Opposition in Authoritarian Regimes – a Case Study of Russian Non-Systemic Opposition1
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James Rowson Phd Thesis Politics and Putinism a Critical Examination
Politics and Putinism: A Critical Examination of New Russian Drama James Rowson A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Royal Holloway, University of London Department of Drama, Theatre & Dance September 2017 1 Declaration of Authorship I James Rowson hereby declare that this thesis and the work presented in it is entirely my own. Where I have consulted the work of others, this is always clearly stated. Signed: ______________________ Date: ________________________ 2 Abstract This thesis will contextualise and critically explore how New Drama (Novaya Drama) has been shaped by and adapted to the political, social, and cultural landscape under Putinism (from 2000). It draws on close analysis of a variety of plays written by a burgeoning collection of playwrights from across Russia, examining how this provocative and political artistic movement has emerged as one of the most vehement critics of the Putin regime. This study argues that the manifold New Drama repertoire addresses key facets of Putinism by performing suppressed and marginalised voices in public arenas. It contends that New Drama has challenged the established, normative discourses of Putinism presented in the Russian media and by Putin himself, and demonstrates how these productions have situated themselves in the context of the nascent opposition movement in Russia. By doing so, this thesis will offer a fresh perspective on how New Drama’s precarious engagement with Putinism provokes political debate in contemporary Russia, and challenges audience members to consider their own role in Putin’s autocracy. The first chapter surveys the theatrical and political landscape in Russia at the turn of the millennium, focusing on the political and historical contexts of New Drama in Russian theatre and culture. -
Political Opposition in Russia: a Troubled Transformation
EUROPE-ASIA STUDIES Vol. 67, No. 2, March 2015, 177–191 Political Opposition in Russia: A Troubled Transformation VLADIMIR GEL’MAN IN THE MID-2000S, THE DECLINE OF OPPOSITION POLITICS in Russia was so sharp and undisputed that the title of an article I wrote at the time, ‘Political Opposition in Russia: A Dying Species?’ (Gel’man 2005) met with little objection. At that time, the impact of the opposition was peripheral at best. The ‘party of power’, United Russia (Edinaya Rossiya— UR), dominated both nationwide (Remington 2008) and sub-national (Ross 2011) legislatures, and the few representatives of the opposition exerted almost no influence on decision making. The share of votes for the opposition parties (in far from ‘free and fair’ elections) was rather limited (Gel’man 2008; Golosov 2011). Even against the background of the rise of social movements in Russia, anti-regime political protests were only able to gather a minority of 100 or so participants, while environmental or cultural protection activists deliberately avoided any connections with the political opposition, justly considering being labelled ‘opposition’ as an obstacle to achieving positive results (Gladarev & Lonkila 2013; Clement 2013). In other words, political opposition in Russia was driven into very narrow ‘niches’ (Greene 2007), if not into ghettos, and spectators were rather gloomy about the chances of its rebirth. Ten years later, Russia’s political landscape looks rather different. Protest meetings in Moscow and other cities in 2011–2012 brought together hundreds of thousands of participants under political slogans, and the Russian opposition was able to multiply its ranks, to change its leadership, to reach a ‘negative consensus’ vis-a`-vis the status quo political regime, and to come to the front stage of Russian politics. -
Dynamics of Innovation and the Balance of Power in Russia
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by LSE Research Online Gregory, Asmolov Dynamics of innovation and the balance of power in Russia Book section (Accepted version) Original citation: Originally published in: Hussain, Muzammil M. and Howard, Philip N., (eds.) State Power 2.0: Authoritarian Entrenchment and Political Engagement Worldwide. Routledge, Abingdon, Oxon, UK : Routledge, 2013, pp. 139-152. © 2013 The Author This version available at: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/68001/ Available in LSE Research Online: October 2016 LSE has developed LSE Research Online so that users may access research output of the School. Copyright © and Moral Rights for the papers on t his site are retained by the individual authors and/or other copyright owners. Users may download and/or print one copy of any article(s) in LSE Research Online to facilitate their private study or for non-commercial research. You may not engage in further distribution of the material or use it for any profit-making activities or any commercial gain. You may freely distribute the URL (http://eprints.lse.ac.uk) of the LSE Research Online website. This document is the author’s submitted version of the book section. There may be differences between this version and the published version. You are advised to consult the publisher’s version if you wish to cite from it. Dynamics of Innovation and the Balance of Power in Russia Gregory Asmolov, London School of Economics and Political Science Suggested citation: Asmolov, G. (2013). “Dynamics of Innovation and the Balance of Power in Russia.” In Hussain, M. -
The Annexation of Crimea
IB GLOBAL POLITICS THE ANNEXATION OF CRIMEA CASE STUDY UWC COSTA RICA WWW.GLOPOIB.WORDPRESS.COM WWW.GLOPOIB.WORDPRESS.COM 1 MAP Map taken from the Economist website at https://www.economist.com/europe/2019/06/08/crimea-is-still-in- limbo-five-years-after-russia-seized-it WWW.GLOPOIB.WORDPRESS.COM 2 INTRODUCTION Ukraine’s most prolonged and deadly crisis By 2010, Ukraine’s fifty richest people since its post-Soviet independence began as a controlled nearly half of the country’s gross protest against the government dropping plans domestic product, writes Andrew Wilson in the to forge closer trade ties with the European CFR book Pathways to Freedom. Union, and has since spurred escalating tensions between Russia and Western powers. A reformist tide briefly crested in 2004 when The crisis stems from more than twenty years of the Orange Revolution, set off by a rigged weak governance, a lopsided economy presidential election won by Yanukovich, dominated by oligarchs, heavy reliance on brought Viktor Yushchenko to the presidency. Russia, and sharp differences between Yet infighting among elites hampered reforms, Ukraine’s linguistically, religiously, and and severe economic troubles resurged with ethnically distinct eastern and western regions. the global economic crisis of 2008. The revolution also masked the divide between After the ouster of President Viktor Yanukovich European-oriented western and central in February 2014, Russia annexed the Crimean Ukraine and Russian-oriented southern and peninsula and the port city of Sevastopol, and eastern Ukraine. deployed tens of thousands of forces near the border of eastern Ukraine, where conflict Campaigning on a platform of closer ties with erupted between pro-Russian separatists and Russia, Yanukovich won the 2010 presidential the new government in Kiev. -
Yaroslavl Roadmap 10-15-20
Yaroslavl Roadmap 10-15-20 10 Years to Implement 15 Steps to Take 20 Pitfalls to Avoid International Experience and the Path Forward for Russian Innovation Policy Israel Finland Taiwan India USA Russia The New York Academy of Sciences is the world’s nexus of scientific innovation in the service of humanity. For nearly 200 years—since 1817—the Academy has brought together extraordinary people working at the frontiers of discovery and promoted vital links between science and society. One of the oldest scientific institutions in the United States, the Academy has become not only a notable and enduring cultural institution in New York City, but also one of the most significant organizations in the international scientific community. The Academy has a three-pronged mission: to advance scientific research and knowledge, support scientific literacy, and promote the resolution of society’s global challenges through science-based solutions. Throughout its history, the Academy’s membership has featured global leaders in science, business, academia, and government, including U.S. Presidents Jefferson and Monroe, Thomas Edison, Louis Pasteur, Charles Darwin, Margaret Mead, and Albert Einstein. Today, the New York Academy of Sciences’ President’s Council includes 26 Nobel Laureates as well as CEOs, philanthropists, and leaders of national science funding agencies. For more information on The New York Academy of Sciences, please visit www.nyas.org. Ellis Rubinstein, President and CEO The New York Academy of Sciences 7 World Trade Center 250 Greenwich Street, 40th floor New York, NY 10007-2157 212-298-8600 ©The New York Academy of Sciences, August 20, 2010, All Rights Reserved Authors and Contributors Principal Authors: Dr. -
Social Media and Civil Society in the Russian Protests, December 2011
Department of Informatics and Media Social Science – major in Media and Communication Studies Fall 2013 Master Two Years Thesis Social Media and Civil Society in the Russian Protests, December 2011 The role of social media in engagement of people in the protests and their self- identification with civil society Daria Dmitrieva Fall 2013 Supervisor: Dr. Gregory Simons Researcher at Uppsala Centre for Russian and Eurasian Studies 1 2 ABSTRACT The study examines the phenomenon of the December protests in Russia when thousands of citizens were involved in the protest movement after the frauds during the Parliamentary elections. There was a popular opinion in the Internet media that at that moment Russia experienced establishment of civil society, since so many people were ready to express their discontent publically for the first time in 20 years. The focus of this study is made on the analysis of the roles that social media played in the protest movement. As it could be observed at the first glance, recruiting and mobilising individuals to participation in the rallies were mainly conducted via social media. The research analyses the concept of civil society and its relevance to the protest rhetoric and investigates, whether there was a phenomenon of civil society indeed and how it was connected to individuals‘ motivation for joining the protest. The concept of civil society is discussed through the social capital, social and political trust, e- democracy and mediatisation frameworks. The study provides a comprehensive description of the events, based on mainstream and new media sources, in order to depict the nature and the development of the movement. -
North Korea,” Predicting the Effect of Russia's
“Welcome to North Korea,” Predicting the Effect of Russia’s new Protest Law Written by Regina Smyth This PDF is auto-generated for reference only. As such, it may contain some conversion errors and/or missing information. For all formal use please refer to the official version on the website, as linked below. “Welcome to North Korea,” Predicting the Effect of Russia’s new Protest Law https://www.e-ir.info/2012/07/04/welcome-to-north-korea-predicting-the-effect-of-russias-new-law-on-meetings-rallies- demonstrations-processions-and-pickets/ REGINA SMYTH, JUL 4 2012 On June 9, 2012 President Putin signed Federal Law 70631-6 «On Amendments to the Code of the Russian Federation on Administrative Violations» that enacted significant amendments to the legal code regulating the organisation and participation in public protest meetings. Labelled draconian by Russian and Western civil rights organizations and the opposition at which it was directed, the law dramatically increased the penalties for organisation of and participation in non-sanctioned meetings and all violations occurring at sanctioned meetings. The new law provoked a serious debate among Russian political observers about its potential effects, focusing on whether or not the strong state response is likely to radicalise the movement or intimidate citizens from participating altogether. This very real policy debate in Russia echoes a long term scholarly debate about the effect of repression on political action. Despite the quote in the title, the new law is not likely to transform Russia into North Korea, but that it is consistent with Putin regime’s growing reliance on the ad-hoc rule by law to arbitrarily punish its most effective opponents.[1] The most likely effect of the law is to exploit existing divisions within the protest movement that disagree over the efficacy of large scale street protests. -
The Impact of Western Sanctions on Russia and How They Can Be Made Even More Effective
The impact of Western sanctions on Russia and how they can be made even more effective REPORT By Anders Åslund and Maria Snegovaya While Western sanctions have not succeeded in forcing the Kremlin to fully reverse its actions and end aggression in Ukraine, the economic impact of financial sanctions on Russia has been greater than previously understood. Dr. Anders Åslund is a resident senior fellow in the Eurasia Center at the Atlantic Council. He also teaches at Georgetown University. He is a leading specialist on economic policy in Russia, Ukraine, and East Europe. Dr. Maria Snegovaya is a non-resident fellow at the Eurasia Center, a visiting scholar with the Institute for European, Russian, and Eurasian Studies at the George Washington University; and a postdoctoral scholar with the Kellogg Center for Philosophy, Politics, and Economics at the Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University. THE IMPACT OF WESTERN SANCTIONS ON RUSSIA AND HOW MAY 2021 THEY CAN BE MADE EVEN MORE EFFECTIVE Key points While Western sanctions have not succeeded in forcing the Kremlin to fully reverse its actions and end aggression in Ukraine, the economic impact of financial sanctions on Russia has been greater than previously understood. Western sanctions on Russia have been quite effective in two regards. First, they stopped Vladimir Putin’s preannounced military offensive into Ukraine in the summer of 2014. Second, sanctions have hit the Russian economy badly. Since 2014, it has grown by an average of 0.3 percent per year, while the global average was 2.3 percent per year. They have slashed foreign credits and foreign direct investment, and may have reduced Russia’s economic growth by 2.5–3 percent a year; that is, about $50 billion per year. -
Poisoned by Gas: Institutional Failure, Energy Dependency, and Security
POISONED BY GAS: INSTITUTIONAL FAILURE, ENERGY DEPENDENCY, AND SECURITY EMILY J. HOLLAND SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF ARTS AND SCIENCES COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2017 © 2017 EMILY J. HOLLAND ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ABSTRACT POISONED BY GAS: INSTITUTIONAL FAILURE, ENERGY DEPENDENCY, AND SECURITY EMILY J. HOLLAND Many states lack domestic access to crucial energy supplies and must deal with the challenge of formulating an energy security policy that informs their relations with energy producing states. While secure and uninterrupted access to energy is crucial to state security and welfare, some states fail to implement energy security policies and remain dangerously dependent on a foreign supplier. In the post-Soviet region many states even actively resist attempts by the European Union and others to diversify their supplies. Why and under what conditions do states pursue energy security? Conversely, why do some highly dependent states fail to maximize their security vis-à-vis a dominant supplier? I argue that that to understand the complex nature of energy dependence and security it is necessary to look beyond energy markets to domestic political capture and institutional design. More specifically, I argue that initial reform choices guiding transition had long-lasting affects on the ability to make coherent policy choices. States that did not move away from Soviet era property rights empowered actors with an interest in maintaining the status quo of dependence. Others that instituted de facto democratic property rights to guide their energy transitions were able to block energy veto players and move towards a security maximizing diversification policy. -
Russia's Strategy for Influence Through Public Diplomacy
Journal of Strategic Studies ISSN: 0140-2390 (Print) 1743-937X (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/fjss20 Russia’s strategy for influence through public diplomacy and active measures: the Swedish case Martin Kragh & Sebastian Åsberg To cite this article: Martin Kragh & Sebastian Åsberg (2017): Russia’s strategy for influence through public diplomacy and active measures: the Swedish case, Journal of Strategic Studies, DOI: 10.1080/01402390.2016.1273830 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402390.2016.1273830 Published online: 05 Jan 2017. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 32914 View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=fjss20 Download by: [Anna Lindh-biblioteket] Date: 21 April 2017, At: 02:48 THE JOURNAL OF STRATEGIC STUDIES, 2017 http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402390.2016.1273830 Russia’s strategy for influence through public diplomacy and active measures: the Swedish case Martin Kragha,b and Sebastian Åsbergc aHead of Russia and Eurasia Programme, Swedish Institute of International Affairs, Stockholm; bUppsala Centre for Russian and Eurasian Studies, Uppsala University, Sweden; cRussia and Eurasia Studies, Swedish Institute of International Affairs ABSTRACT Russia, as many contemporary states, takes public diplomacy seriously. Since the inception of its English language TV network Russia Today in 2005 (now ‘RT’), the Russian government has broadened its operations to include Sputnik news websites in several languages and social media activities. Moscow, however, has also been accused of engaging in covert influence activities – behaviour historically referred to as ‘active measures’ in the Soviet KGB lexicon on political warfare. -
A Survey of Groups, Individuals, Strategies and Prospects the Russia Studies Centre at the Henry Jackson Society
The Russian Opposition: A Survey of Groups, Individuals, Strategies and Prospects The Russia Studies Centre at the Henry Jackson Society By Julia Pettengill Foreword by Chris Bryant MP 1 First published in 2012 by The Henry Jackson Society The Henry Jackson Society 8th Floor – Parker Tower, 43-49 Parker Street, London, WC2B 5PS Tel: 020 7340 4520 www.henryjacksonsociety.org © The Henry Jackson Society, 2012 All rights reserved The views expressed in this publication are those of the author and are not necessarily indicative of those of The Henry Jackson Society or its directors Designed by Genium, www.geniumcreative.com ISBN 978-1-909035-01-0 2 About The Henry Jackson Society The Henry Jackson Society: A cross-partisan, British think-tank. Our founders and supporters are united by a common interest in fostering a strong British, European and American commitment towards freedom, liberty, constitutional democracy, human rights, governmental and institutional reform and a robust foreign, security and defence policy and transatlantic alliance. The Henry Jackson Society is a company limited by guarantee registered in England and Wales under company number 07465741 and a charity registered in England and Wales under registered charity number 1140489. For more information about Henry Jackson Society activities, our research programme and public events please see www.henryjacksonsociety.org. 3 CONTENTS Foreword by Chris Bryant MP 5 About the Author 6 About the Russia Studies Centre 6 Acknowledgements 6 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 8 INTRODUCTION 11 CHAPTER -
Russia's Elites in Search of Consensus: What Kind Of
Russia’s Elites in Search of Consensus: What Kind of Consolidation? VLADIMIR GELMAN here is a commonly accepted view that different segments of the elite are T major actors in regime transition and consolidation. Most scholars of democ- ratization believe that substantial compromises among elites are a necessary (although not the only) condition of a successful transition to democracy. How- ever, evidence from Russian politics casts some doubt on this proposition. At least, several attempts at elite pacts or settlements have not led to democracy even in the most minimal sense thus far. The study of elite interactions and their impact on transition processes in Russia might be useful for understanding the limits of elitist models of democratization. The following analysis consists of three sections. In the first section, I discuss some elements of theoretical schemes of the impact of intra-elite conflict and con- sensus on regime transition process and their application to contemporary Rus- sia. The second section is a case study of regime transition at the level of subna- tional politics in Russia, in Nizhny Novgorod oblast in 1991–98. In the final section I consider the development of national elites in post-Soviet Russia and speculate about the possible implications of Russia’s experience for further analy- sis of the role of elites in regime transition processes. Elite Consensus: Pro et Contra Although the idea that the achievement of consensus among different factions of elites is a breakthrough in the process of transition to democracy was formulated a long time ago,1 the elitist concept of democratization was elaborated in the 1980s and early 1990s.