’annonce de la trahison au détriment de celui de la communion des apôtres et de l’institution du sacrement de l’Eucharistie. Il s’agit donc d’une Cène historique et narrative plutôt que sacramentelle. Un texte écrit par l’artiste permet d’identifier les personnages et de connaître parfaitement le programme iconographique; le voici cité in extenso : J’ai choisi l’instant où Judas quitte le cénacle. Ses cheveux hérissés comme des cornes, sa robe rouge rappellent les paroles : « Satan entra en lui » (Johan XIII.27). Je l’ai placé non loin du Christ pour accuser plus fortement le contraste entre le visage triste et résigné du Christ qui s’abandonne : « Maintenant le Fils de l’Homme a été glorifié et Dieu a été glorifié en lui » (Johan XIII.31) et le visage effaré de Judas qui va le trahir. Le Christ est dans la lumière et Judas, en proie à l’agitation et au trouble de son âme, dans l’ombre. Jésus lui a dit : « Ce que tu fais, fais le vite ». Il se lève et son siège renversé indique l’égarement et la rapidité de son geste : « Judas sortit aussitôt » (Johan XIII.30). Par une licence admise en peinture, pour donner plus de mouvement à la composition, le geste de tous les apôtres ne correspond pas exactement à ce même moment. J’ai voulu par leurs attitudes exprimer les différents sentiments auxquels ils ont été en proie pendant la durée de la Cène et que saint Jean nous a fidèlement rapportés : l’ignorance et l’étonnement, le doute, l’amour, la douleur et la foi. À la droite du Christ : saint Jean abattu incline tristement la tête; derrière lui, l’ardent et impétueux saint Pierre s’élève : « je donnerai mon âme pour vous » (Johan XIII.37); plus loin Philippe, le doux, se dresse surpris et inquiet du brusque mouvement de Judas et le regarde avec stupeur; au bout de la 12 REVUE D’ÉTUDES DES CANTONS DE L’EST

table, le front alourdi de tant de graves et sublimes enseignements, saint Matthieu médite et contemple douloureusement le Christ, tandis que, au premier plan, saint André se penche vivement vers ses voisins et désignant Judas leur demande : « Où va-t-il? ». Saint Jacques le Majeur, « le fils du tonnerre », vif et méfiant, se retourne à demi, prêt à se lever. À gauche du Christ : Thomas que tant de mystères déconcertent s’efforce de comprendre et déjà dans son esprit germe la question : « Seigneur nous ne savons où vous allez et comment pouvons-nous en savoir la voie? » (Johan XIV.5). À côté de lui, affaissé, la tête dans sa main, Jude s’afflige et, plus loin, Jacques le Mineur s’adresse tout bas à Simon, traduisant la pensée de plusieurs : « qu’est-ce qu’il nous dit? » (Johan XVI.17) et celui- ci désolé d’un geste naïf d’ignorance lui répond qu’il n’y comprend rien. En avant, Barthélemy, le simple, accoudé sur la table écoute avidement, le regard fixé sur le Maître. La composition est éclairée par une lumière suspendue au milieu de la salle mais supposée en dehors du tableau. Derrière le Christ, par une large ouverture qu’encadrent quelques feuilles d’une vigne grimpante (image de la parabole : « Je suis la vraie vigne » (Johan XV.1), on aperçoit le soleil qui se couche, indication de l’heure : « Or il était nuit » (Johan XIII.30) et symbole de la mort et de la résurrection du Christ24. Étienne Couvert cherche à montrer l’émoi suscité par l’annonce de la trahison. Il s’est documenté avant de réaliser son oeuvre; son iconographie s’inspire en particulier du Dictionnaire des antiquités chrétiennes de l’abbé Martigny25. Cependant on relève quelques hésitations et inexactitudes. Sur les trois oeuvres peintes à l’huile, les personnages sont figurés autour d’une table traditionnellement rectangulaire. Une oeuvre préparatoire importante (ill. 2) montre que l’artiste étudiait initialement une autre composition. Dans cette dernière est privilégiée la représentation de la communion des apôtres et de l’instauration du sacrement au détriment de celle de la trahison, qui est reléguée au rang d’un détail avec la figure de Judas se retirant dans le coin inférieur gauche. Trois apôtres sont agenouillés aux pieds de Jésus debout. D’autres disciples sont représentés debout en arrière-plan pour respecter l’ancien rite pascal des juifs, qui se levaient pour manger l’agneau. Il semble que ce rite était déjà obsolète au temps de Jésus, et Couvert a finalement montré les différents personnages assis, conformément à la tradition occidentale. L’artiste a par ailleurs abandonné le projet de figurer prioritairement la communion des apôtres, qui reste cependant évoquée discrètement dans l’oeuvre Jacques Amaz 13

finale par la présence du ciboire sur la table. Dans les trois oeuvres peintes à l’huile, conformément aux Écritures, les apôtres sont représentés drapés de la même toge et pieds nus26. Ils ne portent ni attribut individuel, ni attribut générique comme le rouleau de la Nouvelle Loi, ni même le nimbe, attribut universel des saints, alors que ce dernier est représenté dans deux oeuvres préparatoires (ill. 2 et 3). Judas et Jean sont généralement les deux apôtres les plus caractérisés de ce genre de scène. Dans La Cène de Sherbrooke, Judas qui se trouve au premier plan tient dans la main gauche, conformément à la tradition, la bourse qui renferme les trente deniers, prix de la trahison. Mais il n’est pas vêtu de la traditionnelle toge de couleur jaune. Judas, dans deux oeuvres préparatoires, présente des attributs typiques de l’iconographie occidentale, attributs que l’on ne retrouve plus dans les oeuvres peintes à l’huile. Il est le seul à ne point posséder de nimbe (ill. 2 et 3). À ses côtés se trouve un chien à qui il faut bien sûr attribuer une signification symbolique, puisque chez les juifs cet animal était jugé impur; il est le symbole de la félonie de Judas (ill. 3). Jean, conformément à l’iconographie occidentale, est représenté imberbe pour montrer qu’il s’agit du plus jeune de tous les apôtres. En revanche, contrairement à la tradition, il n’est pas vêtu de rouge et ne pose pas la tête sur la poitrine de Jésus. Quant à Pierre, sa courte barbe bouclée est conforme à la tradition. En revanche sa chevelure ne l’est pas; l’iconographie occidentale prête à Pierre un crâne chauve sauf sur le front où subsiste une touffe de cheveux. Par ailleurs, les traits de Jésus et de Jacques le Mineur sont traditionnellement très proches pour marquer le fait qu’ils se ressemblaient; ce n’est pas le cas dans l’oeuvre étudiée.

Le primitivisme que montrait Étienne Couvert dans les peintures murales de l’église Saint-Irénée à Lyon est nettement moins lisible dans La Cène de Sherbrooke en particulier et dans les oeuvres de chevalet de l’artiste en général. Il s’inspire plutôt, dans la composition présente, d’une tradition héritée de la Renaissance. Si Couvert s’éloigne ici de l’exemple des artistes de Beuron, ce n’est pas pour suivre pour autant Horace Vernet dans la voie de « cet orientalisme vériste […] de plus en plus insupportable à la critique catholique27 ». Étienne Couvert montre une modération assez typique finalement de la génération d’artistes lyonnais qui voient leur maturité naître peu avant le début du XXe siècle. Cette oeuvre appartient aussi à la 14 REVUE D’ÉTUDES DES CANTONS DE L’EST

tradition de la peinture religieuse lyonnaise du XIXe siècle, qui est une des composantes importantes de la peinture nationale de l’époque. La peinture religieuse et la description d’une beauté idéale, reflet de la présence divine, sont à ce point des constantes de l’art lyonnais du XIXe siècle que Bruno Foucart se demande si l’on peut identifier, en France, une hypothétique école homogène d’art chrétien à l’école lyonnaise28. Pourtant les artistes lyonnais connaissent encore de nombreux détracteurs qui leur reprochent surtout de vivre en autarcie complète. Cette dernière affirmation mérite d’être grandement nuancée. Remarquons tout d’abord que, jusque vers 1870, les artistes d’origine lyonnaise s’intègrent à l’évidence au plan national. Les exemples de Paul Chenavard, d’Hippolyte Flandrin et de Pierre Puvis de Chavannes sont, à eux seuls, révélateurs de l’ambition des artistes lyonnais de s’imposer à Paris même. À partir de 1870 environ, le contexte change. À l’école des Beaux- Arts de Lyon, le personnel enseignant est tenté de dévaloriser Paris pour maintenir sur place une grande partie des dessinateurs formés par leur soin, à une époque où l’importante Fabrique de soierie lyonnaise a du mal à trouver du personnel qualifié29. Ce régionalisme officiel est très nettement perceptible dans les discours de remise des prix aux étudiants; Paris y est décrit comme étant une ville qui engage à la superficialité; l’art y est assujetti aux milieux financiers et donc dénaturé30. Le rejet de la capitale et de ce qui en est issu devient à Lyon à la fin du XIXe siècle un credo collectif, dont le caractère systématique ne s’atténue qu’après la Première guerre mondiale. Louis Jourdan, pourtant établi à Paris, exprime l’opinion de la majorité des artistes lyonnais face à l’avant-garde parisienne : J’ai bien l’impression que je ne suis pas un « futuriste » quand je vois la saine nature […] N’ayant pas le désir de céder à la fumisterie moderne j’ai rompu toutes relations avec les salonniers m’étant rendu compte que l’arrivisme était presque leur unique source d’effort. C’est en somme les solitaires qui réussissent parce qu’eux seuls pensent et agissent dans un sens d’art vrai31. Cette « allergie » à la capitale s’accompagne d’un rejet de la plupart des novations parisiennes. Aux yeux de nombreux artistes lyonnais, ces nouveautés ne sont pas de l’art : « On peut déjà conjecturer, constater que les nouvelles tendances : Cubisme, Futurisme, Dadaïsme n’ont aucune parenté avec l’art… L’art n’est pas seulement de provoquer des sensations agréables à l’oeil, aux sens mais de toucher Jacques Amaz 15

profondément l’homme intérieur […] L’art est un verbe, un langage, une expression, une affirmation32 ». Lyon s’oppose à Paris, certes, mais il ne faut cependant pas croire que la capitale rhodanienne, en cette fin du XIXe siècle, est une ville fermée sur elle-même. Il faut rappeler que Lyon est une des capitales de la congrégation des Maristes. L’élan missionnaire de Lyon est reconnu. Le père Colin, le père Eymard ont porté en Océanie le culte marial et l’art lyonnais. Une Vierge de Fabisch est installée dans l’église de Saint-Denis de Balade en Nouvelle Calédonie en 1894. Une vingtaine d’années plus tard, Paul Nicod et Étienne Couvert réalisent de nombreux vitraux pour les églises d’Océanie33. Par ailleurs, Lyon n’est pas, pour les artistes qui l’habitent, le nombril du monde. Nombreux sont ceux qui sont fascinés en cette fin de siècle par les terres nouvelles. Louis Appian séjourne en 1895 en Afrique du Nord. Auguste Morisot en 1886–1887 participe à une mission d’exploration du bassin de l’Orénoque. Certains espèrent même s’installer en pays étrangers ou tout au moins trouver en dehors de la France des débouchés nouveaux. C’est le cas d’Étienne Couvert. La Cène de Sherbrooke est, au-delà de ses qualités formelles, un des témoins de l’intérêt porté par les artistes lyonnais aux pays étrangers, en particulier au Canada, et de leur désir d’échapper à l’emprise de Paris sur l’art national.

ABSTRACT In August 1906, the French artist Étienne Couvert and his wife came to Canada. Already known and respected for several religious works in his home region of Lyon, Couvert was moved to leave France by the anticlerical atmosphere of the time and by his hopes of buying a profitable homestead here for his son. The couple’s hopes were not realized in Canada and they returned to France in September 1906; but Couvert won several commissions while here, including that for La Cène (The Last Supper), still on view today in the Roman Catholic Archbishop’s palace in Sherbrooke, Quebec. The author of this article uses studies and drawings for the painting, correspondence, and other sources in the Couvert family archives to trace the iconographic and thematic origins of the work’s composition.

NOTES Note de la rédaction : Nous tenons à remercier les autorités de la Corporation archiépiscopale catholique et romaine du diocèse de Sherbrooke pour leur permission de publier cet article sur une oeuvre d’Étienne Couvert qui fait partie de la 16 REVUE D’ÉTUDES DES CANTONS DE L’EST

collection de l’archevêché de Sherbrooke. 1 Bénézit (E.), Dictionnaire critique et documentaire des peintres, sculpteurs, dessinateurs et graveurs de tous les temps et de tous les pays, Paris, Gründ, 1976, vol. 3, p. 240. 2 Voir J. Amaz, « La Vierge et les douze apôtres peints par Étienne Couvert dans la coupole de l’église Saint-Pothin à Lyon; précisions iconographiques et projets inaboutis », dans Bulletin des Musées et Monuments lyonnais, no 4, février 1995, p. 50–75. 3 Idem, « Étienne Couvert et les peintures murales de l’église Saint- Irénée à Lyon », dans Bulletin des Musées et Monuments lyonnais, no 1, avril 1993, p. 38–49. 4 L’artiste espère, en se faisant ainsi connaître, obtenir par la suite de nombreuses commandes rémunérées. Ces espoirs sont partiellement déçus. 5 Amaz, « Les vitraux d’Étienne Couvert à la chapelle Notre-Dame de Laval; programme iconographique et conditions de la réalisation », dans Bulletin de la Diana, tome LIV, no 4, décembre 1994, p. 65–82. 6 Lettre de l’archevêché de Saint-Boniface à Couvert, datée du 29 mai 1906, fonds familial Couvert, Lyon. 7 Couvert ne sait pas parler anglais. 8 Lettre de A. Gaudefroy (exportateur de « spécialités pour le clergé ») à M. Darmezin, datée du 31 mars 1906, fonds familial Couvert, Lyon. 9 En 1885, Étienne Couvert a épousé Jeanne-Antoinette Bonnet (1866–1951), fille du sculpteur Guillaume Bonnet (1820–1873). De cette union naissent quatre enfants : François (1886–1970), Jeanne (1888–1965), Catherine (1889–1972), Camille (1891–1980). 10 Lettre de Mme Couvert à ses enfants, datée du 30 août 1906, fonds familial Couvert, Lyon. 11 Ibid. 12 Lettre de Couvert à sa mère datée du 15 août 1906, fonds familial Couvert, Lyon. 13 Lettre de Mme Couvert à ses enfants, datée du 19 septembre 1906, fonds familial Couvert, Lyon. 14 Ibid. 15 Voir lettre de l’abbé Janichewski à Couvert, datée du 14 mars 1911, fonds familial Couvert, Lyon. 16 Voir lettre de l’abbé Janichewski à Couvert, datée du 24 septembre 1911, fonds familial Couvert, Lyon. 17 Mère Marie-Anne est la fondatrice du Couvent. Le portrait a 51 cm de hauteur et 41 cm de largeur. 18 Lettre des soeurs du Couvent du Saint-Rosaire adressée à Étienne Jacques Amaz 17

Couvert, datée du 2 juillet 1913, fonds familial Couvert, Lyon. 19 M. Badin est professeur et directeur de l’Harmonie de Sherbrooke. 20 Lettre de J.-A. Laporte adressée à Étienne Couvert, datée du 9 mai 1913, fonds familial Couvert, Lyon. 21 Ibid. 22 Lettre de J.-A. Laporte adressée à Étienne Couvert, datée du 16 juillet 1913, fonds familial Couvert, Lyon. 23 Rappelons qu’Étienne Couvert étudie à l’école des Beaux-Arts de Lyon entre 1880 et 1884. Il y reçoit en particulier l’enseignement de Michel Dumas et de Jean-Baptiste Danguin. 24 Texte autographe d’Étienne Couvert intitulé Notice sur la Cène (d’après l’Évangile de saint Jean), non daté, fonds familial Couvert, Lyon. 25 Martigny (abbé). Dictionnaire des antiquités chrétiennes [...], Paris, Hachette, 1889 (3e éd.). Les nombreuses annotations figurant sur l’exemplaire qu’il possédait (conservé dans le fonds familial Couvert) montrent l’intérêt que portait Couvert à ce livre. 26 Voir Luc 10-4. 27 Voir Bruno Foucart, Renouveau de la peinture religieuse en France (1800–1860), Paris, Arthéna, 1987, p. 328. 28 Ibid., p. 7. 29 Voir notre thèse Auguste Morisot (Seurre 1857 – Bruxelles 1951) La vie et l’oeuvre figurée d’un artiste lyonnais, Doctorat, Université Lumière- Lyon 2, 1993, 4 vol., 2015 p. 30 Voir par exemple : Édouard Aynard (président du Conseil d’administration de l’École des Beaux-Arts de Lyon), Procès-verbal de la distribution des prix pour l’exercice 1879–1880 aux élèves de l’École des Beaux-Arts, Lyon, J. Gallet, 1880, p. 14 : Pour l’artiste, l’air du pays natal, surtout lorsque c’est celui d’une grande ville dotée de toutes les ressources, n’est-il vraiment plus respirable? Je pense, au contraire, qu’il y aurait profit pour plusieurs à ne pas aller à Paris suivre la fantaisie du jour, produire hâtivement sous l’aiguillon de la rivalité; l’artiste vigoureux et patient gagnerait à vivre en province où il garderait le temps de se recueillir, de conserver intact le sentiment de l’art et la plus précieuse de ses qualités qui s’altère si vite, le naturel. 31 Lettre de Louis Jourdan à Auguste Morisot, écrite à Paris, datée de 1913, fonds familial Morisot. 32 Note autographe d’Auguste Morisot, non datée, figurant dans un classeur intitulé À mes élèves, impression d’un peintre dans la nature. Enseignement, fonds familial Morisot. 33 En particulier pour les églises de Saint-Denis de Balade et de 18 REVUE D’ÉTUDES DES CANTONS DE L’EST

Moamoa à Samoa.

TABLE DES ILLUSTRATIONS 2 À 7 Ill. 2 : La communion des apôtres, encre noire, lavis et plume sur traits à la mine de plomb sur papier, H. 42 cm, L. 22,5 cm, signé E. C. en bas à gauche à l’encre noire, fonds familial Couvert. Ill. 3 : La trahison de Judas, aquarelle sur dessin à la mine de plomb, rehauts à l’encre noire et à la plume sur papier, H. 42 cm, L. 23 cm, signé E. Couvert en bas à droite à l’encre noire, fonds familial Couvert. Ill. 4 : Saint Jacques le Majeur, pierre noire et rehauts à la craie blanche sur papier, H. 32 cm, L. 23 cm, signé et daté E. C. 12 en bas à droite à l’encre noire, fonds familial Couvert. Ill. 5 : Saint André, pierre noire et rehauts à la craie blanche sur papier, H. 30 cm, L. 23 cm, signé et daté E. C. 1912 en bas à droite à l’encre noire, fonds familial Couvert. Ill. 6 : Judas et autoportrait en Judas, pierre noire et rehauts à la craie blanche sur papier, H. 31 cm, L. 23 cm, fonds familial Couvert. Ill. 7 : Autoportrait en Judas, mine de plomb sur papier, H. 23 cm, L. 18 cm, signé E. Couvert en bas à droite à la mine de plomb,

Ill. 2 Ill. 3 Jacques Amaz 19

Ill. 4 Ill. 5

Ill. 6 Ill. 7 20 JOURNAL OF EASTERN TOWNSHIPS STUDIES OSTROPOL ON THE ST. FRANCIS: THE JEWISH COMMUNITY OF SHERBROOKE, QUEBEC— A 120-YEAR PRESENCE Michael Benazon Champlain Regional College, Lennoxville.

t is generally agreed that the small Jewish communities of Canada I are diminishing and disappearing. Nowhere is this more obvious than in the Province of Quebec. With the exception of Ste-Agathe and Quebec City, there are now no organized Jewish congregations outside of greater Montreal. This was not always so. At various times small communities existed in Joliette, Three Rivers, La Macaza, Rouyn, Shawinigan, Sorel, St-Hyacinthe, and St-Jean.1 Unfortunately, only a very few documents and press accounts have survived to tell the story of these communities.2 In the case of Sherbrooke, the subject of this paper, the Synagogue minutes books, name lists, correspondence, ledgers, bills, documents pertaining to the cemetery, and various other papers are divided between two collections, one in Montreal and one in Sherbrooke;3 numerous short reports in the local press, both in French and in English, may be consulted in the archives of the Société d’histoire de Sherbrooke;4 while three longer but incom- plete unpublished accounts, one in French and two in English, are available though not easily accessible.5 All these proved to be helpful in this study. Since the history of Jewish settlement in Canada has been discussed elsewhere, there is no need to summarize it here.6 Yet it is worth considering, if only briefly, why the Jews migrated to certain small towns but not to others during the period of mass immigration from 1890 to 1930. The pattern of Jewish settlement in the West is instructive in this regard. Apart from those who opted for Winnipeg or settled on farms, Jewish pedlars and small businessmen moved to the villages and towns springing up along the newly opened railway lines. These settlements were undergoing rapid development as the surrounding lands filled up with farmers. There was a need, first for general stores and later for more specialized shops. It may be supposed that the Jews were well 22 JOURNAL OF EASTERN TOWNSHIPS STUDIES

adapted to be merchants and shopkeepers because they knew, or were able to learn, the languages of the settlers, or because many had taken part in small independent businesses back in the old country.7 Anoth- er reason may be that Jewish immigrants assumed they would be subject to discrimination if they sought work with gentile employers. In Montreal, where many took jobs with Jewish bosses, they did not have to worry about discrimination and were free to observe the Jewish sabbath and holy days; on the other hand, they were obliged to work long hours under poor working conditions for relatively low pay.8 It is not surprising, therefore, that for many job-seekers any form of self- employment, no matter how far afield, would be deemed preferable to wage slavery in a factory.

COMMUNITY ORIGINS In some respects, the situation in Sherbrooke of the 1870s and 1880s resembled that in the West. The Eastern Townships, though no longer a frontier region, was undergoing rapid population growth as French- Canadians moved into the region to work in the asbestos, copper mining, pulp, paper, and textile industries, or to take up farming. As the census reveals, by 1871 Sherbrooke had a French-Canadian majority. Sherbrooke was at the centre of the Townships’ economy because of its hydro-electric power facilities and burgeoning textile industries; it was also on the main rail line from Montreal to Portland, Maine. By 1891, it had a population of 8,500, almost double what it was in 1871. This rapid growth presented an opportunity for the bold, resourceful, and energetic to open shops and businesses.9 Who were the founders of the Jewish community of Sherbrooke? During the 1870s, there were five Jewish adult males resident in Sher- brooke: an advocate, a tailor, and three merchants, one of whom ran a general store and news agency, while the other two focused on clothing, shoes, or dry goods.10 However, these men departed well before the official founding of the congregation in 1907.11 The city directories and census reveal that in the 1880s, there were eleven adult Jewish males resident in Sherbrooke,12 more than enough to constitute a minyan (the ten adult Jewish males needed to hold a prayer service). According to these sources, the Jewish population consisted of a bookkeeper, a pedlar, a merchant tailor, a clerk, a general store owner, and six clothing, shoe, or dry goods merchants. Only two of these men, Joseph Rosenbloom and Thomas Vineberg, were still present when the Congregation was legally constituted in 1907.13 In the next few years, the community grew to roughly twenty adult males, most of whom were accompanied by wives and children. We Michael Benazon 23

now find one tailor, one bookkeeper, one student, two pedlars, two clerks, two people with unidentified professions, three junk dealers, and eight retail merchants specializing in clothing, shoes, and dry goods. Men who began as clerks or pedlars were only a few years later operating shops on Wellington Street in the heart of downtown Sher- brooke.14 Those who did not advance their careers apparently left the community.15 Thus we can deduce that, almost from the start, the Sherbrooke Jewish community was relatively prosperous. To the Sher- brooke core may be added the scattering of Jews living in Lennoxville, Compton, Coaticook, Megantic, Thetford Mines, Windsor, and other nearby small towns, who would get together with their Sherbrooke brethren for the important religious services.16 By the mid-1890s, we have in place the founders of the congregation, together with other people who could constitute a minyan and who were in a position, materially and spiritually, to support the future community. In the first decade of the twentieth century, the period when the land for the cemetery was purchased and the congregation established, we find sixty-three male householders listed in the census, the city directories, and the Synagogue Register.17 The community was by this time much more diversified. It consisted of one man who acted as rabbi, shochet (ritual slaughterer) and cantor, a clerk, an upholsterer, a shoemaker, an employee, a watchmaker, a jeweller, a student, a clothes cleaner, two furniture dealers, two grocers, nine scrap metal or junk dealers, nine people with unidentified professions, ten tailors, ten merchants (mainly shoes, clothing, or dry goods), and thirteen pedlars.18 The relatively large number of those with unidentified trades, pedlars, and junk dealers probably reflects the sudden immigration of men who often had no clear profession, no capital, and an imperfect mastery of English and French. Given the influx of people, the founders were justified in establishing a congregation on 7 May 1907;19 it would only be a matter of time before they were ready to abandon their rented quarters in the Griffith Block on Dufferin Street and build a synagogue. What was the nature of the old Sherbrooke Jewish community? Its origins are similar to the beginnings of other small Jewish communities in Canada. In at least one respect, however, its situation was a little different and deserves some comment. This difference has to do with the ethnic mix in Sherbrooke. In the 1870s, when the first Jews arrived, Sherbrooke had just acquired a French-speaking majority. Nonetheless, as Ronald Rudin explains, political and economic control remained for some years in the hands of the English-speaking elite.20 As they had done in Montreal, the Jews set out to learn English and to 24 JOURNAL OF EASTERN TOWNSHIPS STUDIES

send their children to the English Protestant schools. Since many of their customers were French-speaking, the Jewish pedlars, traders, and merchants learned as much French as would permit them to conduct their businesses successfully. Yet there was no doubt that, culturally speaking, the Jews were aligning themselves with the powerful Eng- lish-speaking minority; and within a few years of their arrival, they settled side by side with the English-speakers in the middle-class North Ward of Sherbrooke.21 According to the census, those Jews who settled in Sherbrooke during the 1870s and 1880s were born in such places as Russia, Poland, Prussia, and the United States; yet the Synagogue Register reveals that they had lived for some years elsewhere in Quebec or Eastern Ontario before they drifted to Sherbrooke.22 In general, these early settlers do not appear to have been related to each other. However, Joseph Rosenbloom (arr. 1890) and Thomas Vineberg (arr. 1898) became brothers-in-law around 1896.23 Kinship, as we shall see, was to become an important factor in attracting people to Sherbrooke and inducing them to stay. Thomas Vineberg stayed on for another twenty-five years, while Rosenbloom remained for the rest of his life. Inter- estingly, when Rosenbloom finally married in 1905, his choice fell on Anna Leah Aronowsky, the adopted daughter of Judah Lyon Vineberg (arr. c. 1890),24 head of the first of the three Vineberg families to arrive in Sherbrooke.25 To this point, Jewish migration to Sherbrooke had a rather hap- hazard, fortuitous quality to it. The pattern began to change with the arrival of Moses and Leah Echenberg and their two oldest children in 1893. The following summary of Moses’ life is derived from the Echenberg family history written by Myron Echenberg and Ruth Tannenbaum for their family reunion in 1986.26 Like the other early Sherbrooke Jews, Moses had been in Canada for several years, first in Lancaster, Ontario, and then in Montreal. Once he had accumulated enough money, he sent for his fiancée, Leah Smith, and they were married in Montreal in 1888, where his first two children were born.27 Moses and Leah were the first of a veritable horde of settlers from Ostropol, a small town in Volynia, in the heart of the Russian Ukraine. The atmosphere and living conditions in Ostropol in the second half of the nineteenth century are very well described by Echen- berg and Tannenbaum.28 Ostropol had a typical shtetl (an East European Jewish village community). Under Czarist rule, the Jews were subject to systematic discrimination, pauperization, and arbi- trary conscription to the Russian army. Though history does not Michael Benazon 25

record any pogroms or organized attacks on the Jews of Ostropol, it is clear they had good reason to fear that sooner or later they too would be the victims of anti-semitic violence. It is hardly surprising, therefore, that so many of the Echenbergs were to follow the example of Moses and Leah and leave for the new world. Ostropol was also typical in its devotion to Jewish learning. The men received good Jew- ish educations, and they took their Orthodoxy for granted. But there were some, including Moses Echenberg, who, by hook or by crook, had received some secular education and were therefore more open to the secular, democratic way of life they found in the new world. Moses Echenberg’s family were balabatim, i.e. people of “status and authority in the shtetl …, leaders of Jewish life and especially of the obligation or mitzvah of charity.”29 Moses felt an obligation to become part of the community in which he had settled, which had treated him correctly and had enabled him to become prosperous in a relatively short period. One mark of this sense of social obligation, which also demonstrated the respect accorded him by the gentile community, was Moses’ appointment as Justice of the Peace; his ties to the Liberal Party are another indication of his integration into the wider community.30 The circumstances of Moses’ arrival in Sherbrooke are somewhat different from those of his contemporaries. Having tried Montreal, Moses and Leah attempted to live out a long-term aspiration by buying a farm near Danville in 1891. Unfortunately the venture failed, and Moses and Leah drifted to nearby Sherbrooke in 1893. He began as a pedlar, while his wife ran a second-hand clothing and furniture shop from a shed behind their home close to the river, on what is today King Street East.31 It is surely not by coincidence that Moses arrived in Sherbrooke at the same time as his wife’s brother, Isaac Smith. Obviously a close relationship existed between the two families. When, in 1898–99, Moses made what he thought would be a permanent move to the United States, he turned over both his home and his second-hand warehouse at 12 Bridge Street to Isaac Smith, as the city directory reveals.32 Moses was not fully established when, in 1894, he sponsored his brother’s immigration to Canada. Menassa, twenty- three years old and unmarried, presumably left Ostropol to avoid military conscription. Menassa married in Montreal and lived for about three years in St. Hyacinthe.33 However, he returned to Sherbrooke in 1900 and opened a junk business.34 He was therefore in a position to invite Moses back to Sherbrooke to begin again. By 1901, the two brothers and their families were living together and working as partners in the business. 26 JOURNAL OF EASTERN TOWNSHIPS STUDIES

Thus Moses was closely connected to two of the future founders and leaders of the nascent Jewish community of Sherbrooke. Throughout his life Moses was tireless in his efforts to extricate all his relatives from Ostropol and settle them in Sherbrooke. It was not only the Echenbergs who arrived in a continuous stream up to 1922, but also other families linked to them by marriage—the Blitts, Budnings, Kushners, Smiths, and Weinsteins, as well as a number of friends and acquaintances. What this meant in terms of population origin is best summarized by Echenberg and Tannenbaum: In the early 1920s the Echenberg extended family probably included 75 persons, while approximately 75 more Jewish residents of Sherbrooke were landsleit [fellow townsmen] from Ostropol; thus fully 150 of the 265 Sherbrooke Jews could trace their origins to Ostropol.35 And so Ostropol was reincarnated on the banks of the St. Francis River. By November 1906 Moses was sufficiently prosperous to afford the purchase of land for a community cemetery (which five years later he sold to the Congregation). According to the Synagogue records, the Agudath Achim Congregation was organized on 26 March 1907. When, in May 1907, it obtained legal recognition, Moses Echenberg was named as one of the trustees. His brother-in-law, Isaac Smith, was elected chairman. Also serving were two other members of the extended Echenberg family, Max Weinstein and Jacob Echenberg, thus “indicating the degree to which the Echenbergs had come to dominate Jewish affairs in Sherbrooke.”36 We might well ask how the Jews were received by the majority gentile community. Unfortunately, it is not possible to fully answer this question. There is nobody alive today who can testify to the reception of the first Jewish settlers in Sherbrooke, nor are there any public or Synagogue records that throw much illumination on the subject. It is nonetheless possible to make a few observations based partly on practice elsewhere and partly on a single, all-too-brief comment dating back to 1907. In the first place, compared to the situation in Eastern Europe at the turn of the century, it is clear that Canada was a model of enlight- enment, decency, and democracy, and the Jews were quick to acknowledge their good fortune. However, the initial Canadian will- ingness to open the immigration gates in 1896 to the peoples of East- ern Europe was followed by a nasty, vociferous racism, evidence for which exists right across Canada during this period.37 The effects of Michael Benazon 27

this racism would be greater or lesser depending on the local situation. Thus, in an expanding market, the Jewish shop owner might not find himself in direct competition with the gentile shop owner; consequently, there were fewer reasons for ethnic tensions. There appears, moreover, to have been an unwritten, unspoken agreement that Jews were free to enter the scrap business, the men’s and women’s retail clothing trade, and several related enterprises, while staying out of such occupations as hardware, machinery, dairy products, and most service trades. We can conclude from Morley Torgov’s account of life in Sault Ste. Marie that some small towns were riddled with racism during the first four decades of this century, but the racism was not necessarily direct- ed against Jews, particularly if they were a small community and kept a low profile. In his description of Sault Ste. Marie, Torgov points out that the east-end “Anglo-Saxons” were locked into a fierce struggle with the west-end Italians, and that the latter had little love for their neighbours the Ukrainians. In this situation, the forty or so Jewish families of Sault Ste. Marie were hardly noticed, and as long as they remained in the downtown core, they were left in peace.38 A similar situation existed in Sherbrooke, a town founded by Eng- lish-speaking people which almost from the start proved attractive to French-Canadians seeking employment in the burgeoning industries. With the English- and French-Canadians locked in a struggle for political control of the city,39 there would be little point in either side trying to bully the small Jewish community—especially since it was ready to adopt English and support the Protestant School Board. We may further note that, as in Sault Ste. Marie, the Jewish community at first occupied the town centre, close to where its businesses were located. Thus there was no direct challenge to English exclusiveness in living arrangements. In other places, Montreal for example, both the English- and the French-speaking populations were capable of anti-semitic attitudes and actions, and the Jewish ghetto felt squeezed between two powerful exclusive communities, a situation that continued well into the 1950s.40 During the period of the 1870s and 1880s, practically all the Jewish businesses were situated on Wellington Street in the downtown core. The residences were for the most part located just a few metres farther along on the same street. The three families which did not reside on Wellington lived nearby. It would appear that in this period the Jews wished to live close to each other in rented premises, not far from their businesses.41 Despite the usually positive account the Sherbrooke Jews give of 28 JOURNAL OF EASTERN TOWNSHIPS STUDIES

their reception by the gentile community, there is one hint of a negative reaction when the Jews set out to found their own community. Writing in one of the Congress historical pamphlets, B.G. Sack observes: In cases where tiny communities of Jews were suddenly faced by a rapid expansion, problems were bound to arise. In Sherbrooke, for instance, where in 1907 there were one hundred Jewish souls, it was necessary to institute legal proceedings to obtain permission to organize a congregation. The step was finally taken at a meeting presided over by a non-Jew, following a court injunction. The congregation thus founded was the Agudath Achim.42 It has not been possible to find any confirmation of this possibly hos- tile step on the part of local authorities. The French-language newspaper of the time, Le Progrès de l’Est, merely reports on 2 April 1907 that the advocate, John Leonard, presented une requête à M. le juge Hutchinson, au nom des Juifs de notre ville, pour leur obtenir la permission d’organiser une congréga- tion et ériger un synode. La requête a été accordée. M. J.-P. Royer a été nommé président d’une assemblée qui sera tenue le 7 courant, dans le bureau de M. Leonard, pour la nomination de 5 syndics.43 In its edition of 8 May 1907, the Sherbrooke Daily Record gives a somewhat more generous coverage to the event and names the five trustees. In neither paper is there any hint of opposition to the establishment of a Jewish congregation, though it is clear that the chairman of the first meeting was not indeed Jewish. While there may well have been some behind-the-scenes opposition which compelled the budding Jewish community to seek a court injunction, it seems equally clear that there were decent people who were prepared to respect freedom of assembly. Despite a search through court records, it was not possible to find any further evidence of legal obstruction. Cer- tainly the newspapers of the time were not shy about printing racist slurs and cartoons referring to Chinese and Japanese immigrants as well as to the “dregs” of Europe,44 but neither the French nor the Eng- lish Sherbrooke newspapers indulged in anti-semitic slurs. The impression that the Jewish community of Sherbrooke lived in peace with its gentile neighbours is strengthened, if not explicitly confirmed, by sympathetic accounts in the Sherbrooke Daily Record of a double wedding and a festive box social held by the Hebrew Ladies’ Aid in 1906.45 Had the community felt uneasy, the celebrants would Michael Benazon 29

probably not have invited the local press to cover these events. It is clear, moreover, that from its inception in 1889, the Sherbrooke Board of Trade (later renamed the Chamber of Commerce) welcomed the presence of Jewish merchants.46

THE COMMUNITY TO WORLD WAR II 1907–1920 It would be interesting to present a detailed account of the Sherbrooke Jewish community from its formal establishment in 1907 through its years of maximum expansion and on into its gradual decline. Regret- tably, the absence of comprehensive membership lists makes it difficult to establish exactly who the Synagogue members were and precisely when and why the membership began to decline. Using the decennial census totals, the sociologist Louis Rosenberg claimed that the Sherbrooke community attained its maximum in 1921 with a total Jewish population of 265 souls.47 The census figures do not of course reveal who was a Synagogue member, nor do Rosen- berg’s figures include another half dozen or so families living in the neighbouring towns, several of whom were active Synagogue members. We must also take into account 1) the high turnover rate, which meant that the Jewish population could fluctuate from year to year, and 2) the proclivity of some small-town Jews to retain synagogue membership privileges in a larger centre like Montreal. My own figures suggest that there were roughly 83 heads of households resident in the Sherbrooke area between 1911 and 1920.48 These estimates provide a rough confirmation of Rosenberg’s figures, with the usual caveat that not all Jewish householders were necessarily Synagogue members. Both sets of figures reveal that by 1920 the Sherbrooke Jewish community had acquired a sufficient population to justify the building of a synagogue. The Synagogue minutes book indicates that the community began its fund-raising for the building in October 1916.49 The trustees first acquired a property on downtown Frontenac Street,50 but for some reason changed their minds. They then chose a site on Mon- treal Street, on the edge of the Old North English-speaking residential area where the more affluent members of the Jewish community were in the process of establishing their homes. Napoléon Audet, a local architect, was hired to design the structure.51 The neo-classical style is a little unusual; it implies that Congregation Agudath Achim sought to trace its origin to the foundations of Western civilization rather than to the traditions and norms of Eastern Europe, where most of the congregants had originated. It is perhaps not by chance that the Greek 30 JOURNAL OF EASTERN TOWNSHIPS STUDIES

revival design echoes the style of the prestigious Plymouth Trinity United Church prominently located at the bottom of Montreal Street. Significantly, two senior personalities of the Conservative Shaar Hashomayim Synagogue of Montreal attended the laying of the cor- nerstone on 9 November 1920.52 Congregation Agudath Achim, under the leadership of Joseph Rosenbloom, assisted by Moses and Menassa Echenberg, was thus allying itself to the most prestigious as well as the wealthiest Jewish synagogue in Canada.

1920–1940 In these early and middle years of the Sherbrooke Jewish community, the Echenbergs and their relatives displayed an intense commitment to the synagogue and its allied institutions. One after the other, the Echenberg men dominated the Synagogue executive just as their wives dominated the Ladies’ Aid and Hadassah. Menassa Echenberg, for example, was congregational president from 1916 to 1920 and from 1926 to 1943.53 This fidelity to place applies even to the cemetery, where row on serried row of Echenbergs assert their presence on into perpetuity. Echenberg and Tannenbaum stress that as balabatim, that is, community leaders, the Echenbergs of the inter-war era took part in a wide range of community activities: the men belonged to various civic service clubs, and two of the Echenberg women, Leah and Rebec- ca, were prominent members of the Imperial Order of the Daughters of the Empire. The Echenbergs had close connections to the Liberal Party, at both the provincial and the federal levels. Bertha and Rebec- ca Echenberg were students at Macdonald College in Montreal, and their younger sister Bessie was a graduate of Bishop’s University. The moment of glory for this branch of the Echenbergs was that day in 1939 when Sam Echenberg (he who later became known as Colonel Sam) and his sister Rebecca were presented to the King and Queen on their visit to Canada, shortly before the outbreak of World War II.54 Prosperous and confident in the future, the Canadian Echenbergs encouraged their remaining relatives in Ostropol to join them in Sher- brooke—often paying for their tickets and providing employment for them when they arrived. By 1922, the last of the Echenbergs had abandoned Ostropol.55 One of the remarkable characteristics of Jewish life in Sherbrooke was family interconnectedness. As we have seen, the Rosenblooms were related to two branches of the Vineberg family. The Echenbergs were related to a host of others: the Blitts, Budnings, Cohens, Cresses, Horns, Kitners, Kushners, Linds, Holdengrabers, Niloffs, Shriars, Slaters, Smiths, Michael Benazon 31

Vinebergs, and Weinsteins, to mention only the most obvious. The same phenomenon, though to a lesser degree, is to be seen in some of the other Jewish clans. These family connections obviously had much to do with attracting people to Sherbrooke and holding them there through kinship, social ties, and employment possibilities.56 Some of these ties were shaken and disrupted by the impact of the Depression. If a business failed, the proprietor might choose to start anew in another community rather than soldier on in Sherbrooke. However, the Sherbrooke Jewish community appears to have escaped the worst effects of the Depression by a stroke of luck, when Sam Rubin decided to relocate his clothing factory in Sherbrooke. It is not, unfortunately, a very edifying tale. The Rubin factory in Montreal employed mainly Jewish workers. In 1936, these workers were prepar- ing to unionize. To forestall them, Sam Rubin decided to move the plant to Sherbrooke, where he knew he would find a more docile, more stoical labour force. In a letter written to A.J. Freiman on 3 December 1936, H.M. Caiserman, speaking for the Canadian Jew- ish Congress, expressed his consternation: You probably know that the firm R. has decided to move their plant to Sherbrooke Que., thus putting three hundred Jewish families on the street. I understand that Rabbi Abramovitz has used his influence to persuade Mr. R. from taking such a step. I also understand that the Minister of Labour of the Province of Quebec has promised to recommend that the agreement between Mr. R. and the Sher- brooke municipality should not be confirmed.57 The move nonetheless went forward. Rubin appointed his brother Jack as manager; a number of other Montreal Jews followed him over the years to Sherbrooke, where they worked as managers, salesmen, skilled workers, or foremen overseeing a French-Canadian workforce. Rubin provided employment for close to twenty-five Jewish men who settled into Sherbrooke with their families; the majority soon became ardent, if not permanently committed, members of their adopted community.58 Most of these men were not earning high salaries, and they may have felt somewhat out of place in the predominantly middle-class Jewish community that emerged in Sherbrooke, especially after World War II. Perhaps their low status partly explains the relatively high turnover of Rubin’s Jewish employees. Several, however, became executive members of the Synagogue59 and of the local B’nai B’rith Lodge;60 their wives played equally important roles in the Ladies’ Aid and Hadassah.61 32 JOURNAL OF EASTERN TOWNSHIPS STUDIES

The principal jobs on the Synagogue executive were held by the most prosperous members of the community. These were the men who had a stake in the community and whose business acumen was needed to manage the sometimes complex financial affairs of the Syn- agogue. Needless to say, they could be counted on to contribute gen- erously to the Synagogue, later to the annual drives for War Relief, and later still to the Bond and United Jewish Appeal drives. Their wives in the Ladies’ Aid and Hadassah were even more involved in fund-raising activities. Little wonder then that a Synagogue president was chosen for his generosity, his business skills, and his energy, forcefulness, and dedication, rather than for his learning. Though newcomers were sometimes drawn into the Synagogue executives, by and large the same men were re-elected year after year, although not always to the same positions.62 The Synagogue was nominally Orthodox. This allegiance can no doubt be traced back to the wish of the original settlers to maintain the traditions they had grown up with in Ostropol. But of course there was a different reality in Canada, which gnawed away at a strictly Orthodox outlook. For one thing, some of the early Jewish settlers were mildly secular in their views, ready to co-operate with the gentile community. The signal for this approach was provided by Moses Echenberg himself, a strong anglophile who encouraged members of his family to take part in the affairs of the wider community. It is also clear that the Jewish education provided by the Synagogue could do no more than teach the boys to take part in the prayer service. Since relatively little learning took place after Bar Mitzvah at age thirteen, the new leadership was not well educated in Jewish lore. Many of the congregants maintained kashrut (Jewish dietary laws) at home, but outside the home it was another story. The Synagogue minutes books record the repeated pleas of various frus- trated rabbis calling for Synagogue attendance on Saturday mornings. People would come to a Bar Mitzvah service, but apart from special occa- sions it was difficult to tear the men away from their businesses. So in fact Agudath Achim was closer to Conservative Judaism than to Ortho- doxy. Why then didn’t the Synagogue officials select Conservative rabbis who would provide a more appropriate orientation? One answer is that no self-respecting Conservative rabbi was willing to work for the salary the congregation was prepared to offer him.63 Since the Orthodox rabbi, cantor, shochet, or Hebrew teacher would work for next to nothing, Con- gregation Agudath Achim remained steadfastly and resolutely Ortho- dox. Meanwhile, members of the community prospered in the retail trade. Roughly half the shops on Wellington North from the 1920s Michael Benazon 33

to the 1950s were run by Jews—many of whom were Echenbergs. The principal businesses were men’s and women’s clothing shops, but Jews were also involved in the sale of furniture, scrap metal, shoes, and furs. The directories indicate the presence of several pedlars, tailors, and employees, as well as a sprinkling of clerks, grocers, doctors, salesmen, dressmakers, students, and managers.64 It seems that nobody in those days admitted to being unemployed. As noted earlier, the first Jewish settlers maintained their residences above or very close to their shops on Wellington Street in downtown Sherbrooke. In the 1890s and early 1900s, we find that several Jewish merchants set up shops and residences on such streets as Alexander and Gillespie, in a residential area not far from the downtown core. The frequent changes of address suggest that people were working and living in rented property, and they changed addresses as their for- tunes improved or their family size increased.65 Joseph Rosenbloom was one of the first to move to the north end of the city. In the second decade of the century he was followed by Moses Echenberg and a couple of others. But it is during the 1920s that the affluent members of the community began to shift to the newly developed North Ward, where the English-speaking middle class was also settling. The migration continued even during the 1930s and was largely completed by the end of the 1940s.66

WORLD WAR II The Sherbrooke Jewish community had reason to be proud of its war effort. Though accurate figures are not available, anecdotal evidence indicates that the enlistment rate was very high. This was no doubt partly due to patriotic fervour in the anglophone community. The young Jewish men would have identified with the feelings of their gentile friends and classmates. In addition, there was the example of Sam Echenberg, the second highest-ranking Jewish officer to emerge from World War II. As Echenberg and Tannenbaum explain, Sam quit McGill at the beginning of World War I, to volunteer for overseas duty as an enlisted man. He served in France and by war’s end in 1918 had been promoted to sergeant. On his return to Sherbrooke, Sam devoted far more energy to his military vocation in the militia reserves than he did to his job as salesman in the furniture store. His rise in the reserves was remarkable, to captain, major, and finally, colonel and com- mander of the Sherbrooke regiment…. Many of the Jewish men of Sherbrooke served under Sam in the regiment, and, after 1939, saw active duty.67 34 JOURNAL OF EASTERN TOWNSHIPS STUDIES

Sam Echenberg’s presence and example showed the way for the young Jewish men of Sherbrooke. The adult community responded to the war and its effects on Euro- pean Jewry by participating in efforts to raise money for the United Jewish Refugee and War Relief Agencies. The correspondence between Abe Bronfman in Montreal and Menassa Echenberg in Sherbrooke shows that the campaign was under way as early as 1940 with Menas- sa as chairman. The correspondence does not reveal how much money was actually collected each year, though it does suggest that the amounts ranged from as low as $2 to as high as $300 for wealthy men like Joseph Rosenbloom. Menassa evidently had some trouble in inducing people to part with their money—perhaps because in 1940–1941 the consequences for the Jews of a German victory were still uncertain.68 The war came close to the Jews of Sherbrooke in one other respect. In 1940, the British Government decided to arrest so-called enemy aliens and then to transport them to Canada where they could be interned. Among these detainees were a number of German-Jewish young men whose parents had sent them to England to escape Nazi persecution. The Canadian Government hastily established several internment camps, one of which was located in Sherbrooke. Many of these internees were Jewish. They spent the next two years perfecting their English and educating themselves. The camp commandant occasionally called on Becky Echenberg to deal with the problems affecting the Jewish prisoners. She was apparently successful in arranging for two youths, Fred Kaufman and Eli Morgenstern, to be adopted by the Mittleman and Vineberg families and educated in the local schools.69 Fred Kaufman later became a Justice of the Quebec Supreme Court. Unfortunately another young man died in the camp in 1941 and was buried in the Sherbrooke Jewish cemetery.70

THE POST-WAR ERA The late 1940s and early 1950s were happy years for the Sherbrooke Jewish community. The people were prosperous and secure. It seemed to be a good time to build an addition to the Synagogue. The congregation felt it needed classrooms for the Talmud Torah (a day school for Jewish children). And why not, at the same time, add a hall and kitchen for receptions, banquets, shows, etc., as well as meeting rooms for the Synagogue executive and B’nai B’rith? In the end, it was decided to build a two-storey addition for a cost of $50,391.71 In retrospect, there appear to have been some warning signs that were not heeded. How many classrooms, after all, would really be Michael Benazon 35

needed for the small number of children who would attend the school? The community was not increasing in size; people were not becoming more religious; and, more ominously, a number of members were defaulting on their membership fees and failing to make good on financial pledges they had made. Nonetheless, the project went forward, and in May 1955, amidst fanfare and high hopes, the new addition was formally inaugurated.72 At first all went well. Through various appeals and fund-raising strategies, the building was paid for. But then in 1956 a disaster struck the community: Sam Rubin sold his factory to an American company; the next year, as the Quebec clothing and textile industry began its slow decline, the American owners decided to shut down their Sher- brooke operation,73 and the workers had to look elsewhere for employment. Most of the remaining Jewish employees left town. The Synagogue minutes book records the loss of eight members, two through death.74 Clearly the collapse of Rubin’s meant immediate res- ignations from the Synagogue. On 26 October 1958, the General Meeting decided to raise pew rentals and weekly payments as Syna- gogue expenses “skyrocketed.”75 In the years that followed, the executive had to wrestle with a drop in attendance at the general meetings, lack of a minyan at Saturday morning services, dissatisfac- tion with the incumbent rabbi, rising heating and maintenance costs, and on-going difficulties in the collecting of dues and pledges.76 After 1960, the Synagogue minutes book ceases to report the losses and gains in membership, but members lost through death and out-migration were not being replaced by newcomers. Various ways of raising revenues were discussed and implemented. Expenses were cut by hiring a Hebrew teacher and cantor instead of a rabbi. Nonetheless, the costs continued to rise at a time when there were fewer people around to pay the bills. Even more disturbing was the decline of Jewish businesses in Sherbrooke, for these people had been the financial backbone of the community. In the late 1960s and early 1970s, there was a small influx of Jewish doctors, teachers, and researchers who worked in the local universities, colleges, and hospi- tals. Although the majority of them became Synagogue members, they did not have the commitment to the Synagogue that the businessmen had. It was partly an unfamiliarity with small-town ways and partly a sense that the Synagogue belonged to the oldtimers rather than to the newcomers. By the late 1970s, the Synagogue had ceased to hire even a Hebrew teacher, and a cantor was asked to offi- ciate only on high holy days, or for special events.77 The sale of the building began to be discussed in the late 1970s, but 36 JOURNAL OF EASTERN TOWNSHIPS STUDIES the Synagogue executive, reluctant to surrender an institution their parents and grandparents had worked so hard to build, and ever hopeful of a membership renewal, postponed the evil day. The building was put up for sale in 1978, but to the consternation of the executive, no buyer could at first be found. Finally in August 1983, the unthinkable was overtaken by the inevitable: the Synagogue was sold to the Pentecostal Church. By this time it was too late to consider moving into smaller pre - mises. The bulk of the older community had left. Those who stayed on were a mixed group of oldtimers, middle-aged professionals, and a number of men and women with gentile partners. The younger people, who had children to educate, also had the energy, resourceful- ness, and knowledge to undertake the education of their children by themselves. With little money but with lots of enthusiasm, they organized Sunday School classes in their homes and arranged community gatherings or parties at Bishop’s University to celebrate Hanukah and Purim. Disinclined to follow traditional religious procedures and con- ventional Jewish practices, these men and women participated equally in organizing the programme and teaching the children. The result was an interesting interlude of parent-child cultural and educational activity that was rewarding to all who took part in it. Unfortunately, once the children reached thirteen, the parents ceased to have the same concern; and, in any case, the numbers of Jewish professionals in the Sherbrooke area began to decline as diminishing career opportunities, a limited social life, and the desire to further their children’s educational and social prospects induced people in mid-career to seek employment elsewhere.78 This informal group (they never believed it necessary to elect an executive) ran the show from about 1983 to 1990. Since then, the remnant of the community has functioned on two levels. The Agu- dath Achim Congregation, existing as a legal entity, operates the local cemetery from Montreal. One of the last of the oldtimers still records the occasional burial in the Synagogue Register. On another level, interested people organize a yearly Hanukah celebration, usually in somebody’s home. All the known or declared Jews of the Sherbrooke area, their spouses and children, are invited for a festive meal. The last such gathering in 1996 drew together roughly two dozen adults and children.79

It is difficult, awkward, and unsatisfying to attempt an assessment of the achievements or contributions that an ethnic group makes to the wider community of which it is a part. Clearly certain individuals, Michael Benazon 37

irrespective of their community affiliation and ethnic origin, are attracted to community activities while others are not. In part, community involvement is determined by a person’s wealth, status, upbringing, education, string of social contacts, and amount of leisure time available. A new immigrant is likely to have only a short supply of these no doubt desirable attributes. He or she may not feel at ease with a group of citizens who have known each other for years, and they in turn may not welcome the input of someone they regard as an outsider or stranger, who is unfamiliar with the local conventions or rules that govern social interaction, and whose command of the dominant language is more than likely deficient. Consequently, it would not be reasonable to expect that the early Sherbrooke Jewish community should have a distinguished record of community involvement. These people were too busy trying to make a living in what must have been to them a very foreign environment. Also, given the anti-semitism that many of the early settlers had per- sonally experienced in the old country and the more modern forms of anti-semitism that erupted in the 1930s and 1940s, it is little wonder that some of the oldtimers, if questioned, will admit to a profound distrust of their gentile neighbours.80 This being said, it is noteworthy, perhaps even remarkable, that the Jewish community did interact with and contribute to the wider community in a variety of ways and relatively early in its history. We have noted that Jewish merchants were members of the local Board of Trade as early as 1889. We have also seen that Moses Echenberg, his wife, and his children served as examples of what could be done in Sherbrooke, but they were not the only ones. Leah Rosenbloom was active in the Red Cross, the IODE, and the Victorian Order of Nurses, and served as pianist for the Gaelic Society and the ladies’ section of the Sherbrooke Snowshoe Club.81 Her husband Joe was a charter member of the Sherbrooke Rotary Club82 and their son Lewis was, for many years, its president. The younger generation, those born in Sherbrooke, attended local schools, participated equally in the various activities for young people—Brownies, Cubs, Girl Guides, Scouts, etc.—and often distinguished themselves as athletes, debaters, student leaders, and scholars.83 Many of them formed close attachments with their gentile classmates, and these sometimes developed into lifelong friendships.84 The Jewish young people gave of themselves and in turn were enriched by a familiarity and understanding of the nature of Canadi- an life that was unavailable to Montreal Jewish youths who tended to associate with their co-religionists in and out of school. 38 JOURNAL OF EASTERN TOWNSHIPS STUDIES

Though most members of the community were retailers or employees of S. Rubin, there was a sprinkling of professionals: doctors, pharmacists, and later on researchers and teachers. Here it is difficult to measure contributions. Can we legitimately argue that a doctor or a teacher contributes more to a well-ordered society than a farmer, a journalist, a plumber, a businessman, or a factory worker? The people who labour in these various occupations rarely do so for strictly altruistic reasons, and the contribution they make depends on their individual energy, imagination, and talent. The members of the Jewish community were law-abiding, decent, responsible people, devoted to their families and to their synagogue. They gave something back to Sherbrooke; but, just as important, the English-speaking community was tolerant, welcoming, and fair-minded to the strangers in their midst. They created the conditions that made the Jews of Sherbrooke feel they were valued and respected.

THE DISAPPEARANCE OF THE SHERBROOKE JEWISH COMMUNITY As the figures assembled by Louis Rosenberg reveal, the decline of the Sherbrooke Jewish community began in the 1920s.85 It climaxed on 31 July 1983, with the sale of the Synagogue. The virtual disappearance of the community is part of a country-wide trend that has been going on since World War II. This period has seen the decline of man- ufacturing and industrial enterprises located in small towns and their displacement either to the cities or to other countries. Retail outlets of all kinds that once characterized Jewish business enterprise, particularly in small towns, were increasingly challenged by chain stores and shopping malls in the post-war years.86 Some Jewish businessmen began to transfer their shops to the cities at the end of World War II, while others decided to create new enterprises in the larger centres. Nowhere is the process of small-town depopulation more obvious than in Quebec. Smaller centres throughout the province have been losing ground as the ambitious and the unemployed seek work in the cities. The textile industry, which once flourished in the Eastern Townships, has all but disappeared. As we have seen, the collapse of Rubin’s textile factory in the late 1950s meant that a number of Jews associated with this enterprise were forced to look elsewhere for work; thus at one stroke roughly 20% of the Jewish community was forced out. Furthermore, having traditionally aligned itself in language and culture with the anglophones, the Jewish community was dismayed to discover that anglophone culture in Sherbrooke was disappearing and that as a result it would be increasingly isolated. Michael Benazon 39

It is also clear that Canadian Jews have consistently sought out urban centres where they can more easily lead a Jewish life. If, in the early part of this century, numbers of Jews established themselves in small towns all across Canada, it was a case of economic considera- tions taking precedence over social and religious imperatives. It is therefore not surprising that many Jews began their move to the cities during the 1940s and 1950s, when economic opportunities were good. Parents often made the move in mid-career in order for their children to receive a Jewish education and make Jewish friends in the big city. These parents were opposed to assimilation and wanted their children to associate with Jewish youth, among whom a suitable mate would eventually be found. Even when parents remained in the small town, they encouraged their children to pursue their studies in the cities and to marry there. Given the low Jewish birthrate, there were usually not more than two or three children per family, and if the son or sons pursued an education, there would be no one to take over the family business. When the parents were ready to retire, they usually sold the shop to a gentile and followed their children to the cities. These trends have recently been exacerbated in Quebec by the rise of Quebec separatism. Nervous about the possible effects of ethnic nationalism, many Jews have left Quebec for points west and south. It is hardly surprising that most of the Jews of Sherbrooke have done the same thing. The young, the ambitious, and the educated leave. Those who have businesses that cannot easily be moved, who have safe jobs, or who are waiting for retirement bide their time. As long as Bishop’s University, Champlain College, and Université de Sher- brooke flourish, a tiny remnant of Jewish academics will hang on, but if we may judge by recent experience, most of them will leave the area when they retire. The last word belongs to Dr. Eli Einbinder of New York, who was born and spent his formative years in Sherbrooke. He retains the fondest of memories for the people and the town he left behind. In his 1994 speech to the graduating class at the local high school, he put his finger on the underlying ambiguity that gnawed away at the heart of the Sherbrooke Jewish community: I was part of an organized Jewish community that really has ceased to exist. It consisted of families most of whose parents were first generation Canadians although some were immigrants themselves. In truth, they would have all preferred to live in a metropolis with more Jewish life, but economic necessity or opportunity found them living here, working, and raising families. Although they felt that they lived in an environment where 40 JOURNAL OF EASTERN TOWNSHIPS STUDIES

they were somewhat excluded, it is also the opposite that was true. They were pretty clannish, and especially after the war, they had considerable anxiety about the safety of having to do much with the non-Jewish communities around them. There were a few exceptions, but generally I believe this description is accurate. Their message to their children was simple—you should work hard and study and be successful and move to the big city and marry Jewish girls. The pressure, as you can imag- ine, was horrendous. Here we youngsters were, surrounded by beautiful country and lakes and people, but our commitments were to be temporary from the beginning. In a sense, this was a way station for immigrants or immigrants’ children waiting to fufill what they thought must be their destiny. We were dis- couraged, to put it mildly, from planning a long-term future here. Well, a psychologist might say that our parents were doing to us—quite unconsciously—what their and their fathers’ fates had done to them—raising us to think of the majority community as unwelcoming and to plan on leaving what was, in the larger picture, a place on the way to somewhere else.87 And leave they did.

RESUME L’étude retrace l’évolution de la communauté juive de Sherbrooke, Québec, depuis ses débuts dans les années 1870 jusqu’à sa désinté- gration et sa disparition, à toute fin pratique, dans les années 1990. La communauté fut en grande partie établie par des gens venus de la petite ville d’Ostropol situé dans l’actuelle Ukraine. Au cours des ans, ceux-ci ont créé une collectivité prospère, mais dans le subtil message transmis à leurs enfants, ils ont préparé la voie à l’ultime disparition de leur mode de vie. Michael Benazon 41

APPENDIX I A SELECTED LIST OF PRESS REPORTS CONCERNING THE SHERBROOKE JEWISH COMMUNITY AND ITS MEMBERS “Interesting Jewish Wedding in Sherbrooke,” Sherbrooke Daily Record, 4 July 1906, 4. “A very enjoyable evening…,” Sherbrooke Daily Record, 13 December 1906, 4. “Sherbrooke,” The Jewish Times (Montreal), 25 January 1907, 78. “Mr. John Leonard, K. C. …,” Sherbrooke Daily Record, 1 April 1907, 4. “M. John Leonard, C. R. …,” Le Progrès de l’Est (Sherbrooke), 2 April 1907, 3. “Sherbrooke Jewish Congregation Formally Organized According to Law,” Sherbrooke Daily Record, 8 May 1907, 1. “Sherbrooke,” The Jewish Times (Montreal), 17 May 1907, 206. “Agudath Achim Sherbrooke,” Der Keneder Adler (Montreal), 11 November 1910, 7. “Une historique cérémonie juive à Sherbrooke,” La Tribune (Sherbrooke), 6 November 1920, 1. “Corner Stone of Synagogue Will Be Laid,” Sherbrooke Daily Record, 6 November 1920, 4. “Dédicace de la synagogue de la rue Montréal,” La Tribune (Sherbrooke), 10 November 1920, 1, 5. “The Corner Stone of Jewish Synagogue on Montreal Street Was Laid Yesterday…,” Sherbrooke Daily Record, 10 November 1920, 1, 5. “La part des Juifs à nos progrès,” La Tribune (Sherbrooke), 9 January 1930, 3. “Banquet Held in Honor of Col. Echenberg,” Sherbrooke Daily Record, 5 August 1942, 3. “60 membres se réunissent régulièrement à la Synagogue Juive de la rue Montréal,” La Tribune des Romantiques Cantons de l’Est: Cahier historique (Sherbrooke), 1943, 112. “La colonie juive fête les 75 ans de M. J. Rosenbloom,” La Tribune (Sherbrooke), 24 January 1944, 3. “Banquet Held in Honor of J. Rosenbloom,” Sherbrooke Daily Record, 24 January 1944, 3. “B. Math Again President of B’nai B’rith,” Sherbrooke Daily Record, 2 March 1944, 3. “‘Burning of Mortgage’ Ceremony Is Held by Local Jewish Congrega- tion,” Sherbrooke Daily Record, 15 January 1945, 1. “Le col. S. Echenberg à sa retraite après une belle carrière militaire,” La Tribune (Sherbrooke), 28 January 1947, 8. 42 JOURNAL OF EASTERN TOWNSHIPS STUDIES

“Mort subite de M. Abraham D. Smith, à l’âge de 53 ans,” La Tribune (Sherbrooke), 7 January 1948, 3. “La firme Rosenbloom fondée il y a 50 ans aujourd’hui,” La Tribune (Sherbrooke), 1 May 1948, 3. “M. Jack Echenberg est en affaires depuis 40 ans,” La Tribune (Sherbrooke), 6 July 1948, 10. “Jewish Community Tendered Dinner to Local Couple,” Sherbrooke Daily Record, 13 January 1950, 9. “Leah Echenberg Chapter of Hadassah,” Sherbrooke Daily Record, 4 January 1952, 8. “Confirmation Ceremony Held at Synagogue,” Sherbrooke Daily Record, 2 February 1952, 8. “Mrs. A.S. Mittleman and Mrs. David Echenberg received…,” Sherbrooke Daily Record, 2 February 1952, 8. “M. J. Rosenbloom, marchand bien connu, meurt accidentellement,” La Tribune (Sherbrooke), 3 November 1952, 3. “Impressive Ceremony Marks Breaking Of Ground For Local Synagogue Extension,” Sherbrooke Daily Record, 31 May 1954, 3. “Impressive Ceremonies At Synagogue Hall Event,” Sherbrooke Daily Record, 9 May 1955, 3, 5. “Dedication Issue,” Bulletin of Congregation Agudath Achim, 2.8 (May 1955): 1–2. “Sherbrooke, Que. Prepares for Israel Bond Dinner January 19th,” Israel Bond Community Newsletter, 6.1 (January 1958): 2. “Synagogue Center of Jewish Activities,” Sherbrooke Daily Record, n.d. 1958, n.p. “Le monde des affaires est dans le deuil,” La Tribune (Sherbrooke), 2 August 1958, 3. “Humoriste américain à Sherbrooke, demain,” La Tribune (Sherbrooke), 24 January 1959, 3. “Funérailles de madame S. A. Vineberg,” La Tribune (Sherbrooke), 7 October 1961, 2. “Sherbrooke Hadassah,” Sherbrooke Daily Record, 18 January 1962, 8. “M. Henry Echenberg est conduit à son dernier repos,” La Tribune (Sherbrooke), 6 February 1962, 5. “Sherbrooke Hadassah,” Sherbrooke Daily Record, 17 July 1964, 8. “Happy Bar Mitzvah ceremony marks a new maturity,” Sherbrooke Daily Record, 10 January 1966, 3. “Sherbrooke’s Jewish Community struggles to continue,” Sherbrooke Daily Record, 18 April 1967, 9. Michael Benazon 43

“Archbishop heads representatives visiting at Synagogue and banquet.” Sherbrooke Daily Record, 11 May 1967, 1. Arnold, Janice. “Sherbrooke’s synagogue carries a ‘for sale’ sign as membership declines.” Canadian Jewish News (Montreal), 18 August 1978, 1–2. Boutin, Jocelyn. “La communauté juive de Sherbrooke.” L’Estrie, January 1979, 12–14. Vineberg, Ari. “Farewell service marks the end of an era.” The Record (Sherbrooke), 3 August 1983, 13. Goldstein, Wesley. “Sadness marks closing of Sherbrooke synagogue.” Canadian Jewish News (Montreal), 11 August 1983, 18. Catchpaugh, Charles. “Sherbrooke Synagogue Closed.” The Outlet (Magog), August 1983, 4. Brunelle-Lavoie, Louise. “Sherbrooke.” Continuité 45 (automne 1989): 53. Abbott, Louise. “A Test of Faith.” The Gazette (Montreal), 22 December 1989, C1. “Another Cemetery Desecration Occurs in Sherbrooke,” Canadian Jewish News (Montreal), 5 September 1991.

INTERVIEWS Echenberg, Eddie. Personal interview, 19 January 1997. Echenberg, Myron. Personal interview, 29 November 1996. Einbinder, Eli. Personal interview, 12 November 1996. Levin, Moe. Personal interview, November 1996. Lustigan, Michael. Personal interview, 7 November 1996. Saumier, Alphonse and Monique, Personal interviews. 16 and 18 December 1996, 28 November 1997. Shimelman, Judy. Personal interview, 6 December 1996. Steinman, Sonny. Personal interview, 30 November 1996. Tannenbaum, Ruth. Personal interview, 14 May 1996. Vineberg, David. Taped interview, CJC Archives, 9 May 1990. Personal interview, 24 December 1997. Vineberg, Sally. Personal interview, 26 November 1996.

ARCHIVAL COLLECTIONS Canadian Jewish Congress: National Archives, Montreal, Quebec. La Société d’histoire de Sherbrooke, Sherbrooke, Quebec. Mrs. Sally Vineberg of Sherbrooke, Quebec, is the custodian of the Agudath Achim Synagogue Register, one of the minutes books, and various other documents. 44 JOURNAL OF EASTERN TOWNSHIPS STUDIES

Mr. Ray Whitzman of Ottawa has a computerized list of tombstones in the Agudath Achim Cemetery in Sherbrooke, Quebec. Archives nationales du Québec, Sherbrooke office.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I wish to thank Dr. Eli Einbinder of New York and the Bélanger-Gardner Foundation for the financial assistance which made the project possible. Historical research of this kind cannot be carried out without willing assistance from a large number of people. I am particularly indebted to the following individuals: Sylvie Côté, Archivist at the Eastern Townships Research Centre, Lennoxville, Quebec. William Curran, Chairman of the Bélanger-Gardner Foundation Prof. Myron Echenberg, McGill University Prof. Peter Gossage, Université de Sherbrooke Anna Grant, Head of Special Collections, Old Library, Bishop’s University Rina Kampeas, Executive Director, ETRC Hélène Liard, directrice, Société d’histoire de Sherbrooke Janice Rosen, Chief Archivist at the Canadian Jewish Congress Sally and David Vineberg Ray Whitzman

NOTES 1 Louis Rosenberg, A Gazetteer of Jewish Communities in Canada Show- ing the Jewish Population in Each of the Cities, Towns and Villages in Canada, 1851–1951 (Montreal: Canadian Jewish Congress, Jewish Communities Series, no. 7, 1951), 1, 8–9. 2 What remains has been collected in the archives of the Canadian Jewish Congress in Montreal. 3 The Canadian Jewish Congress Archive (hereafter CJCA) and the Sally Vineberg private collection (hereafter SVPC). 4 See Appendix I for a selected chronological list of press reports. 5 Jean Letendre and Rénald Fortier, “Un siècle de présence juive à Sherbrooke” (Master’s Class Project, Université de Sherbrooke, 1980); Myron Echenberg and Ruth Tannenbaum, The Echenbergs of Ostropol and Sherbrooke: A Tale of Two Shtetls (Montreal: Echenberg Family, 1986); Lewis Rosenbloom, “Yikhus Grows on Our Family Tree: Stories of the Rosenblooms of Sherbrooke” (Sherbrooke, 1974). Michael Benazon 45

6 See, for example, Stuart E. Rosenberg, The Jewish Community in Canada, vol. 1 (Toronto: M & S, 1970); B.G. Sack, History of the Jews in Canada, trans. Ralph Novek (Montreal: Harvest, 1965); Gerald Tulchinsky, Taking Root: The Origins of the Canadian Jewish Commu- nity (Toronto: Lester, 1992); Bernard L. Vigod, The Jews in Canada (Ottawa: Canadian Historical Association, 1984); Erna Paris, Jews: An Account of Their Experience in Canada (Toronto: Macmillan, 1980). 7 Louis Rosenberg, Canada’s Jews: A Social and Economic Study of Jews in Canada (Montreal: Canadian Jewish Congress, 1939), 22–23; “The Decline and Disappearance of Very Small Jewish Communi- ties in Canada, 1851–1951,” (Montreal: CJCA, Series DA2, Box 2, File 1, c. 1953), 6–9; “Some Aspects of the Historical Development of the Canadian Jewish Community,” Publication of the American Jewish Historical Society 50.2 (1960), 137; Tulchinsky, Taking Root, 158–172. 8 Sack, History of the Jews, 244–45. 9 Althea Douglas, “The Eastern Townships: Settlement,” Canadian Genealogist 10.2 (1988): 104–115; J.I. Little, “Watching the Frontier Disappear: English-Speaking Reaction to French-Canadian Colo- nization in the Eastern Townships, 1844–90,” Journal of Canadian Studies 15.4 (1980–81): 93–111; Little, “The Catholic Church and French-Canadian Colonization of the Eastern Townships, 1821–51,” University of Ottawa Quarterly 52.1 (1982): 142–165; Aileen Ross, “French Influx Threatens Anglo Dominance,” Sher- brooke Record, 20 September 1978, 13; Ronald Rudin, “The Town- ships of Richard William Heneker, 1855–1902,” 19.3 (1984): 32–49; Rudin, The Forgotten Quebecers: A History of English-Speaking Quebec 1759–1980 (Quebec: IQRC, 1985). 10 See the 1871 and 1881 census for Sherbrooke and The Eastern Town- ships Gazetteer and Directory for 1875–76. In order to understand the composition of the Jewish community of Sherbrooke at any given time, it would be helpful to obtain accurate Synagogue membership lists. Unfortunately, there are no such lists. It has been possible, however, to compile both an alphabetical and a chronological list of presumed members on the basis of the Synagogue Register of Births, Marriages, and Funerals, the Synagogue Minutes Book 1916–28, (SVPC), the Synagogue Minutes Book 1928–69 (CJCA), the Synagogue Executive Minutes Book 1948–66 (CJCA), the list of cemetery interments, donors’ lists, correspondence, ledgers, press reports, the census, and the Sherbrooke city directories. While it is often difficult to know the first name of a Synagogue member, whether or not he had dependents, where he lived, how long he stayed, what his occupation was, and whether or not he paid 46 JOURNAL OF EASTERN TOWNSHIPS STUDIES

membership dues, a compilation of the various lists does provide a basis for establishing the Jewish population at any given time. 11 They do not appear in the Sherbrooke city directories nor in the census after 1900. 12 See the Sherbrooke city directories between 1882 and 1890 and the census of 1881. Using figures taken from the census, Louis Rosen- berg, A Gazetteer, 1, 9 reported that there were no Jews living in Sherbrooke in 1871, 20 in 1881, 26 in 1891, 66 in 1901, and 188 in 1911. My own calculations—based on the Sherbrooke city directories, the census, and the Synagogue Register—give somewhat higher figures. The difference can be largely explained by my practice of including every male listed in the census, directories and Syna- gogue minute books, even though many of these people resided in Sherbrooke for no more than a year or two. I would not, however, question the general pattern and implications of Rosenberg’s figures. 13 The city directories and the census of 1901 indicate that most of the original Jewish settlers had left, though others took their place. 14 See the city directories between 1890 and 1900 and the census for 1891. Several men, originally listed in the directories as pedlars or traders, are later listed as merchants. 15 The directories indicate a high turnover rate. 16 If certain names do not appear in the Sherbrooke census or in the city directories, but turn up in the Synagogue Register, the Minutes Book 1916–28, the cemetery roll, or donors’ lists, we may deduce that they were residents of nearby towns. 17 Some of these people stayed for only a short while in Sherbrooke. It is possible that one or two families lived in neighbouring towns. 18 See the city directories between 1901 and 1910, and the census for 1901. 19 “Sherbrooke Jewish Congregation Formally Organized According to Law,” Sherbrooke Daily Record, 8 May 1907, 1. 20 Rudin, “The Transformation,” 40–41. 21 The city directories indicate that the original Jewish settlers lived downtown, close to their businesses. The move to the North Ward began in the 1890s with Judah Vineberg. The directories also reveal that Joseph Rosenbloom and Thomas Vineberg moved there in the first decade of the twentieth century and several others followed in the 1920s. Rudin, “The Transformation,” 40, states that the North Ward was predominantly English-speaking. 22 Bernard Figler, Rabbi Dr. Herman Abramowitz, Lazarus Cohen, Lyon Cohen (Ottawa: CJC, 1968), 94–95. Michael Benazon 47

23 The Synagogue Register records the birth of Reva Vineberg on May 21, 1897, daughter of Thomas Vineberg and Sarah Rosen- bloom. Lewis Rosenbloom, “Yikhus Grows,” 4, 9 confirms the relationship. 24 Rosenbloom, “Yikhus Grows,” 3, 5–7. 25 See the 1891 census for Sherbrooke. 26 Echenberg and Tannenbaum, The Echenbergs. 27 The Synagogue Register, SVPC. 28 Echenberg and Tannenbaum, The Echenbergs, 2–11. 29 Ibid., 2. 30 Ibid., 22–23. 31 Ibid., 18. 32 Sherbrooke City Directory for 1898–99. 33 Echenberg and Tannenbaum, The Echenbergs, 18. 34 Sherbrooke City Directory for 1900–01. 35 Echenberg and Tannenbaum, The Echenbergs, 22. 36 Ibid., 21. 37 See, for example, Irving Abella and Harold Troper, None Is Too Many (Toronto: Lester & Orpen Dennys, 1983); Simon Belkin, Through Narrow Gates: A Review of Jewish Immigration, Colonization and Immigrant Aid Work in Canada, 1840–1940 (Montreal: Eagle Publishing, 1966), Chapters 9 and 15; Fredelle Bruser Maynard, Raisins and Almonds (Toronto: Doubleday, 1972); Erna Paris, Jews; Morley Torgov, A Good Place to Come From (Don Mills: ON: Collins Publishers, 1976; first published Toronto: Lester & Orpen, 1974); John Barber, “History’s Racial Barriers,” Macleans, 13 October 1986. 38 Torgov, A Good Place, 16. 39 Rudin, “The Transformation,” 39–41. 40 Gerald Tulchinsky, “The Contours of Canadian Jewish History,” Journal of Canadian Studies 17.1 (1982):48–49. See also the frequent depiction of these attitudes in the novels, stories, and essays of Mordecai Richler. 41 See Eastern Townships Gazetteer and Directory, 1875–76, Eastern Townships Directory for 1882, and the Sherbrooke city directories from 1887 to 1890. 42 B.G. Sack, Canadian Jews—Early in This Century, New Series 4 (Mon- treal: CJC, 1975): 49. 43 “M. John Leonard, C. R. …,” Le Progrès de l’Est, 2 April 1907, 3. 44 John Barber, “History’s Racial Barriers.” 48 JOURNAL OF EASTERN TOWNSHIPS STUDIES

45 “Interesting Jewish Wedding in Sherbrooke,” Sherbrooke Daily Record, 4 July 1906, 4, and “A very enjoyable evening…,” Sherbrooke Daily Record, 13 December 1906, 4. 46 The Sherbrooke Board of Trade lists J. Landsberg, merchant, and H. Samuel, merchant, as members in 1889. 47 Rosenberg, A Gazetteer, 9. 48 Using the Synagogue minutes books, the Synagogue Register, donors’ lists, the city directories, the census, and press reports, it has been possible to draw up a list of Jewish men and women active in the Sherbrooke community from 1871 to 1950. The absence of official membership lists and the rapid turnover means that such a list can only be approximate. 49 See the Synagogue Minutes Book, 1916–28, SVPC, entry for 1 Octo- ber 1916. 50 Ibid., entry for 28 January 1917. 51 See Christine Beaudoin, Hélène Liard, and Michel Sharpe, Architec- ture des résidences de Sherbrooke (Sherbrooke: La Société d’histoire des Cantons de l’Est, 1987), and La Tribune, 10 November 1920, 1, 5. 52 Rabbi Herman Abramowitz and Lyon Cohen. See Sherbrooke Daily Record, 10 November 1920, 1, 5. 53 See Synagogue Minutes Book for 1916–28 and Synagogue Minutes Book for 1928–69. 54 Echenberg and Tannenbaum, The Echenbergs, 25. 55 Ibid., 12, 20. 56 See ibid., 3, 18, 20, and family pedigree chart. The Synagogue Reg- ister also reveals these kinships. 57 Quoted in David Rome, Clouds in the Thirties: On Antisemitism in Canada, 1929–39, Section 4 (Montreal: Canadian Jewish Congress, 1978), 54–55. 58 The city directories and the minutes books indicate that these men came to Sherbrooke when Rubin offered them work and that most of them left the city when their jobs ended. 59 Using the donors’ list from the 1941 United Jewish Refugee and War Relief campaign, together with information elicited in an interview with Moe Levin in November 1996, it is possible to draw up a partial list of Rubin’s employees in the early 1940s. The Syna- gogue minutes books reveal that some of them were elected to the Synagogue executive. 60 The list of officers for the B’nai B’rith Sherbrooke Lodge in 1948–1949 includes the names of at least five Rubin employees. Michael Benazon 49

61 The executive lists of the Leah Echenberg Chapter of Hadassah from 1945 to 1952 include the names of four wives of Rubin employees. 62 The Synagogue minutes books from 1916 to 1969 provide a complete listing of the members of the executive for those years. 63 As Mortimer Vineberg once remarked to me many years ago. 64 See the Sherbrooke city directories from 1920 to 1950. 65 If, for example, we compare the Sherbrooke City Directory for 1894–95 with that of 1904–1905, we find that the Friedman, Levinson, and Samuel families have left. Moses Echenberg, Joseph Rosenbloom, Isaac Smith, and J.L. Vineberg have all changed addresses. 66 The Sherbrooke City Directory for 1917–18 reveals that only seven families were living in the North Ward. The Sherbrooke City Directory Directory for 1951 indicates that roughly two dozen had moved to the more affluent area. 67 Echenberg and Tannenbaum, The Echenbergs, 25. 68 See Abe Bronfman’s letter of 3 January 1941 to Joseph Rosen- bloom. This letter and other documents relating to the fund-raising campaign are in File 1, Box 1 of the Sherbrooke Jewish Community in the CJCA. 69 Echenberg and Tannenbaum, The Echenbergs, 26. 70 Dr. Heinz Meyerhof’s death is recorded in the Synagogue Register. 71 Synagogue Minutes Book for 1928–69, entry for 8 April 1956. 72 “Impressive Ceremonies at Synagogue Hall Event,” Sherbrooke Daily Record, 9 May 1955, 3. 73 Moe Levin, telephone interview with author, November 1996. 74 Synagogue Minutes Book for 1928–69, entry for 23 February 1958. 75 Ibid., entry for 26 October 1958. 76 See ibid., entries for 26 October 1958; 1 February 1959; 5 November 1959; 20 January 1960; 17 February 1960; 20 April 1960; 19 April 1961; 30 January 1966. 77 The last entry in the Synagogue Minutes Book is dated 23 March 1969. The information in this and subsequent paragraphs is based largely on the author’s recollections of the situation in the Jewish community following his arrival in August 1972. See also “Sher- brooke’s Jewish Community struggles to continue,” Sherbrooke Daily Record, 18 April 1967, 9, and Janice Arnold, “Sherbrooke’s synagogue carries a ‘for sale’ sign as membership declines,” Canadian Jewish News, 18 August 1978, 1–2. 50 JOURNAL OF EASTERN TOWNSHIPS STUDIES

78 The author frequently met with a number of the teachers, doctors, and researchers employed at Université de Sherbrooke and its teaching hospital during the 1970s. They had been initially attracted by the opportunity to work in a new and expanding institution. However, some of them felt that their French-Canadian colleagues were indifferent or cool to them. There were no social contacts, and they soon came to perceive that they would not be able to develop professionally. Since their talents and knowledge were much in demand, they took jobs elsewhere. 79 The author continues to attend these functions whenever they take place. 80 Two of the oldtimers, who shall be left nameless, admitted to this in the interviews. In the speech quoted at the end of this article (see note 87), Dr. Eli Einbinder briefly alludes to this form of anxiety in his parents’ generation. 81 Rosenbloom, “Yikhus Grows,” 7. 82 Ibid., 8. 83 I am indebted to Myron Echenberg for this and other informed comments about the Sherbrooke Jewish community. 84 For example, Eli Einbinder’s friendship with Robert McConnachie. 85 Louis Rosenberg, The Gazetteer, 9. 86 Alphonse Saumier, interviews with the author, December 1996. 87 Eli Einbinder, “Speech to the Graduating Class of Alexander Galt Regional High School,” 11 November 1994. STATE AND SOCIETY IN TRANSITION. THE POLITICS OF INSTITUTIONAL REFORM IN THE EASTERN TOWNSHIPS, 1838–1852 By J.I. Little. Montreal & Kingston / London / Buffalo, McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1997. Recensé par Christine Hudon Université de Sherbrooke

es articles et les ouvrages que J.I. Little a consacrés aux L Cantons-de-l’Est en font incontestablement un spécialiste de la région. Après s’être intéressé à la colonisation et à ses composantes idéologiques, puis aux aspects sociaux et culturels de l’histoire régionale, il se livre maintenant à une étude des institutions. Une épigraphe placée en introduction situe d’emblée State and Society in Transition, le dernier-né de la famille Little, dans le courant des recherches cherchant à renouveler le politique comme objet historique. L’ouvrage vise à restituer le rôle des communautés locales dans la mise en place des institutions. L’auteur s’inscrit en faux contre la thèse voulant que ces dernières aient été planifiées et imposées aux communautés par les élites urbaines et industrielles, avant tout désireuses de contrôler les habitants. Il souhaite démontrer que la population a revendiqué, parfois avec succès, parfois vainement, des institutions répondant à ses besoins. Dans cette optique, il souligne la complexité du pouvoir. Loin de s’exercer uniquement du haut vers le bas, dans un rapport où les uns dictent et les autres obéissent, il s’inscrit dans un processus dialectique, fait de résistances, de tensions et d’ajustements. Cette interprétation se présentait déjà, en filigrane, dans le livre Crofters and Habitants consacré aux Écossais et aux Canadiens français du canton de Winslow. Elle acquiert ici une plus grande consistance, en se trouvant étayée par de nombreux exemples principalement tirés de la correspondance des députés, des commissaires, des magistrats, du Surintendant de l’Instruction publique et d’autres fonctionnaires. Les Journaux de l’Assemblée législative, les recensements et les articles de la presse locale complètent la documentation. Pour démontrer sa thèse, Little opte pour l’étude d’une région, les 52 REVUE D’ÉTUDES DES CANTONS DE L’EST

Cantons-de-l’Est. Il délaisse donc la micro-analyse qu’il avait adoptée dans son Crofters and Habitants pour une perspective plus large. Ici, le terrain d’enquête ne se limite pas à un canton, comme c’était le cas dans l’ouvrage précédent. L’étude porte plutôt sur un territoire relativement vaste, composé des sept circonscriptions électorales de Drummond, de Mégantic, de Shefford, de Beauce, de Sherbrooke, de Missisquoi et de Stanstead, telles qu’elles furent délimitées en 1829. La recherche couvre une quinzaine d’années, soit la période 1838–1852, qui fut particulièrement fertile dans l’histoire des institutions au Québec. Cependant, ce cadre n’est pas complètement étanche. À plusieurs reprises, l’auteur remonte une, deux ou trois décennies en arrière pour situer tel ou tel changement ou pour en expliquer l’origine. Le livre se divise en sept chapitres qui comptent chacun trente à trente-cinq pages. Seul le chapitre cinq consacré aux municipalités est plus court, avec une vingtaine de pages seulement. Le premier chapitre présente en quelque sorte le contexte socio- économique. Il traite du peuplement et des caractéristiques de la région et couvre une période plus large que celle sur laquelle porte le reste de l’ouvrage. En usant de ses propres travaux et de plusieurs autres études, l’auteur fait le point sur l’économie régionale en reculant jusqu’à la fin du XVIIIe siècle. Dans ces premières pages, Little met en scène des marchands locaux qui luttent pour briser l’isolement économique de la région, en revendiquant, entre autres choses, la construction d’un chemin de fer. Il présente les principaux acteurs sociaux en s’arrêtant tout particulièrement sur deux personnages, William Bowman Felton et Edward Hale, qui exercèrent tour à tour une très grande influence dans la région. L’auteur affirme que le système de patronage dans lequel ils évoluaient a eu, somme toute, des effets limités dans les Cantons-de-l’Est, puisqu’il n’a pas vraiment alimenté la loyauté des habitants envers l’État. Le système judiciaire fournit la matière du chapitre suivant, divisé en trois parties. La première couvre la période qui précède les rébellions et les années qui la suivent, la seconde traite du droit criminel, alors que la dernière s’intéresse au droit civil. Ce chapitre met en relief l’importance des tribunaux civils devant lesquels sont traînés, notamment, les mauvais payeurs. Dans une société où le recours au crédit est généralisé et où les obligations passent de main en main, les grands marchands, mais aussi des gens beaucoup moins fortunés, recourent aux tribunaux pour obtenir le paiement de leurs créances. D’où le désir, exprimé à maintes reprises, d’obtenir un meilleur accès à la cour civile. En comparaison, les causes relevant de Christine Hudon 53

la justice criminelle sont beaucoup moins nombreuses. Peu de crimes sérieux se produisent dans les cantons. En dépit de leur rareté relative, ils suscitent cependant l’intérêt de l’opinion publique. Les meurtres, le brigandage et les autres délits criminels trouvent un écho particulier dans les journaux et sont l’objet de la plupart des pétitions consacrées aux questions judiciaires. D’après Little, ce phénomène révèle à quel point les crimes viennent bouleverser la quiétude des communautés et montre que les populations ne croient pas en la capacité de l’État de punir les délinquants par des peines justes et appropriées à leurs fautes. Le chapitre suivant est consacré à la régulation sociale dans les communautés. Il complète les pages qui précèdent en mettant en lumière les formes de contrôle moins formelles. En examinant successivement les efforts pour limiter la consommation d’alcool et pour prendre en charge les pauvres et les aliénés, en étudiant les charivaris et la circulation transfrontalière, l’auteur révèle l’existence, dans les années 1840, d’un équilibre entre le système traditionnel de sanctions reposant sur la communauté et le nouveau régime en train d’émerger, qui fait une place plus grande aux législations gouvernementales. À cette époque, la distinction entre justice populaire et justice d’État n’est pas encore très claire. Et s’il se trouve des pétitions revendiquant une intervention accrue du gouvernement dans certains secteurs, on aurait tort, selon Little, d’y voir une pression des élites en faveur d’un contrôle social resserré. La régulation sociale demeure largement l’affaire des communautés. En certaines matières, celles-ci font montre d’une très grande tolérance, alors qu’en d’autres circonstances elles affichent une rigueur implacable à l’égard des individus ayant transgressé leurs règles implicites. La mise en place des institutions locales et plus particulièrement l’établissement des municipalités font l’objet des chapitres quatre et cinq. L’auteur y souligne l’extrême réticence des autorités gouvernementales à permettre la création d’instances locales, longtemps associées au républicanisme américain. Il présente les revendications de certaines collectivités désireuses de se doter d’institutions représentatives répondant à leurs attentes et met en lumière les limites de la loi de 1841 créant de vastes districts municipaux inaptes à répondre de façon adéquate aux besoins des communautés. Par la suite, Little examine les municipalités locales établies par la loi de 1845, dont les limites coïncidaient avec celles des paroisses et des cantons. Il étudie les municipalités de comté qui les remplacèrent à compter de 1847, puis s’arrête sur la réforme municipale de 1851. Par de nombreux exemples, il fait ressortir 54 REVUE D’ÉTUDES DES CANTONS DE L’EST l’accueil différent que connurent les lois dans le nord et dans le sud de la région. De façon générale, les localités du nord, plus récentes, peuplées surtout par des familles canadiennes-françaises et britanniques, manifestèrent une plus grande hostilité envers les institutions municipales créées par la loi. Par contraste, les habitants d’origine américaine de la partie sud accueillirent plus favorablement les réformes. Le chapitre six s’intéresse aux écoles. Ici encore, l’auteur passe en revue les différentes lois et met à jour les réactions des habitants. Il se montre particulièrement attentif aux réactions suscitées par la taxation scolaire dans les communautés plus anciennes, peuplées par les immigrants américains et leurs descendants. Selon Little, c’est sur cette question particulière que l’État marque la plus grande victoire au détriment des communautés locales. La loi de 1846, qui abolit les contributions volontaires et instaure une taxe sur la valeur des propriétés, est d’abord combattue par la population. Toutefois, les habitants modifient peu à peu leur position et acceptent ce mode de financement, qu’ils reconnaissent finalement comme étant plus équitable et plus fiable. Le septième et dernier chapitre prolonge l’examen des mouvements de réaction face à la taxation en portant une attention particulière aux cantons périphériques du nord. À bien des égards, cette partie du territoire d’enquête diffère des cantons frontaliers. Le peuplement y est plus tardif et la population, généralement pauvre et dispersée, provient en majorité des paroisses seigneuriales et des îles Britanniques. Une partie des terres est par ailleurs possédée par de grands propriétaires qui résident à l’extérieur. Little montre les incidences de ces caractéristiques particulières sur l’accueil réservé aux législations de l’État et aux taxes qu’elles visaient à instaurer. De nouveaux exemples illustrent la portée extrêmement limitée des mesures étatiques et la résistance parfois farouche qu’elles ont engendrée, notamment au moment de l’épisode connu sous le nom de « guerre des éteignoirs ». L’auteur montre qu’au sein de ces communautés, les uns refusent les nouvelles institutions parce qu’ils les trouvent trop onéreuses en regard de leurs moyens. Les autres, moins nombreux, mais plus fortunés, n’en voient guère la nécessité, car ils ont l’habitude de recourir aux établissements scolaires de Sherbrooke, de Stanstead et du Vermont. À leurs yeux, les institutions projetées par l’État sont coûteuses et inutiles. Dans le bilan qu’il dresse en conclusion, l’auteur reste prudent sur la représentativité des Cantons-de-l’Est. S’il est probable que les autres régions du Québec aient réagi de façon similaire aux institutions et Christine Hudon 55 aux législations gouvernementales, il lui semble en même temps possible que la population des Cantons-de-l’Est, habituée à lutter pour sortir de son isolement politique, économique et sociale, ait été plus réceptive au mouvement de réforme des institutions. L’approche méthodologique adoptée dans l’ouvrage donne des fruits. Cette étude essentiellement qualitative, basée sur de nombreux exemples, parvient à convaincre du dynamisme des collectivités et illustre de façon éloquente l’expérience des gens « en chair et en os ». Sur ce dernier point, l’auteur répond avec succès à l’objectif qu’il s’était fixé en introduction. D’un chapitre à l’autre, il présente une population qui revendique, se plaint, conteste à coups de pétitions. Les exemples sont tantôt amusants, tantôt intriguants. Ils illustrent la solidarité qui se manifeste dans les communautés, mais aussi l’indifférence, la cruauté même, de ces micro-sociétés à l’endroit de ceux qui enfreignent leurs normes implicites. L’auteur est habile à mettre en lumière les tensions qui s’expriment ouvertement, ou plus subtilement, et souligne au passage les contradictions qui animent les communautés. À ce chapitre, sa connaissance intime de la région lui est indéniablement d’un grand secours. S’agissant d’expliquer la diversité des réactions suscitées par les différentes réformes gouvernementales, Little pointe du doigt deux grands facteurs déterminants: l’économie et la culture. Ce faisant, il renoue avec une interprétation qui lui est chère et qui a marqué ses ouvrages précédents. On pourrait toutefois lui reprocher de ne pas avoir suffisamment défini ces valeurs culturelles qu’il invoque, en bout de ligne, pour expliquer les réactions divergentes, voire les conflits. Suffit-il d’observer qu’Irlandais et Écossais, que Canadiens français et Américains réagissent de façons opposées pour conclure que leur culture détermine leur attitude? En outre, plusieurs exemples présentés par l’auteur laissent entrevoir la complexité des relations communautaires. Mais sur ce point, l’étude pose plus de questions qu’elle n’en résout. En lisant l’ouvrage, on se demande qui revendique, qui se cache derrière telle ou telle pétition, qui prend la plume pour regretter tel changement ou pour en revendiquer un autre : les propriétaires? les marchands? les membres des professions libérales? des représentants de toutes les couches sociales? La question est trop rapidement abordée en introduction : « In short, we cannot simply assume that the substantial number of non-proprietors in the region fell entirely outside the broader political community »; et, plus loin : « the following chapters will reveal that the local elites were not always able to impose their wishes on the majority » (p. 12). Par la suite, la 56 REVUE D’ÉTUDES DES CANTONS DE L’EST démonstration demeure impressionniste. Et si l’auteur réussit bien à démontrer que les habitants s’expriment et qu’ils cherchent à défendre leurs intérêts, on se demande, malgré tout, de « quels » intérêts au juste ces pétitions font la promotion. En voulant nous convaincre que la population rurale et villageoise des Cantons-de-l’Est est loin de subir, sans protester, les desseins que la bourgeoisie urbaine nourrit à son égard ou les décisions d’un État centralisateur, l’auteur en vient à atténuer, peut-être sans le vouloir, les hiérarchies locales, comme si la volonté de régir, de normaliser, de contrôler ne pouvait venir que de pouvoirs extérieurs. Au bout du compte, on saisit mal les pourtours et l’essence même de ces communautés où les structures et les inégalités sociales sont esquissées, mais peut-être pas suffisamment fouillées. Une étude détaillée de quelques requêtes, recourant aux données sociologiques, aurait pu donner plus de poids à la thèse en prouvant, statistiques à l’appui, que les pétitionnaires viennent d’horizons variés. Par ailleurs, l’approche retenue ici présente un peu les défauts de ses qualités. À force de voir défiler sous ses yeux les exemples, le lecteur éprouve un peu de lassitude. Certains cas sont trop longuement exposés et leur énumération devient quelque peu redondante. Par moment, on en vient à souhaiter que l’auteur fasse enfin le point et qu’il offre une vue d’ensemble des phénomènes étudiés. Là réside, en fait, la difficulté d’une entreprise comme celle à laquelle s’attaque cet ouvrage. Convenons en effet qu’il n’est guère facile d’infirmer les modèles réducteurs et simplistes et de restituer au passé sa complexité tout en proposant une explication globale. Au total, l’ouvrage de John I. Little propose une lecture nouvelle et stimulante de l’histoire des institutions. En exploitant une documentation jusque-là à peu près ignorée, il met en lumière le dynamisme des populations. Son étude éclaire un aspect méconnu de l’histoire du Québec et contribue à renouveler l’étude du politique par sa méthode, mais surtout par ses remises en question des recherches sur les rapports entre l’État et les communautés. L’ouvrage enrichit également notre connaissance des Cantons-de-l’Est. Pour ces raisons, il s’adresse tout autant aux historiens qui voudraient confronter son interprétation aux théories sur le contrôle social qu’aux amateurs d’histoire qui nourrissent un intérêt pour le passé de la région. THE POLITICS OF CODIFICATION: THE LOWER CANADIAN CIVIL CODE OF 1866 by Brian Young. The Osgoode Society for Canadian Legal History and McGill-Queen’s University Press, Montreal, 1994. Recensé par Marie-Paule Rajotte LaBrèque Acton Vale

armi les différentes disciplines de l’histoire, le secteur réservé à Pl’étude du droit est l’un des plus méconnus. Souvent confinés à des questions techniques au vocabulaire hermétique, les auteurs atteignent rarement le public en général. Cette description ne convient pas au livre que nous offre Brian Young, professeur à l’Université McGill. Malgré un titre peu engageant, le sujet garde tout son intérêt, car c’est encore récemment, en janvier 1994, que prenait force le nouveau Code civil du Québec. Il est donc tout indiqué de revoir les circonstances qui avaient nécessité et produit le premier Code de 1866 et d’en identifier les sources. D’autant plus que les Cantons-de-l’Est ont occupé un créneau particulier dans cette évolution. Les trois premiers chapitres retracent d’abord l’ensemble du cadre légal qui survit à la Conquête et qui persiste après l’Acte de Québec jusqu’à l’Union. Le droit romain, la coutume de Paris, les ordonnances, des emprunts au droit anglais, même le droit canon, ont laissé leur empreinte. L’auteur s’attache surtout à comprendre les divers malaises et les interactions amenés par un brassage de populations et une économie en mutation. On est en présence du passage d’un ensemble conceptuel de base féodale à un autre de nature capitaliste, ce qui se fait sentir, entre autres, dans la contestation du régime seigneurial, qui s’intensifiera dans les années 1840 et 1850. Plusieurs autres sociétés dans le monde subissent également des pressions analogues et le Code français de Napoléon, promulgué en 1804, en demeure un des principaux effets. Bien que des appels pour la rédaction d’un code provinssent de plusieurs milieux depuis longtemps, c’est George-Étienne Cartier, procureur général du Bas-Canada, qui a reconnu, en 1857, que le moment était venu d’agir par la création de la Commission de 58 REVUE D’ÉTUDES DES CANTONS DE L’EST

codification. Cette entreprise allait durer sept ans et fournir un ensemble cohérent régissant la propriété et les droits civils des citoyens; son utilité durera pendant plus d’un siècle après sa mise en vigueur le 1er août 1866. Le chapitre 4 nous présente les trois commissaires chargés de la codification en 1859, un travail à la fois délicat et rigoureux dans une ambiance de controverse politique, qui allait aboutir à la Confédération. On peut mesurer les changements de mentalités quand on connaît les trois personnages, tous juges. Le président René- Édouard Caron, un homme profondément religieux et enclin à la modération, avait poursuivi à Québec une brillante et lucrative carrière comme avocat et aussi comme parlementaire. Son collègue Augustin-Norbert Morin, était un politicien nationaliste qui, encore étudiant en 1825, avait rabroué le juge Edward Bowen, qui refusait d’entendre la langue française dans les cours de justice; on voit aussi en lui l’auteur des 92 résolutions de 1834. Le troisième commissaire, Charles Dewey Day, un protestant né aux États-Unis, a grandi à Montréal, où il devient avocat et, en 1838 il agit comme juge-avocat au procès des Patriotes emprisonnés. À sa nomination comme codificateur, il était chancelier de l’Université McGill et, à la fin de ses travaux, il recevra un doctorat de l’Université Laval en 1865. Dans les deux chapitres qui suivent sont expliquées les procédures convenues pour harmoniser les vues de la législature, des catholiques influents et de l’establishment protestant. Les méthodes de travail nous étonnent en ce que les trois commissaires, eux-mêmes avec leurs deux secrétaires, abattent la totalité de ce labeur ardu avec peu de participation de l’extérieur selon les voeux de Cartier. Le Code Napoléon s’impose comme modèle, mais ce sont les lois françaises du Bas-Canada qui font l’objet de la codification avec les amendements nécessaires. Finalement, l’avant-dernier chapitre étudie le statut des femmes selon qu’elles poursuivent des activités commerciales hors du foyer ou simplement d’après leur état matrimonial. Sous l’influence du Code Napoléon et de la mentalité dominante, on voit décliner leur autonomie pour longtemps. En dernier lieu, on traite des obligations qui avaient occupé le point central de l’attention des commissaires envers les droits et responsabilités civiles des individus. Un excellent tableau chronologique permet d’établir rapidement les points principaux dans leur contexte historique et légal. Tout au long de cette remise en question qui a conduit à la rédaction du Code civil du Bas-Canada, les Cantons-de-l’Est se trouvent dans une situation unique, au centre de convergence des Marie-Paule Rajotte LaBrèque 59 influences américaines, britanniques et françaises. La tenure en franc et commun soccage autorisée par l’article 9 de l’Acte de Québec (1774) semblait y assurer la prédominance du droit anglais, mais cette prétention était âprement disputée. De plus, l’état sommaire des institutions judiciaires et l’ignorance des lois entraînaient la confusion non seulement autour des titres de propriété mais sur le mariage, le douaire, l’héritage, les droits de mine et autres. Dès 1805 les pétitions abondent pour réclamer des bureaux d’enregistrement et des cours de justice; on attaque la Coutume de Paris ainsi que les hypothèques générales et tacites. Lorsque les litiges sont portés en cour, les juges s’appuient souvent sur des autorités de provenance européenne ou américaine. Même l’Église est confrontée à des refus de payer la dîme sur les terres tenues en franc et commun soccage. Des causes célèbres ont illustré plusieurs de ces conflits. Afin de remédier à une situation préjudiciable au développement du territoire et presque simultanément à la loi de codification, Cartier fait adopter en 1857 une mesure qui déclare le droit français valide et applicable dans les Cantons-de-l’Est. C’était une condition nécessaire à l’unification du droit civil dans tout le Québec . On peut conclure que l’ouvrage du professeur Young nous révèle, dans un éclairage nouveau, tout un pan de l’histoire du Bas-Canada qui se prolonge encore dans notre système légal. Il a le don de nous rendre abordables des questions complexes, souvent réservées à des initiés. Souhaitons qu’une traduction française rende accessible au plus grand nombre cet ouvrage de grande qualité. 60 REVUE D’ÉTUDES DES CANTONS DE L’EST DOSSIER: THE RECORD

A Note from the Editors In 1997, The Record celebrated 100 years of continuous publication out of Sherbrooke, Quebec. During that year, the newspaper agreed to entrust its archives to the care of the Eastern Townships Research Centre’s Archives Department. On 29 October 1997, Susan C. Mastine, Community Relations Manager at The Record, gave the ETRC’s Annual Fall Lecture on the daily’s history. In honour of The Record’s 100 years of service to the community, we are pleased to present here a special dossier consisting of recollections by Gilles Dallaire, correspondent with Sherbrooke’s French- language daily La Tribune; selected items from the Record fonds at the ETRC’s Archives Department, introduced by Sylvie Côté, Archivist; and a lightly edited version of Ms. Mastine’s lecture.

Note de la rédaction The Record célébrait en 1997 cent années de parution ininterrompue à Sherbrooke, Québec. Durant cette année, le journal a accepté de confier ses documents archivistiques au Service d’archives du Cen- tre de recherche des Cantons de l’Est. Le 29 octobre 1997, Susan C. Mastine, directrice des relations communautaires du journal, prononçait la conférence annuelle d’automne du CRCE portant sur l’histoire du journal. En hommage aux services soutenus rendus par The Record à la col- lectivité, nous sommes heureux de présenter ici un dossier spécial comportant des souvenirs de Gilles Dallaire, journaliste au quotidien de langue française La Tribune, de Sherbrooke, des éléments choisis du fonds The Record du Service d’archives du CRCE présentés par l’archiviste Sylvie Côté, et une version légèrement révisée de la con- férence de Mme Mastine. 62 REVUE D’ÉTUDES DES CANTONS DE L’EST QUELQUES FRAGMENTS D’HISTOIRE : LES ARCHIVES DU RECORD Sylvie Côté Université Bishop’s

e Centre de recherche des Cantons-de-l’Est met à la disposition des L chercheurs les archives du Record. En 1980, Townships Communications, alors propriétaire du quotidien, prêtait à l’Université Bishop’s une série de registres rescapés d’un incendie. Puis, en 1997, le Record les donnait officiellement à l’Université, lors d’un deuxième versement de documents. En tout, un peu plus d’un mètre linéaire de documents textuels et environ 150 photographies ont été préservés et témoignent du développement et du rayonnement de cette institution régionale au cours des cent dernières années. Malheureusement, les autres documents produits par le Record ont été détruits par les différents dirigeants. Le fonds d’archives du Record compte principalement des registres sur la production, le tirage et la distribution du journal; des listes de clients des camelots; du matériel relié aux 85e et 100e anniversaires du quotidien; des coupures de presse; des photographies; des rapports du Audit Bureau of Circulation et des certificats de membre émis par différents organismes. Ces documents permettent de retracer sommairement l’histoire du Record et de déterminer sa pénétration au sein de la population des Cantons-de-l’Est. On présente dans les pages suivantes des éléments choisis du fonds The Record. 64 REVUE D’ÉTUDES DES CANTONS DE L’EST

“The mechanical crew that put out the paper”, ca 1905. Si vous pouvez identifier les personnes dans la photo, s’il vous plaît communiquer avec la rédaction.

L’édifice du Record sur la rue Wellington, ca 1940. Dossier: The Record 65

Les installations du Record, ca 1950, photo par Gerry Lemay, Sherbrooke.

Perdus dans l’information. Si vous pouvez identifier les personnes dans la photo, s’il vous plaît communiquer avec la rédaction. 66 REVUE D’ÉTUDES DES CANTONS DE L’EST

Certificat de membre de George MacLaren à la Presse canadienne, 1977. À l’époque, M. MacLaren était l’éditeur du Record. UNE MÊME MISSION : INFORMER Par Gilles Dallaire La Tribune (Sherbrooke)

l nous prend pour une bande d’Orangistes qui se prosternent «I matin et soir devant l’Union Jack… ». C’est ce que Robert Dawson écrivait à mon propos quand, voilà bien des lunes, il m’a légué une action avec droit de vote du périodique The Townships Sun, qu’il avait fondé au milieu des années 1970 et qu’avec l’aide de Charles Bury et d’une poignée de bénévoles il tenait à bout de bras depuis sa fondation. La raison de ce legs? « Nous échangeons des informations en dessous de la table », expliquait-il. Il avait un peu raison sur les deux tableaux : j’étais pourri de préjugés à l’endroit d’à peu près tout ce qui met du noir sur du blanc en anglais sur du papier, comme on l’est souvent à l’endroit de quelque chose ou de quelqu’un qu’on ne connaît pas ou qu’on connaît mal; il nous arrivait de nous refiler des tuyaux. Si je fais un détour par The Townships Sun pour évoquer, sous un angle tout à fait personnel, les relations qu’entretiennent les journalistes estriens de langue française et de langue anglaise, c’est parce que c’est grâce à lui que je connais un tout petit peu mieux The Record, pour lequel il a été une sorte de pépinière puisqu’il lui a fourni des correspondants, des chroniqueurs, des journalistes et même un rédacteur en chef. Mon premier contact, autre qu’une lecture en diagonale, avec The Record remonte à plus de vingt ans. J’occupe un poste comportant de vagues responsabilités à La Tribune. On est en été. Il vient d’y avoir un enlèvement. Mes patrons sont au parfum. Pour une raison fort plausible, parce qu’ils craignent pour la vie de la victime, ils décident de reporter d’une journée la publication de la nouvelle. Je ne suis pas d’accord. Je plaide en faveur d’une publication immédiate. Comme je ne pèse pas très lourd dans la balance des décisions, je plaide en vain. Je n’ai cependant pas dit mon dernier mot. À l’heure du souper, je m’esquive, j’entre dans la première cabine téléphonique venue et je donne un coup de fil à James Duff, que j’ai entrevu quelques jours auparavant à une conférence de presse. Je lui demande s’il a eu vent 68 REVUE D’ÉTUDES DES CANTONS DE L’EST

d’un enlèvement. Il m’avoue que non. Je lui raconte l’histoire en gros, je l’informe de la décision de mes patrons, de l’inutilité de mes efforts et je lui demande bien humblement s’il n’existe pas un moyen de faire quelque chose pour que la nouvelle soit publiée sans délai. C’est un journaliste d’expérience qui s’est retrouvé à Sherbrooke pour je ne sais quelle raison, peut-être parce qu’il n’a pas la langue dans sa poche et que, quand quelque chose ne va pas à son goût, il ne met pas de gants blancs pour le faire savoir. Il prend quelques secondes pour réfléchir et me propose une stratégie : il va appeler un de mes patrons, lui demander s’il est au courant de l’enlèvement, lui révéler en toute candeur ce qu’il en sait, comme s’il lui faisait une grande faveur, sans lui parler de mon appel, bien sûr, et lui mendier quelques petites informations complémentaires. Il fallait voir le changement de cap que l’appel de James Duff a provoqué! Un virage de 180 degrés! La priorité a immédiatement été donnée à l’enlèvement avec consigne de silence complet, une consigne si scrupuleusement respectée que, quand, sous couleur de voir comment se fait un journal, le policier responsable de l’enquête est venu fouiner à l’atelier de composition pendant la soirée, il ne s’est jamais douté une seule seconde que l’enlèvement ferait la manchette le lendemain matin. Quand la victime de l’enlèvement a été retrouvée saine et sauve au bout d’une semaine, le soupir de soulagement qu’il a poussé a sûrement dû être entendu de Saint John’s à Victoria. Des complicités comme celle-là, moins à risque toutefois, il y en a eu à la pelle entre la petite équipe de journalistes qui tient The Record debout et moi. Pas de perdant dans notre connivence. Un gagnant, le seul qui compte, le public dont le droit à l’information a été mieux respecté. Avec Charles Bury surtout que je connaissais depuis que, le matin où The Townships Sun était publié, il partait en faire la distribution à bord d’une camionnette si trouée qu’un climatiseur aurait été inutile. Nous nous mettions à contribution souvent. « Tu n’aurais pas le numéro de téléphone de Truc? » « Connaîtrais-tu quelqu’un qui connaît passablement bien Machin? » « Aurais-tu des détails sur la carrière politique de Chose? » « Te rappelles-tu de quelle année à quelle année Untel a été député du comté de Hole-in-the-Wall à la Chambre des communes? » Les informations que nous nous quémandions entre des commentaires souvent acides sur les performances de nos dirigeants fédéraux, provinciaux et municipaux et des commérages occasionnels sur les galipettes de politiciens à qui l’abolition du droit de cuissage avait échappé n’avaient pas grande importance la plupart du temps. Il y en avait cependant qui nous Dossier: The Record 69 donnaient parfois des manchettes. « Si j’étais à ta place, je surveillerais telle entreprise : ses banquiers sont à la veille de retirer le bouchon de la baignoire! » « Donne donc un coup de téléphone à John Gossip : il a peut-être quelque chose pour toi… ». Du mieux que je me souvienne, la seule fois où je lui ai refusé toute collaboration, c’est quand un bachi-bouzouk m’a réclamé la bagatelle d’un million de dollars parce que j’avais osé écrire qu’il se promenait avec une valise pleine de billets de banque mais qu’il ne payait pas ses dettes. Il faut dire que j’étais en train de prendre mon bain quand il m’a appelé, que je dégoulinais encore d’eau quand j’ai décroché le récepteur du téléphone et qu’il ne faisait pas chaud. « Si tu veux des commentaires, appelle quelqu’un d’autre que moi », lui ai-je répondu d’un ton sec tout en claquant des dents. Il a été assez charitable pour ne pas m’enfoncer dans la dèche plus que je n’y étais déjà : dans son article, il n’a pas mentionné que j’avais ajouté avec conviction : « Ce gars-là, il s’envoie en l’air en alignant les zéros! ». Lui, je n’ai pas souvenance qu’il m’ait jamais refusé une information. Même chose pour Peter Scowen qui vient de flatter une bonne partie des Montrealers à rebrousse-poil avec le livre le plus lucide qu’ait pu écrire un scribe inquiet de la détérioration des relations entre francophones et anglophones. Avec Carole Treiser qui, pour terminer une entrevue commencée avec un Pierre Elliott Trudeau pressé, n’a pas hésité une seconde à entrer avec lui dans le sauna de l’hôtel Le Président. Avec Anna Fudakowska, Barbara Verity, Verity Stevenson dans le temps, Ary Vineberg, quoique pas assez souvent à mon goût. Ces derniers temps, mes complices ont été Paul Cherry et Rita Legault. J’ai d’ailleurs failli faire rater une heure de tombée à Paul récemment quand je me suis mis à lui raconter, avec force détails dont il se serait bien passé étant donné l’heure, par quel hasard le premier drapeau fleurdelisé à flotter au vent au-dessus de l’Assemblée nationale s’était retrouvé à Deauville et à lui expliquer par quels détours il arriverait peut-être à joindre Pierre Comtois quelque part en Floride. Quant à Rita, je la vois chaque fois que le Bureau d’audiences publiques sur l’environnement tient une séance d’information ou une séance de consultation à Magog ou dans le voisinage de Magog. Elle me refile parfois des informations, je lui en refile aussi à l’occasion. Il m’est arrivé de lui prêter un coin de mon bureau pour travailler parce que, pour poinçonner rue Delorme avant l’heure de tombée, elle aurait été contrainte de brûler une dizaine de feux rouges. Nous nous taquinons de temps en temps à propos de l’environnement : l’environnement, pour elle, c’est sacré; tandis que moi, je suis parfois 70 REVUE D’ÉTUDES DES CANTONS DE L’EST

sacrilège. À propos de choix politiques aussi : elle ne fait pas sa croix sur la même ligne que moi quand elle est dans un isoloir. C’est très bien comme cela et ça me ferait quelque chose, comme à elle, d’ailleurs, j’en suis convaincu, si c’était différent. Il faut que je fasse une confidence : j’ai beaucoup d’admiration pour ces artisans et ces artisanes de l’information; ils ne sont qu’une poignée; ils s’efforcent d’être partout où cela vaut la peine de dépêcher un journaliste; leurs heures de travail sont plus longues que les miennes; leurs textes écrits, ils doivent parfois les mettre en page eux- mêmes; ils gagnent à peine plus que ce que je paie en impôts; même rémunérés maigrement, même chargés de travail, ils sont sur la brèche chaque fois que la nouvelle fait signe. Et pas en amateurs : en professionnels authentiques. Lorsqu’un journaliste quitte The Record, ce n’est pas pour aller grossir la cohorte des sans-emploi. The Record, c’est à la fois une école et un réservoir. Il y a de ses anciens journalistes un peu partout. James Duff est à Montréal où Peter Scowen fait des vagues, Bernard Saint-Laurent, Ralph Noseworthy aussi. Il y en a même un, Fred Kaufmann, qui est juge à la Cour d’appel du Québec. Il y en a qui travaillent pour Canadian Press, pour Southam News, pour Hollinger, pour Thomson Newspapers, pour Canadian Broadcasting Corporation et l’énumération n’est pas complète, loin de là. Pas trop mal pour un quotidien qui a l’air épais quand il a 16 pages et où, à côté des faits saillants de l’actualité régionale, on peut encore lire que Mme Unetelle qui habite Sawyerville a reçu la visite de son arrière-petit-fils venu de Vancouver pour fêter ses 101 ans! Puisse-t-il être encore au rendez-vous qu’il donne chaque matin à ses lecteurs dans 99 ans! Et dans la même facture qu’aujourd’hui et que depuis 1897! Il mérite largement de survivre. A 100-YEAR RECORD: THE HISTORY OF THE SHERBROOKE DAILY RECORD Presented by Susan C. Mastine, Community Relations Manager, The Record Eastern Townships Research Centre Annual Fall Lecture Old Library, McGreer Hall, Bishop’s University — 29 October 1997 Based on research and text by Tara McCully

hat a challenge — to cover the 100-year history of our daily Wnewspaper in a matter of minutes! Before I get into the text I’m going to present, I’d like to give you a little background on the basis for this lecture. The Record was fortu- nate to benefit from a Young Canada Works grant this past summer. Tara McCully, 1997 Bishop’s graduate in English and History, was engaged as part of a centennial project. She and I met with Dr. Robin Burns and Sylvie Côté, of the Research Centre, seeking their advice as Tara began to research the newspaper’s history. During our conversation, Dr. Burns smilingly said, “To fully study and write the history of The Record 1 could well take ten years.” It’s a comment both Tara and I have oft remembered these past few weeks. The approach Dr. Burns recommended, and the one we took, was to trace the evolution of the newspaper at 25-year intervals. Today’s lecture, “A 100-Year Record,” is based on Ms. McCully’s research and resulting text, with contributions by Kirsty Robertson, another of our summer students, currently in her final year at Bishop’s and editor of both The Campus and The Mitre.2 The slides are the handiwork of photographer Perry Beaton.3

INTRODUCTION For the past one hundred years, The Record has played a major role in the communities of the Eastern Townships, fulfilling that essential role of all newspapers—informing its readers of key developments and events in their neighborhoods and beyond. Because of the demographics and traditions of the English-speaking population of the region, The Record has also played a vital role in linking Townshippers with their community organizations, churches, and schools, with 72 JOURNAL OF EASTERN TOWNSHIPS STUDIES

each other, and with the broader Eastern Townships community, promoting a sense of togetherness and fostering a sense of place. Townshippers have a fierce and loyal attachment to their local daily newspaper — many families have been Record subscribers for generations and cannot remember a time when The Record was not a part of the family. Ida Johnston of the Wales Home, now 101, is a subscriber to The Record, as were her parents.4 There are stories of family rituals—like that of my grandmother, who, as soon as the paper arrived in the mail, would drop whatever she was doing, pull up a chair in front of the wood stove, put her feet up on its open door, and proceed to read the news, word by word, from cover to cover, oblivious to time and the tasks beckoning her. Carlton Ladd of Waterloo recalls his grandmother teaching him the letters of the alphabet using the Sherbrooke Daily Record. And I’ve been told of the great pride my grandfather took in responding to queries about his age with the statement, “Just look at the front page of the Sherbrooke Daily Record—I’m the same age as the newspaper.” The Record, as it is now known, has managed to survive and even thrive, in spite of the demographics of a rapidly diminishing anglophone population and an aging readership. How? The answer can be seen through the past one hundred years of the paper’s history: The Record constantly reinvents itself in order to meet the needs of its readers, always returning to its roots, the Eastern Townships, featuring a unique blend of news from local communities and beyond. The paper that is published today looks radically different from the first copy that rolled off the presses in 1897, but a dedication to bringing local news to Eastern Townshippers on a daily basis remains the priority. The changes that were made to The Record over the years reflect the changes that were occurring throughout the Eastern Townships. It was the first edition of the paper that set the precedent for the future of The Record. Dossier: The Record 73

THE LAUNCHING OF THE SHERBROOKE DAILY RECORD The Sherbrooke Daily Record was launched by Leonard S. Channell on February 9, 1897, after he had garnered several years’ experience in the printing business in New York, Boston, and several Townships towns. Born in Stanstead in 1868, Channell had moved to New York at the age of fourteen to study the printing business and learn the tricks of the trade. Following his training in New York, Channell returned to Stanstead, where he finished his education. After graduating, Channell was employed by several newspapers both in the United States and locally. Then, in Leonard S. Channell, founder of the Sherbrooke Daily Record 1890, he felt prepared to start his own (file photo, The Record). paper, the Compton County Chronicle. Over the six years that Channell owned the weekly Chronicle, the paper thrived. However, he had his hopes set on higher goals, con- vinced that there was a market for a daily newspaper in the Eastern Townships. One hundred years later, readers of The Record continue to prove him right. Channell’s launching of the Sherbrooke Daily Record can only be described as a leap of faith — he had no type, no press, and no building from which to operate. It has been said that anyone with less conviction and less resolve might have given up such an undertaking. Undaunted, Channell arranged for his newspaper to be printed on the press owned by L.A. Bélanger, publisher of Le Progrès de l’Est, located on Wellington Street. The staff was composed of Channell, Victor E. Morrill as news reporter, and F.T. Enright as court reporter. They worked out of a room on the ground floor of the same site. When the Sherbrooke Daily Record hit newsstands in 1897, it was sold for only $.01 per copy; a twelve-month subscription could be obtained for $1.50. The paper took the format of a broadsheet over five columns and the first edition of the paper was a mere four pages. Shipped throughout the Eastern Townships via train, the Sherbrooke Daily Record soon became a household fixture. Published six days a week, and the only major daily outside the major centres of Montreal and Quebec City, the Sherbrooke Daily 74 JOURNAL OF EASTERN TOWNSHIPS STUDIES

Front page of the first edition. Dossier: The Record 75

Record was significantly different from other dailies in circulation at the turn of the century: • its subscription rate was considerably lower than that of most other dailies; • the main focus of the paper was local rather than national; • and in the first edition, Channell published a mission statement whereby he promised that the news of the Eastern Townships would take precedence over all else. Oddly, however, Channell also presented, in the same edition, a policy of no editorials, claiming they were a waste of time and space, concluding, “Consequently we shall devote the money that could be paid for second-class editorial writers, to the gathering of readable and interesting news items.” Within a month, however, Channell realized that it would be impossible to run a quality newspaper without editorial comment and rescinded his original policy. The “gathering of readable and interesting news items” to which Channell had referred has made, and continues to make, The Record truly unique. Since its inception, The Record has maintained a network of social correspondents who have provided readers with local information from every corner of the Eastern Townships. Page 3 of the first issue ran a column of “Cookshire Notes,” which have a certain charm to them and covered a wide range of news items: Cookshire Notes. Cookshire, Feb. 8. — Success to the “Record”. Charlie Bailey is learning to waltz. [my own favourite] Mr. Arthur Cann is rapidly improving. The girls Gym of the “Academy,” has received a large stock of Indian Clubs. “More power to their elbow.” Rev. C. W. Finch, denounced carnivals and hockey matches being held on Saturday night, as tending to desecrate the Sabbath. Cookshire Mill Co., loaded and shipped over two hundred cars of Pulp wood last week end- ing 6th. The staff of the Academy are trying to improve the library. Donations thankfully received. An India Famine Fund is being raised by the Churches in town. 76 JOURNAL OF EASTERN TOWNSHIPS STUDIES

It is reported that Harold Wilford has secured a position in the Peoples Bank in Halifax. A large number drove to Angus to witness the 6th match in the local series of League games. They went down very joyful but came back making as little noise as possible, it being Sun- day. Although Channell stressed that the primary focus of the Sher- brooke Daily Record would be local news, he outlined in his letter to readers that the Record would also carry the latest telegraphic and cable news from all parts of the world. Channell noted that, though the Record would not at first be able to compete in world news with larger dailies in circulation at the time, a summary of all the important world events would appear daily in the Record. This made for an interesting mix of information being provided in the paper. Headlines from the first edition included the following: “Hockey at Lennoxville: A Close Game”; “City Council: Estimates for the Year Presented”; “War Almost Inevitable Between Greece and Turkey.” It’s interesting to note that stories had a major headline and two sub-headlines underneath, each followed by a period. This was to be characteristic of Record stories for more than a decade. Channell also outlined his position on the place that advertising would occupy in his new paper: In starting we have made the size of the paper small, but shall enlarge it as fast as the advertising patronage will warrant. One thing we shall always remember, is not to allow the advertising to encroach on the news columns. It is not an advertising sheet that we purpose issuing, but a news paper in every sense of the word. Convincing local businesses to advertise presented no small hur- dle for the debutante paper. Newspaper advertising was a new concept for Eastern Townships entrepreneurs. Advertising in the first edition of the Sherbrooke Daily Record was fairly extensive and presented an eclectic combination of businesses and services from the Bon-Ton Black Dress Goods store, which was featured on the front page [see page 74], to D. McManamy & Co., importers of wines and liquors. Of particular interest to some of you may be the ad for Hovey’s [see facing page]. Channell recognized the importance of local support for his paper, but he also demonstrated good business sense by stressing the benefits Dossier: The Record 77

of advertising, and by providing a medium through which local businesses could expand their client base. An in- house ad calling for advertisers to try their luck with the new paper in town states: “Give the Sherbrooke Daily Record and any other paper you advertise in a fair chance to prove its work as a good advertising medium. Put in honest, up- to-date ads, and change them frequently…. Trial ad 26 cents.” Advertising did pick up shortly after the first edition of the paper, and a large portion of the ads were for local enterprises, which illustrates the relative prosperity of the Eastern Townships, and of Sherbrooke in particular, at the turn of the century. Though national ads would

Advertisement for Hovey’s eventually be published, the focus was from the first edition. regional and many local businesses were loyal supporters of their local paper. Because the Sherbrooke Daily Record was the new business in town, its circulation at first was somewhat limited. For the first few weeks, however, Channell sent the paper to several homes in the area free. Residents of Sherbrooke could have the Record delivered to the door or buy it from local merchants. For those living elsewhere in the Townships, the paper was printed in time to connect with the trains to Magog, Lake Megantic and all other intermediate stations, ensur- ing that readers in outlying regions would receive their news on time every day. With the most common means of transportation, horse and buggy, taking too long, the Record relied on the services of CP Rail for prompt and efficient delivery. The newspapers were sorted at the train station and from there sent to their various destinations throughout the Townships.

A QUARTER-CENTURY OF PROGRESS: 1897–1922 On the occasion of the Sherbrooke Daily Record’s twenty-fifth anniversary, a look back over its first quarter-century revealed that the paper had matured considerably from its humble beginnings. By 1922, the Record had over 100 employees on payroll, including correspondents. […] 78 JOURNAL OF EASTERN TOWNSHIPS STUDIES

The newspaper had grown by leaps and bounds. On June 29, 1903, new presses and equipment had been installed at the Record’s offices at 100 Wellington Street. In 1904, the Record had absorbed the Sherbrooke Examiner, a local weekly. Similarly, the Sherbrooke Gazette was purchased in 1908 and became a part of the much larger daily. As the Sherbrooke Daily Record grew, the need for a permanent home became a somewhat pressing matter, and in 1906 the Sherbrooke Daily Record building was constructed at 69 Wellington Street North in downtown Sherbrooke. This new building would house all elements of the newspaper’s operations, from the presses to the business offices. According to the twenty-fifth anniversary edition of the Record, “This gave the Record one of the most conveniently arranged printing premises in Canada, the business, editorial and mechanical depart- ments all being located on the ground floor. It is believed that no other daily newspaper in Canada enjoys this convenient arrangement.” In 1907, The Sherbrooke Record Company was founded by Chan- nell, and its members included V.E. Morrill — his business partner and editor of the Record. The Record was heading towards the peak of its growth when readers were shocked and dismayed to learn of Chan- nell’s sudden death. The Monday, July 19, 1909, edition of the Sherbrooke Daily Record reported that Leonard S. Channell had died, “At his summer cottage ‘Fern Bank’ on the shore of Lake Massawippi, at 9:45 Saturday morning…. The summons came suddenly, as almost up to the last moment he had apparently been in his usual health.” Channell’s obituary includes a passage emphasizing the fact that Channell had not been in the least influenced by naysayers, who didn’t believe that a project such as the Sherbrooke Daily Record could succeed. Channell had not only been well respected in the communities of the Eastern Townships, but his work in the field of journalism had also been recognized throughout Canada. He had been president of the Canadian Press Association, the first time a newspaperman from the Province of Quebec had held the prestigious title. When Leonard Channell passed away, he left the Record in very good condition. Circulation figures for the first ten years of its operation had jumped from roughly 2,400 in 1898 to 8,000 in 1907. These numbers continued to spiral upwards throughout the first 25 years of the paper’s history until circulation rates reached a near saturation point, with well over 10,000 copies of the paper being delivered to Dossier: The Record 79

homes across the Eastern Townships daily. This remarkable growth in circulation was attributed to editorial content. To quote the twenty-fifth anniversary edition of the Record, “The establishment of correspondents to report the local news in the various Eastern Townships communities has always been marked by growth of circulation in those communities.” “Daily News Specials from All Parts of the Eastern Townships” were a regular front page feature of the Sherbrooke Daily Record in its early years. […] [A sample from December 30, 1910, shows a] range of localities — from Graniteville to Melbourne, from Black Lake to Dunham—and a variety of happenings covered—from sliding accidents to the avail- ability of town water, from a gift received to a school closure. The 1922 article on the Record’s circulation goes on to state, “And likewise as the telegraphic as well as the home news services have been developed, the Record has come to be regarded as more and more complete as a newspaper, until today a very large proportion of the Record’s readers, perhaps three-fourths of the whole, take no other daily paper.” The Record had installed a Canadian Press leased wire service which brought the news of the world directly to the editor’s desk and into the paper daily. [The November 10, 1909, front page] shows that a third of the page contained news from beyond the Eastern Townships—from London, Ontario; London, England; New York; Montreal; Knoxville, Ten- nessee; and Winnipeg. This was an improvement over the paper’s humble beginnings when only snippets of far-away news were trans- mitted to readers. With the technological advances to the wire service available to the Record, the news of the world could be brought to the doorsteps of Townshippers. News of many international events reached people in the Eastern Townships only via the pages of the Record. In the newspaper’s early years, the death of Queen Victoria in 1901 was one of the major world happenings to hit the front page. The Record acknowledged the importance of her death by using the thick vertical column separators, or “mourning bars,” associated with the death of an important person. The headline read, “The Queen is Dead; Her Empire Mourns Today.” In 1912, the sinking of the Titanic shocked many. The front pages of the Sherbrooke Daily Record were emblazoned with headlines like “Feared Over 1200 Persons Perished by Foundering of Titanic After 80 JOURNAL OF EASTERN TOWNSHIPS STUDIES

Colliding With Iceberg” and “Catastrophe Worst In History of the Sea.” One report complained that because of the “women first” regula- tion, the lives of many prominent men had been lost. Another Record article related that a bust of Sir Wilfrid Laurier destined for the Chateau Laurier was lost in the disaster. On Monday, August 3, 1914, the Record announced that “European War Has Begun With All Great Powers Involved.” Only then, when it looked as though Britain would be involved, did the Record devote all its attention to the situation that had been unfolding in Europe. It seemed obvious that Britain would be involved, and Canada, as a Dominion, along with it. The Record, along with most other newspapers, was reporting that the war would not last long and that German food supplies were already running short. The Record was there when Britain declared war on Germany, and it chronicled the battles and movements of troops overseas, rearrang- ing its services to give better war coverage. It now had access to the entire Associated Press Service. As well, it had access to bulletins on stock wire to provide up-to-the-minute information and to an illustrated service to provide photographs and drawings. In the August 5, 1914, edition of the Record, the following notice appeared: Realizing that the communities of the Eastern Townships, where the Record circulates, will be deeply interested in the war news, the Record desires to announce that it will be prepared to give brief bulletins of the news in answer to long distance calls after 10:30 in the morning. It is suggested that communities interested in this offer, arrange through a local committee to post a daily bulletin. The Record will not be able to provide this news to individual inquirers but will do so for communities which make such arrangements for posting bulletins. Every community in the Eastern Townships had family members or friends who were overseas and the Record provided this service for its readers because management knew that many of its readers could not wait for the following day to trace the progress of the war. For Townshippers, war reports from the Sherbrooke Daily Record were the closest thing to a letter home from the many young soldiers from the Eastern Townships who went off to fight in the Great War. Throughout the war, many truths were kept from readers, partly due to censorship, but also because news of what trench warfare was really like would simply have been too traumatic for relatives waiting at home to bear. Thus, despite the Record’s efforts to secure informa- Dossier: The Record 81 tion, the amount of war news that got through to Record readers was minimal. When a soldier from the area was injured or killed, it was usually someone who was known to many subscribers. Bulletins generally read something like the following: “Coaticook, May 10, 1915. Mrs. Mary Forest received a message from Ottawa announcing her son Gunner Henry S. Forest, of the 2nd Field Artillery Brigade had been killed in action. Much sympathy is felt for the parents of this young soldier, who was well known in Coaticook and only about 18 years of age.” The paper tried to keep its stories original and included anecdotes such as that of two Eastern Townships ladies who sent soldiers cakes with notes of encouragement or letters from soldiers at the front. For the most part, Townshippers read about how well their troops were doing and heavy losses the Germans had suffered. By 1917, war reports no longer took up the entire first page, although they still told of heavy German losses. As things became more optimistic, the headlines grew accordingly. On November 11, 1918, the entire front page was dedicated to the end of the Great War. Sherbrooke declared a public holiday and the Headlines on Armistice Day. Record reported, “Crowds Grabbed Pans to Use As Drums” and celebrations spilled over into the streets. When the troops returned, the front page of the Sherbrooke Daily Record proudly displayed celebratory Union Jacks and Canadian flags on either side of the Record’s name and welcomed the soldiers home, thanking them for their service to their country. Sherbrooke and the Eastern Townships were honored by a Royal visit in 1919, a very special occasion that would rarely be repeated. On the day of the Prince of Wales’ visit, industries in Sherbrooke declared half work days and during the actual two-hour visit, all business in Sherbrooke was suspended. The Record wrote, “… Prince Edward of Wales, heir apparent to the British throne, comes to Sher- brooke today. The welcome which Sherbrooke will accord him will speak for itself, giving undying evidence of the loyalty and patriotism 82 JOURNAL OF EASTERN TOWNSHIPS STUDIES

of the people of these Eastern Townships.” Advertising that appeared in the first 25 years of the Record’s history reflected changing times. The Victory Loan campaign figured prominently among post-war advertising campaigns. Ads regarding health care and the prevention of unpleasant illnesses became commonplace. In the October 29, 1919, edition of the Record, an ad appeared for Zutoo, which “will cure any headaches in 20 minutes, will nip a cold in the bud, will relieve the monthly pains of women, and in every case it Leaves you Feeling Good.” Another ad for a vitamin supplement stated: “Afraid She Was Dying: suffered terribly until she took ‘Fruit-a-tives.’” Cures for stomach ailments and severe skin conditions were also featured regularly. Advertisements also show how drastically different the cost of trav- el was from that of today. In the August 5, 1914, issue of the Record, several ocean liners were advertising rates of under $100 from Mon- treal to ports throughout Europe. Some third-class tickets could be obtained for as low as $20. Frequent local advertisers during this era included H.C. Wilson & Sons, the Eastern Townships Bank, Griffith’s Drug Store, J.S. Mitchell, Allatt’s, and His Majesty’s Theatre. Several special supplements printed on glossy paper were published by the Sherbrooke Daily Record during this period. These included “The Christmas Record,” noteworthy also for its use of red ink on its front, back, and centre pages, on December 16, 1911, and “Eastern Town- ships Agriculture” on May 28, 1914. On its twenty-fifth anniversary, the Sherbrooke Daily Record received numerous messages of congratulations both from fellow newspaper- men and major advertisers. Congratulations came from, among others, the Calgary Daily Herald, the Toronto Globe, the Halifax Daily Chronicle, Bovril Limited and Baby’s Own Soap. Two letters are of particular note. From the Mail and Empire, Toron- to: “The Record has always been an outstanding example of the best there is in journalism and we hope that in the coming years you may be able to harvest the prosperity you deserve from the splendid seed you have sown in the twenty-five years that lie behind you.” From the London Daily Advertiser: Congratulations to you and to the good men about you, on your accomplishment in building a newspaper that because of its hon- esty of purpose and fearless attitude in fighting for the rights of the people, has come to be looked upon as one of the ideals of newspaperdom in Canada. The confidence reposed in The Daily Dossier: The Record 83

Record by the people of Sherbrooke and surrounding district, and the prestige of The Record among Canadian publishers, is ample evidence of the fact that success is not always measured in circulation figures that run in the hundreds of thousands. Long may you live and prosper. Although 25 years of operation seemed a great achievement, those associated with the Record realized, “Twenty-five years is not a great age as newspapers go.” Several Canadian publications had already celebrated their centennials. This led J.H. Woods of the Calgary Herald to refer to the Record as having just emerged from its youth.

THE 50-YEAR MARK: THE RECORD GROWS UP: 1923–1947 By the time the Sherbrooke Daily Record had been in publication for fifty years, it had weathered many storms and had come through unscathed. The Record had survived two World Wars, a depression, good times and bad. The newspaper had been blessed with a truly dedicated staff which had been instrumental in producing a first-rate community newspaper and keeping it functioning, even through the hardest of times. An editorial published on the cover of the fiftieth anniversary edition of the Record praised staffers who had contributed to the life of the paper. Among those lauded in the editorial was long-time employee Char- lie Pearson, a worker in the press room, who had dedicated 47 years to turning the papers out day after day. He was actually to work a total of 52 years at the Sher- brooke Daily Record, from 1900 to 1952. Also mentioned were Ruby Bailey, an employee of 45 years, A.J. O’Boyle (45 years), Joe Blais (41 years), and Edna Beerworth (35 years). Over the span of its first fifty years, the Record’s look had changed considerably from its earlier days. In 1927, the newspaper changed its format, still a broadsheet, but now over eight columns rather than five. The front page of 21 March 1929 illustrates the change to eight columns. 84 JOURNAL OF EASTERN TOWNSHIPS STUDIES

You’ll notice that the period in the masthead is gone and there are no longer periods at the end of headlines. And only one subheading is used. The newsprint used was wider and thus the Sherbrooke Daily Record contained a considerable amount of information daily. Also, with improving technology, the Record began publishing more photographs, especially on the cover, bringing new life to the paper. In 1930, news printers were installed in the newsroom, giving the editorial staff immediate access to stories directly off the wire service, bringing the news of the world automatically to the editor. Later on, the words “THE PAPER OF THE EASTERN TOWNSHIPS” were added to the masthead. During the years of the Second World War, a V for victory and a Union Jack flanked the words “Sherbrooke Daily Record” on the masthead. Most stories on the cover page were related to the war. [There was a “War Bulletins” section, and election results from PEI were almost lost amongst the war stories.] Management of the Record fell into many hands in its first fifty years. Following Channell’s death, ownership of the Record went to his wife, Winnifred Buckland Channell. Victor E. Morrill became managing editor during this time and remained as such until his death in 1928. Morrill was replaced by Erasmus G. Pierce, who had been with the Record as assistant manager for 27 years and became general manager for almost two years, until his death in 1930. In 1930, the Record was purchased by Alfred Wood and Gordon Miller became editor of the paper. This arrangement lasted until 1935, with the passing of Wood and the purchase of controlling interest in The Sherbrooke Record Company by John Bassett, Sr., then president of the Montreal Gazette. Bassett held the position of President of The Sherbrooke Daily Record Company until 1945, when the post was then occupied by his son, John Bassett, Jr., who carried on until 1968. Through all of its different owners, managers and editors, the Sher- brooke Daily Record maintained a very high standard of excellence. Its commitment to Channell’s original motto of “community first” remained strong until the Bassett era, when it began to waver somewhat as the Record became a training ground for reporters who came from outside the area and were headed for the Toronto beat. The Record’s circulation remained fairly steady during its first fifty years. At its twenty-fifth anniversary, circulation levels had hit the ten thousand plus mark, and these levels remained fairly steady for the next 25 years. Was this perhaps due to the need for up-to-date infor- Dossier: The Record 85 mation regarding the war or Townshippers’ desire to keep in touch with members of its various communities through the columns of social correspondents? After all, where else could one learn about the comings and goings in the Townships, from meeting reports to who visited whom, from graduation dances to announcements of new families moving in. This particular excerpt [see right] tells us of visitors to “Bon- nie View Farm” in Ayer’s Cliff, of a Mother’s Day gift of roses and chocolates cabled to a mom in Beebe from her son stationed in Italy, and of the South Bolton Catholic congregation’s first church service in what was formerly “Wedge’s Store.” A much-loved feature of The Record is its social In 1947 the cost of the Record notes. These date from 6 June 1944. was still comparatively low. Fifty years after its original cost of $1.50 for an annual subscription, the cost of the Record was $13 per year if delivered by carrier and $6 if delivered by mail. Major local stories covered in the Sherbrooke Daily Record between 1923 and 1947 included the unveiling of Sherbrooke’s Soldiers’ Mon- ument on King Hill on November 7, 1926, The first few lines of the story read, With one thought in common, that of perpetuating the names and memory of the heroes from the city of Sherbrooke who gave their lives on the altar of sacrifice at the call of King and country, and to honor the deeds and bravery of those who offered their services, withstood the war and returned to their native land, citizens of Sherbrooke, regardless of creed, class or nationality, united together on Sunday afternoon as true Canadians and loyal British subjects to attend the unveiling and dedication of Sher- brooke’s monument to its glorious soldier-dead. Favored with fine weather, the ceremony, which was very impressive, was carried out in a most successful manner, was one which did full justice to the noble motives of the citizens and will long be remembered by those who were present. A fire at Stanstead Wesleyan College on May 28, 1938, was the subject of a front page story. […] The era of the Record’s second quarter-century was marked by 86 JOURNAL OF EASTERN TOWNSHIPS STUDIES major international developments. October 29, 1929, is often identified as the starting day of the Depression. Ironically enough, the headline of the Record that day screamed out, “Land Values at Asbestos Take a Big Jump; Land Boom Strikes Town of Asbestos and Forces Property Values To Sky.” Property in Asbestos was worth $100,000, a lot of money considering one could rent a brand new house for $15 per month. At the beginning of the Depression, the stock market crash was greeted with a small article on the front page. Nobody seemed particularly worried. The Record was still packed with ads for radios and brand new appliances. Gradually, however, the headlines became more pessimistic, one from 1931 saying, “Serious Internal and Exter- nal Problems Confront All Nations.” The ads gradually shift towards practical things, with people afraid of losing their jobs and having to save and scrimp money. Throughout the early 1930s, there are almost no want ads, whereas before the paper had been packed with them. In 1936, news of the abdication of King Edward hit the front page of the Sherbrooke Daily Record. In 1939, King George VI and Queen Elizabeth visited Sherbrooke, and a specially wrapped issue of the Sherbrooke Daily Record was placed on the Royal Train. In this second 25-year period of the Record’s history, war once again figured prominently. Canadian troops, including several Townships regiments, were once again overseas and families at home were left to worry about their well-being. The Record was left with the responsi- bility of tracking the war and bringing the news to Townshippers. Throughout the entire war, “determined calm” is the prevailing spir- it as the Record reported on the war but little else. The surrender of France was not reported as a catastrophe, but simply one more thing to deal with. Once again, censorship meant that the important turning points of the war were almost overlooked. Many employees of the Record served in the war, as well as their family members. E.C. Bampton, a press-room employee in 1945, recalls the dilemma with which he was faced when Record employees This editorial cartoon from the 6 June 1944 learned of the end of World War II, edition reflects preoccupation with the war. but were not allowed to share the Dossier: The Record 87 news until noon. Bampton’s father and brother were serving in the war and his mother was extremely anxious for their safe return. Bampton also remembers that on the day that victory was declared, the masses had gathered outside the Record offices on Wellington Street to get the official news: “We worked hard to get the paper out before noon. By 11 o’clock, the noise from Wellington Street was get- ting into the building. People had gathered on the street, stores closed, horns honked and folks were patting each other on the back.” The Record was the official word in town and the citizens of Sherbrooke and the Townships depended on it to give them the most up-to-date information available every day. That same day, May 7, 1945, the Record accorded the war a huge headline with the words “GERMANY QUITS” taking up half the page on VE Day. The war in the Pacific was still raging. Then it was over, and another huge headline was splashed across the front page, “Japan Surrenders.” The Record had published an annual review in February of 1945. The first page of section 2 featured a tribute to soldiers. Then in January of 1946, a special “WEL- COME HOME” edition was published.

Advertising during the second 25-year It’s easy to see this ad for Kushner’s period in the Record’s history again dates from the flapper era reflected the times. (21 March 1929).

TO 1972: TRIALS AND TRIBULATIONS, OR “REACHING 75: OLDER IS NOT NECESSARILY BETTER” The next 25 years (1947–1971) did not run as smoothly for the Record as had the first half century. The fifties and early sixties have often been described as the Record’s heyday: no more depression, no more wars, business was booming. Annual reviews came in as many as five sections of 24 pages each— 120 pages of supplement plus the day’s regular paper. In terms of specific events, in 1952 the Sherbrooke Daily Record’s front page on February 6 announced the death of King George. Black mourning bars were used to mark the sad occasion. If we take a look at a few of that issue’s other pages to get a sense of what the newspaper 88 JOURNAL OF EASTERN TOWNSHIPS STUDIES

of the 1950s was like, we find “The City Page” featuring articles on meetings, concerts, and business news. There was also a page called “In the Women’s Sphere,” featuring social and personal news, patterns, recipes, an advice column, and reports from various organizations. The day’s sports page covered local and national events in hockey, basketball, skiing, curling and badminton. A decade later (May 26, 1962, to be exact), the paper was running columns written by Len O’Donnell and “Ted” Anderson. The front page of that edition featured a dramatic local story, “EIGHT KILLED IN ASBESTOS BLAST” [see below]. A closer look at the masthead shows us features that had been added on either side of it, “Today’s Chuckle” and “The Weather.” On the same front page is an article with the headline, “Sherbrooke Record Threat- ened by Strike”. The Sherbrooke Daily Record’s The front page of the 26 May 1962 edition multi-paged annual reviews headlined a local tragedy. alluded to earlier contained stories on a wide range of topics — business developments, reviews of local happenings, personality profiles, and more. […] From March 15, 1952, “A Year’s Activity at Boundary Reviewed in Report to Society” is a colorful summary of the events of 1951 in Stanstead County. The following are two excerpts from that article: THE DEMOCRATIC MIND AT WORK is very aptly illustrated in the development of local projects towards realisation. There is much conversation: some throwing about of local weight, a good deal of acrimony and violent reactions and partisanship. Then when the smoke of the battle clears away, sensible agreement is arrived at and progress is made. This is the best illustration in the Protestant School situation. The school had a stormy inception, quarrel as to location, violent partisanship between supporters of the College and of the School Board, and between Rock Island and Stanstead again about an amalgamation. Finally by July 9th, the new school board of the united municipalities was formed happily and quietly with an excellent choice of members. The first sod was turned by Miss Grace Libby, First Year’s beloved teacher, and as you walk down Dossier: The Record 89

the street, you will see the constructive result, progress in the building of Sunnyside School. We have to thank the defunct boards for their efforts, for their candid approach to the citizens by inviting them to their meetings, the building committee for hanging onto their plan, Dr. Shurtleff for his guiding hand, to Mr. Gerin, our MLA, for his support with the government. If one can add not a sour note, but a clear note to be kept in the ear of the board, may two women be appointed to the board. […] The most lurid subject of conversation or controversy, that aroused the greatest animosity and partisanship, that made the columns of the Sherbrooke Record hot reading, our daily entertainment that added nothing to prove anything was the Holland Will Case. Some distant day when our chairman, John T. Hack- ett, QC, is bowed with years and rheumatism, he will cup his ear with his hand to hear the verdict. The 1957 sixtieth annual review featured, among many others, a story on Sutton chin- chillas [see left] and one describ- ing 1956 as a poor year for farmers. The 1962 review included stories on a Record carrier and a long-time rural post- One of the previous year’s stories featured in the man. The latter article was annual review published 16 May 1957. written by Mrs. George Parsons, the first of three generations of women in her family to be a Record correspondent. In 1963, the Record published a special supplement on the occasion of the centennial of H.C. Wilson & Sons. […] The glorious times for the Sherbrooke Daily Record were not to last. The paper fell on hard times in the mid-sixties, due to both external and internal factors. In the early days of the paper’s publication, the Eastern Townships had been home to a significant anglophone population. Over the years, however, these numbers declined considerably—to the point where the English-speaking population seemed to disappear in certain communities. 90 JOURNAL OF EASTERN TOWNSHIPS STUDIES

The main external factor that contributed to the paper’s difficulty was the political situation in Que- bec during the sixties and early sev- enties. Disenchanted, Anglo-Quebeckers were packing their bags and heading for points across North America to avoid a situation that was becoming more and more unsettling. This profoundly affected the English- An ad from the 15 March 1952 edition. speaking population in the Eastern Townships and by extension Record subscribers. During these 25 years, circulation numbers dove, advertising potential declined, and the times of subscribers numbering over ten thousand were gone. Internal problems also played a role in the paper’s troubles. The entire premise for the Sherbrooke Daily Record, as Channell had outlined in its first edition, was a commitment to community and the affairs of the Eastern Townships. These ideals were maintained throughout the first 50 years of the paper’s history, but over time pri- orities changed. The Record came to be run exclusively as a business and was no longer the vital community link that it had been in the past. While the Sherbrooke Daily Record was under the ownership of the Bassett family, it became just one paper in a large conglomerate. John Bassett, Sr., was president of the Montreal Gazette when he purchased the small community daily. His son John Bassett, Jr., was linked to the newspaper and television industry in Toronto. The main concern for the Bassetts, therefore, was their larger investments, and the Record came to be run as just one paper among many larger papers. It did not command the attention that it needed or that it deserved. Under the ownership of the younger Bassett, the Record became a “farm paper” for the Toronto Telegram, and much of the news that would be published in the metropolitan-area paper would find itself in the pages of the Record. The community focus that was considered so fundamental in its early years began to dwindle, as did community support for the newspaper. Information that was important to Toron- tonians did not necessarily reflect that which was important to Town- shippers. In 1968, the possibility of the Sherbrooke Daily Record ceasing to exist became very real when Bassett, Jr., decided to cease publication Dossier: The Record 91 of the Toronto Telegram. He wanted to move out of the newspaper business completely, in order to focus his attention on the growing television industry and his CTV network. The decision was therefore made to sell his interests in the Sherbrooke Daily Record, despite the fact that a new site at CPR Terrace and a new press for the Townships daily had been recently purchased. A photograph in the January 28, 1968, edition of the Sherbrooke Daily Record captured the image of one of the last newspapers rolling off the old press. A Joyce Cochrane sketch of the retired press ran in the paper about two weeks later. The new Goss printing press was delivered to the Record’s new home at CPR Terrace. On August 1, 1968, the Record was purchased by Ivan Saunders and Robert Stafford under the name of Progressive Publications Inc. Saunders had at one time worked for the Montreal Gazette, The new Goss press being moved to the and moved to the Sherbrooke newspaper’s new premises in 1968 paper in 1944 as business man- (file photo, The Record). ager. Saunders had been in charge of the Record’s day-to-day operations since 1948, while Bassett, Jr., concentrated his interests on his business dealings in Toronto. By the time Saunders bought the Record, the paper had almost reached the point of no return. Advertising revenue and circulation numbers had both plummeted. It did not look like the paper could be saved. Saunders found himself in the unfortunate position of trying to sail an already sinking ship. The Sherbrooke Daily Record put on a brave face, profiling the use of its newspaper in grammar class, dropping publication of the Saturday edition and starting up a new weekend section, and hosting an “Open House” that stretched over three evenings. A special “Open House” edition profiled the newspaper operation and its staff. Saunders managed to stay afloat for a few months, but the paper was losing money and it became obvious that the Record would fold if drastic action were not taken. This drastic action came in the form of the sale of the newspaper to Conrad Black, Peter White and David Radler. Peter White had unsuccessfully tried to buy the Sherbrooke Daily Record from the Bassett family. By 1969, the Record was no longer a part of the Bassett family hold- 92 JOURNAL OF EASTERN TOWNSHIPS STUDIES ings, and Saunders was ready to sell it. In exchange for the assumption of debts and payroll costs, White, Black and Radler took over the Record, and a new era in the paper’s history began. On July 23, 1969, less than a month after they had made their purchase (June 26), the owners renamed the newspaper the Sherbrooke Record. As Richard Siklos writes in his 1996 biography, Shades of Black: Con- rad Black and the World’s Fastest Growing Press Empire, When businesses, and newspapers in particular, pass between owners, there are usually two versions of what transpired. Those whose careers were disrupted or terminated by the incoming managers invariably deride the new owners, lamenting the decline in the quality of the product, the demise of tradition and the most intangible journalistic quality of all, “community service.” Those brought on by the new owners after the house is put in order to their liking, however, tend to be more sympathetic to their employers. The Sherbrooke Record in the summer of ’69 was no exception (Siklos, p. 42). There were, indeed, many hard feelings about the tactics of the new management of the Sherbrooke Record. Black, White and Radler had enacted extreme measures in order to save the paper from extinc- tion. This included paring the staff down from 48 to 24 within the first few weeks of their ownership. In a 1997 Record interview, White attempted to shed some light on the situation: “The staff had too many people…. There is absolutely no question about it. It had to be done. It wasn’t pleasant doing those kinds of things [laying off long- time employees], but it had to be done to survive.” Business decisions were not the only aspects of the Black, White and Radler era that were looked upon with scorn. As far as editorial policy goes, it can be fairly said that there really was no policy. The first item of business for the new owners was to keep the business afloat. The contents of the paper seemed of little importance. […] At the newspaper’s seventy-fifth anniversary mark, things were not looking good for the paper. Readers had become disillusioned with the route the paper had taken. A 1956 “Out Our Way” cartoon found during our research, of a boy trying to learn to pull the tablecloth out from under a pot with his mother coming upon the scene, calls to my mind’s eye a modified version, with Record subscribers in place of the mother, and young Black, Radler and White in place of the boy. Local coverage was at an all-time low, and subscribers were showing their disapproval by letting their subscriptions run out. The special anniversary poem written in 1957 by Tom Gordon, and published on Dossier: The Record 93

March 16 1957 (p. 123), would not have reflected the mood of subscribers in the early 1970s: CONGRATULATIONS TO THE SDR, ON ITS SIXTIETH ANNIVERSARY Hats off to the Record, in its sixtieth year. It has brought many a laugh, many a tear. It brought us the news, day in, day out. It’s a paper we feel we can do not without. It covers the news of the world, in brief. In events of moment, and items of grief. The Social news of the Eastern Townships. Cover far more than one hundred places. Births and deaths, engagements and weddings, too. Of interest to folk, like me, and like you. Pages of sports for young, and the old. If we would keep young, keep active, we’re told. Then look at those ads, classified and others. That help you to make the best use of your dollars. And its page Editorial, which gleans the world’s press. Our Editor gives us, what he thinks and feels is best. If there’s only one paper that they can afford. Thousands will say it’s the Daily Sherbrooke Record. So, Good Luck to its Editor, its Staff and its Pages. May the Record live on, for ages and ages.

1973–1997: ONE HUNDRED YEARS OF HISTORY Though the years from 1947 to 1972 presented many difficulties for the Record, the following 25 years repre- sent a period of recovery. As can be seen by the paper’s current success, the Record has emerged from its trials and tribulations relatively unscathed. This quarter-century began with Page 3 of the edition of 19 March 1978. trying times, however. Editors came and went with frightening speed, with as many as three per year. Many Record subscribers remember the days when editorials were taken from the Winnipeg Free Press or the Peterborough Examiner. Peter White has explained, “That was sort of a desperate measure. Rather than not have any [editorials] at all we occasionally did take editorials from the Canadian Press. Eventually, as we got more experienced staff, we changed that.” 94 JOURNAL OF EASTERN TOWNSHIPS STUDIES

The Record remained in the hands of the threesome for eight years, until 1977. In the latter years of the Black, White and Radler propri- etorship, a more community-oriented paper was produced—it had become clear that the Record could not survive, no matter how good the business sense, without the support of the community. Time has told that Channell’s “community first” promise is the vital link that keeps the paper in operation, even in the hardest of times. A semblance of stability was provided when Barbara Verity Steven- son came back to the Record in 1974—a year after the operation had moved to Roy Street. She’d been a Record reporter in the mid 1960s. Her three-year stint as editor was the longest any editor would remain in place under the paper’s rule by Black, White, and Radler. A glance at the April 5, 1975, Sherbrooke Record gives us an idea of what the paper was like near the end of the Black years. [During this time, the front page used the format of featuring] a story above the masthead [see left]. Notice the mix of local and provincial front-page news stories. Page 3 contained quite a combination of articles: legal, school, bus, accidents. To situ- ate us with what was happening of historical significance nation- ally, [I note that] page 4 of that issue featured a cartoon on the change to Celsius: yes, we’ve been living in the Celsius world for over 20 years!

The front page of the 5 April 1975 edition. […] Although Conrad Black and his partners are credited with saving the paper from virtual extinc- tion, it is the years that would follow that would really bring the paper back to life. In 1977, after only eight years of ownership, Black and company sold their interests in the paper to move on to bigger ventures. (Conrad Black is currently one of the biggest newspaper tycoons in the world, and Peter White has recently been honored by the French government with the Légion d’honneur—and it all started with a small anglophone daily in the Eastern Townships of Quebec.) The Sherbrooke Record was purchased by George MacLaren and associ- Dossier: The Record 95 ates for the princely sum of $865,000, almost $845,000 more than what the Black group had paid for it. Though the paper was clearly out of the red, it was now MacLaren’s task to win back the anglophone population of the Eastern Town- ships. This was not an easy task—many bridges had been burned. Along with a new ownership came a new editor, James Duff, and the task of rebuilding the Record began. It was back to its roots for the Sherbrooke Record. A firm commitment to local news and notes of interest was advertised. New management vowed that never again would the newspaper publish an editorial from the Winnipeg Free Press. They stood by their promise. Slowly, but surely, former Record readers came around. Content in the paper was a mixture of regional, national, and international news, but the primary focus was local in nature. On its eight-first birthday, seven months after MacLaren and Duff had been at the helm, the paper’s masthead was accompanied by a slogan,”The Voice of the Eastern Townships.” More changes were to come. The first edition of “Townships Week” was published on July 20, 1979. Popularly viewed as an entertainment magazine, the weekly Fri- day supplement, still published today, focuses on local and national entertainment news. It also includes columns, reviews and a summary of what’s on in terms of art and entertainment, as well as the weekly TV listings. “Townships Week” cover stories have featured many cultural sites and events, local artists and entertainers, promoting cultural venues in the region and tal- ented Eastern Townshippers. The supplement has won many awards for its covers [see right], highlighting the artistic talents of those behind the cam- era at the Record. Back to 1979: on Novem- ber 5, MacLaren and company changed the paper’s name to The Record. The philosophy surrounding the use of only the words “The Record” was that this name more accurately Readers look forward to the Friday insert, reflected the vast circulation ”Townships Week,” for in-depth coverage area that the paper served. In of local arts and entertainment. (25 July 1997) 96 JOURNAL OF EASTERN TOWNSHIPS STUDIES fact the majority of subscribers to the paper were and continue to be from outside the immediate Sherbrooke area. In April of 1981, the newspaper’s operations moved to 2850 Delorme Street, its current location. Another Open House was held, drawing a crowd of visitors. A few months later, James Duff left for another media position and Charles Bury took over the position of editor. Bury was to become the newspaper’s longest-standing editor. The year 1982 featured an eighty-fifth anniversary Record reunion, which brought together many current and former employees. A Record report on the reunion focused on the “outspoken tradition” of The Record that MacLaren and Bury were carrying on. More changes had to be made—Canada Post stopped its Saturday rural delivery. Neither the paper nor its mail subscribers were amused. In response, Record management chose to publish two papers on Fridays. Social notes had continued to be a regular part of the daily paper throughout these times. Their topics ranged from reports on monthly meetings to family news from a multitude of Townships communities. Correspondent-photographer Perry Beaton recalls, “Generations of editors tried to get rid of the social notes … at their peril.” In 1983, a public attack on The Record’s social notes and meeting write-ups elicited a rare “Commentary” piece by Mrs. Helen Evans. A normally shy Mrs. Evans informed the critic that “these correspondents” were the backbone of The Record. Helen Evans knew whereof she spoke. Her career with The Record had begun in 1953 as a proof- reader. She later took on responsibilities as correspondents’ editor for a network of over 80 correspondents from across the Townships. This poem by Beryl Williams, published August 25, 1982 (p. 10), illustrates the esteem in which Mrs. E., as she is fondly called by Record staff members, has always been held: THE PROOF IS IN THE READING There is a woman I know who could run circles around anyone wherever she might go. Dedicated to her job through snow, sleet and rain. Even when she’s overloaded she somehow manages to smile again. Dossier: The Record 97

If it weren’t for her integrity and tireless, scanning eye woe! to the bad spellers for those errors that would slip by … Yes, people like her are rare and must have been made in heaven. You must have guessed by now, it’s our own dear Mrs. Evans. Helen Evans was social correspondent editor for 43 years before retiring at the beginning of this year. Today, social notes still have their place in The Record, in no small measure due to Mrs. Evans’ commitment to the “social” news and to her correspondents, many of whom have been among The Record’s contributors for almost a half century. In 1987, The Record was sold by MacLaren to Pierre Péladeau, owner of Communications Québécor inc., a media conglomerate based in Montreal. M. Péladeau, whose photo hit the front page of [the 29 October 1997 issue of the] Record [was] among those to receive France’s Légion d’honneur. Once again, the newspaper was a small fish in a big sea, but this time, the outcome has not been negative. Randy Kinnear, a native Townshipper who had worked closely with MacLaren on the account- ing side of the operation as controller, was named publisher. Rather than being treated as a “farm paper” as it was in the Bassett era, The Record has been allowed and even encouraged to remain true to its roots, as a community paper serving the English-speaking East- ern Townships population. May of 1990 saw the launching of the weekly Brome County News supplement. The Brome County News is a free distribution paper concentrating on the Brome-Missisquoi region, but also made available through The Record to its subscribers. Initially planned as an advertising supplement, the Brome County News gathered such a following that it became an integral part of the anglophone community in the western part of the Townships. People count on their “BCN” for weekly community news. They also anxiously await the next episode of Sharon McCully’s column, “Out of the Brome Closet.” On April 28, 1995, the last broadsheet edition of The Record was printed. Publisher Randy Kinnear and editor Charles Bury outlined the change in a message to readers. From day one, May 1, the tabloid format received rave reviews—being much easier for readers to handle. 98 JOURNAL OF EASTERN TOWNSHIPS STUDIES

Then, in the spring of 1996, as a cost-cutting measure, arrangements were made with La Tribune and La Voix de l’Est for early morning delivery by their motorized vehicle carriers. Charles Bury left the position of editor in the summer of 1996. Still linked to The Record through his page 2 and “On the Wild Side” columns, this award-winning journalist and former president of the Canadian Association of Journalists is destined for further success in the media world. Veteran reporter and Brome County News managing editor Sharon McCully has been editor since Bury’s departure from the newsroom. More changes were on the way. Last fall, Québécor invested in new computer equipment, “a demonstration of confidence in the future of the English-language daily that has served Townshippers for 100 years,” and the newspaper made the transition from manual paste-up to computerized layout. A network of community correspondents was set up and the “Community Forum” concept introduced. Then, to coincide with The Record’s centennial, a new look was launched, along with the publication of a hundredth anniversary supplement. A month ago, the first “Lennoxville Link,” published on Tuesdays, was added to the paper, along with a special local sports section printed on Mondays. Here’s a quick look at a few of the Record people who helped to bring you your daily newspaper—with apologies to the many who are not included.

[At this juncture, Ms. Mastine showed slides of staff photos of editorial personnel, newsroom staff, and carriers.]

Historic moments have been captured by our community daily, some of them marked with the publication of special supplements. There’ve been floods, political changes, anniversaries. Battles have been fought on other fronts. Just months after her first day as editor, McCully took the step of publishing a rarely-seen front page editorial expressing the community’s frustration over the issue of bilingual signs in a local hospital. Thousands of Townshippers sup- ported this gesture, signing a petition which was presented in the National Assembly. The Record has published annual reviews, complaints about our ink—which inspired poetry to come out of the editor’s pen—and captured everyday moments. Dossier: The Record 99

100 YEARS IN A NUTSHELL Former Gazette editorial-page editor Joan Fraser was quoted in the Jan- uary 25, 1984, edition of The Record in an article by Jim Davidson, then a student at Carleton University. The article was entitled, “The Record—a study in ‘modern-day miracles’?” This is what Ms. Fraser had to say about our daily newspaper: “I think it is very important that there be an English paper in the Townships. The Record is a most valuable institution. If the Eastern Townships community remains as lively and coherent as it is that is in large measure due to The Record.” The article continued with the following: While much of the reason for The Record’s miraculous survival lies with the printing and advertising advantages, the intangible factor of a stubborn English community that sees its paper as essential to its own survival cannot be discounted. Another key element in The Record’s continued strength is the dedication and determination of the people who work for the paper. […] Neither Bury nor any of the other Record employees are holding their breath for the paper’s demise. They’re too busy trying to keep it alive. Production manager Richard Lessard has worked 21 years at The Record under Bassett, Saunders, Black and MacLaren and he’s not about to let the paper just fade away. “I told George one day, ‘I’ll stay with you. If the thing goes down, I’ll go with you.’ Everybody will fight very hard before we let this thing go down. I don’t know one person here who wouldn’t help him to the very end.”5 The article’s author concluded, “Publisher MacLaren doesn’t seem to be too worried about ever seeing that end. ‘We’re working on the assumption that we’re going to be around a long time.’” Words that still apply today. On the editorial side of the paper, many journalists have come and gone, but all have fond memories of their Record days. The Record has a long-standing reputation of being a training ground for reporters. Some of the country’s top newspeople have been part of our daily’s news team—Norman Webster, Lou Harris, Paul Waters, Bernie St. Lau- rent, Crosbie Cotton, Avril Benoit, to name a few. Townshippers can boast that they have had top-quality reporting in their local paper for 100 years, and the tradition is still running strong. The success of The Record can be attributed to a tremendous dedi- 100 JOURNAL OF EASTERN TOWNSHIPS STUDIES cation to it by Record owners, employees, and the anglophone community of the Eastern Townships. Current editor Sharon McCully wrote in the hundredth-anniversary edition of the newspaper, “While much ink has been spilled on the business and management styles of various owners, one thing is certain: each played an important role in the survival of The Record and few made money doing it.” Publisher Randy Kinnear, also on the occasion of the paper’s centennial, echoed Leonard Channell’s 100-year-old message to readers: the Sherbrooke Daily Record has come to stay. He noted the many Eng- lish-speaking individuals, organizations and institutions in the East- ern Townships who rely on The Record for news and coverage of community events — a role to which The Record is committed. A congratulatory letter from Ola Dyer Carr of Sutton described the place that our daily newspaper has in our lives: My husband and I have been subscribers for 50 years. The paper has had many ups and downs, as has many of us, but it survives. Our joys and sorrows have been recorded in it. Descriptions of weddings, showers, deaths, reunions, have all been recorded and clipped out to send to relatives and friends. We Townshippers are keeping in touch with each other through the pages of The Record. Congratulations, best wishes and thanks. Townshippers keeping in touch: that’s what The Record is all about — it’s all about us, at home, or wher - ever we may find ourselves.

Then publisher George MacLaren and photographer Perry Beaton display the Canadian Press award given for “It’s All about Us,” a promotional series featuring community members and places. (Source: unidentified clipping in The Record fonds, ETRC Archives Department; ca. 1981.) Dossier: The Record 101

NOTES By the Editors of the Journal of Eastern Townships Studies 1 In this text, “the Sherbrooke Daily Record” refers to the newspaper during the long period it officially bore that name (except in the lecture’s title, where it refers to the paper’s full lifespan) and “the Record” is a short form of the same name. “The Record,” with both words italicized, has been the paper’s official name since 5 Novem- ber 1979. It is used in the text both for references relating to the years since that date and for references to the newspaper as an ongoing daily publication from 1897 to the present. 2 The Campus is Bishop’s University’s newspaper and The Mitre is its literary magazine. 3 When Ms. Mastine presented this address, it was accompanied by numerous slides, some of which are reproduced here. Except where noted in the captions, these slides were made by The Record’s correspondent-photographer Perry Beaton from original copies of the newspaper provided by individual subscribers. 4 The sources for this and other facts presented in the address are found in correspondence by individuals with The Record and in the rele vant issues of the newspaper itself. Queries about specific sources may be addressed to Ms. Mastine, who has information on file. 5 Richard Lessard has now been in his position for 37 years. 102 JOURNAL OF EASTERN TOWNSHIPS STUDIES

ERRATUM

In Journal of Eastern Townships Studies no. 11 (Fall 1997), an error crept into the endnotes to the article by J.I. Little, “A Moral Engine of Such Incalculable Power: The Temperance Movement in the East- ern Townships, 1830–1852.” Following endnote 92, p. 35, the number 93 was used for two endnotes in succession. The second 93 should of course have been 94 and been keyed to superscript number 94 in the text at p. 22. The endnotes numbered 94 through 126 are all, therefore, one step out of alignment with the superscript numbers in the text. The Editors regret the error and any inconve- nience it may cause in consulting Dr. Little’s article. 103

BIOBIBLIOGRAPHIES / NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS

JACQUES AMAZ, docteur en histoire de l’art, est chargé de cours à l’Université Lyon II et à l’Université Lyon III. Il a précédem- ment publié des études sur Étienne Couvert dans le Bulletin des Musées et Monuments lyonnais et le Bulletin de la Diana. MICHAEL BENAZON, a member of the Sherbrooke-area Jewish community since 1972, teaches Quebec Literature at Champlain College in Lennoxville. He writes frequently about Montreal and Townships authors. His books include Montreal Mon Amour: Short Stories from Montreal (editor, 1990) and The Wan- dering Josephs: A Biographical Family History (1996). SYLVIE CÔTÉ est archiviste au Centre de recherche des Cantons de l’Est depuis janvier 1992. Elle siège au conseil d’administration de l’Association des archivistes du Québec et elle est membre de la Table des archives de l’Estrie. Elle a étudié l’oeuvre des orphelins à l’Hospice du Sacré-Coeur de Sher- brooke dans le cadre de son mémoire de maîtrise en histoire à l’Université de Sherbrooke (1987). GILLES DALLAIRE est journaliste à La Tribune (Sherbrooke). Il est au service de ce quotidien depuis 1963. Il a exercé sa profession à Lac- Mégantic puis à Sherbrooke et, depuis l’automne 1989, à Magog, d’où il couvre l’actualité dans la municipalité régionale de comté de Memphrémagog. CHRISTINE HUDON est professeure adjointe au département d’histoire de l’Université de Sherbrooke. Ses recherches portent sur l’histoire socioreligieuse du Québec au XIXe siècle. Elle a publié plusieurs articles, ainsi que Prêtres et fidèles dans le diocèse de Saint-Hyacinthe, 1820–1875, paru en 1996 aux Éditions du Septentrion. MARIE-PAULE RAJOTTE LABRÈQUE est une historienne diplômée de l’Université de Montréal (MA) et de l’Université Laval, où elle a été chargée de cours au Département d’histoire. Elle con- centre ses recherches et ses travaux sur les Cantons-de-l’Est et collabore au Dictionnaire biographique du Canada, qui a publié une vingtaine de ses notices, surtout sur des personnages de notre région. 104 JOURNAL OF EASTERN TOWNSHIPS STUDIES

SUSAN C. MASTINE is Community Relations Manager at the Eastern Townships’ English-language daily newspaper, The Record. A 1972 Bishop’s graduate in sociology, she has been involved in numerous community projects and organizations, including the Eastern Townships Social Action Group, The Town- ships Sun, the Eastern Townships School Board and Townshippers’ Association. TARA MCCULLY has been a resident of the Eastern Townships for ten years. She graduated from Bishop’s University in 1997 with a BA with Honours in English and a Minor in History, and has recently completed the Bishop’s BEd program. Those wishing to subscribe to JETS can obtain information from: Eastern Townships Research Centre Faculty Box 132 Bishop’s University Lennoxville, QC J1M 1Z7 Tel: (819) 822-9600, ext. 2647 Fax: (819) 822-9661 E-mail: [email protected]

Ceux et celles qui désirent s’abonner à la RECE peuvent se renseigner en s’adressant au : Centre de recherche des Cantons de l'Est Casier 132 Université Bishop’s Lennoxville (QC) J1M 1Z7 Téléphone : (819) 822-9600, poste 2647 Télécopieur : (819) 822-9661 C. élec. : [email protected]

Publication of this journal is made possible by support to the Eastern Townships Research Centre from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada, the ministère de la Culture et des Communications du Québec, Bishop’s University, and Bishop’s University Foundation. La publication de cette revue est rendue possible grâce à l’appui du Conseil de recherches en sciences humaines du Canada, du ministère de la Culture et des Communications du Québec, de l’Université Bishop’s et de la Fondation de l’Université Bishop’s au Centre de recherche des Cantons de l’Est. Centre de recherche des Cantons de l’Est Eastern Townships Research Centre ISSN 1192-7062