Yaroslavl Roadmap 10-15-20
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Investment in Production Development: Leading Industries
Yaroslavl region INVESTMENT IN PRODUCTION DEVELOPMENT: LEADING INDUSTRIES CONTENTS The Yaroslavl region 01 The Yaroslavl region: general information 5 02 The Yaroslavl region: economic potential 7 The Yaroslavl region: leading industries 8 03 Leading industries: prospective sectors for localization 04 and technology partnership in the region 11 Ship building and marine equipment 12 Power engineering, electrical and cable industries 16 Engine building 20 Chemical engineering complex 22 CLUSTERS Production of road building and municipal machinery 26 Personnel training and education 30 05 Investment in production development 35 06 Prepared investment projects 35 Investor supporting measures 40 The government of the Yaroslavl region provides facilities for development of real economy industry sectors and for implementation of investment projects focusing on improving industrial competitiveness and export potential. Strengthening cooperation with large state corporations ensures intensive development of high-tech manufacture, innovative ventures and region’s economic development. In recent years the Yaroslavl region has demonstrated a steady industrial production growth; in the first quarter of 2019 industrial production index was almost 123% (102% for Russia). Pharmaceutical cluster enterprises that constantly expand participating companies significantly contribute to the industrial development. Large projects are being implemented in the Yaroslavl region by Takeda Pharmaceuticals, R-Farm, NT Pharma, Vita Pharma and Teva companies. Drug quality test laboratory of the Federal Service for Surveillance in Healthcare is to be put in operation in 2019. Last year production of the Ninlaro innovative drug began, promoting Russian pharmaceutical industry to a fundamentally new development level. Previously such drugs were released into civil circulation only in five countries (Japan, France, USA, Germany, and Austria). -
Political Opposition in Russia: a Troubled Transformation
EUROPE-ASIA STUDIES Vol. 67, No. 2, March 2015, 177–191 Political Opposition in Russia: A Troubled Transformation VLADIMIR GEL’MAN IN THE MID-2000S, THE DECLINE OF OPPOSITION POLITICS in Russia was so sharp and undisputed that the title of an article I wrote at the time, ‘Political Opposition in Russia: A Dying Species?’ (Gel’man 2005) met with little objection. At that time, the impact of the opposition was peripheral at best. The ‘party of power’, United Russia (Edinaya Rossiya— UR), dominated both nationwide (Remington 2008) and sub-national (Ross 2011) legislatures, and the few representatives of the opposition exerted almost no influence on decision making. The share of votes for the opposition parties (in far from ‘free and fair’ elections) was rather limited (Gel’man 2008; Golosov 2011). Even against the background of the rise of social movements in Russia, anti-regime political protests were only able to gather a minority of 100 or so participants, while environmental or cultural protection activists deliberately avoided any connections with the political opposition, justly considering being labelled ‘opposition’ as an obstacle to achieving positive results (Gladarev & Lonkila 2013; Clement 2013). In other words, political opposition in Russia was driven into very narrow ‘niches’ (Greene 2007), if not into ghettos, and spectators were rather gloomy about the chances of its rebirth. Ten years later, Russia’s political landscape looks rather different. Protest meetings in Moscow and other cities in 2011–2012 brought together hundreds of thousands of participants under political slogans, and the Russian opposition was able to multiply its ranks, to change its leadership, to reach a ‘negative consensus’ vis-a`-vis the status quo political regime, and to come to the front stage of Russian politics. -
Dynamics of Innovation and the Balance of Power in Russia
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by LSE Research Online Gregory, Asmolov Dynamics of innovation and the balance of power in Russia Book section (Accepted version) Original citation: Originally published in: Hussain, Muzammil M. and Howard, Philip N., (eds.) State Power 2.0: Authoritarian Entrenchment and Political Engagement Worldwide. Routledge, Abingdon, Oxon, UK : Routledge, 2013, pp. 139-152. © 2013 The Author This version available at: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/68001/ Available in LSE Research Online: October 2016 LSE has developed LSE Research Online so that users may access research output of the School. Copyright © and Moral Rights for the papers on t his site are retained by the individual authors and/or other copyright owners. Users may download and/or print one copy of any article(s) in LSE Research Online to facilitate their private study or for non-commercial research. You may not engage in further distribution of the material or use it for any profit-making activities or any commercial gain. You may freely distribute the URL (http://eprints.lse.ac.uk) of the LSE Research Online website. This document is the author’s submitted version of the book section. There may be differences between this version and the published version. You are advised to consult the publisher’s version if you wish to cite from it. Dynamics of Innovation and the Balance of Power in Russia Gregory Asmolov, London School of Economics and Political Science Suggested citation: Asmolov, G. (2013). “Dynamics of Innovation and the Balance of Power in Russia.” In Hussain, M. -
The Annexation of Crimea
IB GLOBAL POLITICS THE ANNEXATION OF CRIMEA CASE STUDY UWC COSTA RICA WWW.GLOPOIB.WORDPRESS.COM WWW.GLOPOIB.WORDPRESS.COM 1 MAP Map taken from the Economist website at https://www.economist.com/europe/2019/06/08/crimea-is-still-in- limbo-five-years-after-russia-seized-it WWW.GLOPOIB.WORDPRESS.COM 2 INTRODUCTION Ukraine’s most prolonged and deadly crisis By 2010, Ukraine’s fifty richest people since its post-Soviet independence began as a controlled nearly half of the country’s gross protest against the government dropping plans domestic product, writes Andrew Wilson in the to forge closer trade ties with the European CFR book Pathways to Freedom. Union, and has since spurred escalating tensions between Russia and Western powers. A reformist tide briefly crested in 2004 when The crisis stems from more than twenty years of the Orange Revolution, set off by a rigged weak governance, a lopsided economy presidential election won by Yanukovich, dominated by oligarchs, heavy reliance on brought Viktor Yushchenko to the presidency. Russia, and sharp differences between Yet infighting among elites hampered reforms, Ukraine’s linguistically, religiously, and and severe economic troubles resurged with ethnically distinct eastern and western regions. the global economic crisis of 2008. The revolution also masked the divide between After the ouster of President Viktor Yanukovich European-oriented western and central in February 2014, Russia annexed the Crimean Ukraine and Russian-oriented southern and peninsula and the port city of Sevastopol, and eastern Ukraine. deployed tens of thousands of forces near the border of eastern Ukraine, where conflict Campaigning on a platform of closer ties with erupted between pro-Russian separatists and Russia, Yanukovich won the 2010 presidential the new government in Kiev. -
Social Media and Civil Society in the Russian Protests, December 2011
Department of Informatics and Media Social Science – major in Media and Communication Studies Fall 2013 Master Two Years Thesis Social Media and Civil Society in the Russian Protests, December 2011 The role of social media in engagement of people in the protests and their self- identification with civil society Daria Dmitrieva Fall 2013 Supervisor: Dr. Gregory Simons Researcher at Uppsala Centre for Russian and Eurasian Studies 1 2 ABSTRACT The study examines the phenomenon of the December protests in Russia when thousands of citizens were involved in the protest movement after the frauds during the Parliamentary elections. There was a popular opinion in the Internet media that at that moment Russia experienced establishment of civil society, since so many people were ready to express their discontent publically for the first time in 20 years. The focus of this study is made on the analysis of the roles that social media played in the protest movement. As it could be observed at the first glance, recruiting and mobilising individuals to participation in the rallies were mainly conducted via social media. The research analyses the concept of civil society and its relevance to the protest rhetoric and investigates, whether there was a phenomenon of civil society indeed and how it was connected to individuals‘ motivation for joining the protest. The concept of civil society is discussed through the social capital, social and political trust, e- democracy and mediatisation frameworks. The study provides a comprehensive description of the events, based on mainstream and new media sources, in order to depict the nature and the development of the movement. -
2018 FIFA WORLD CUP RUSSIA'n' WATERWAYS
- The 2018 FIFA World Cup will be the 21st FIFA World Cup, a quadrennial international football tournament contested by the men's national teams of the member associations of FIFA. It is scheduled to take place in Russia from 14 June to 15 July 2018,[2] 2018 FIFA WORLD CUP RUSSIA’n’WATERWAYS after the country was awarded the hosting rights on 2 December 2010. This will be the rst World Cup held in Europe since 2006; all but one of the stadium venues are in European Russia, west of the Ural Mountains to keep travel time manageable. - The nal tournament will involve 32 national teams, which include 31 teams determined through qualifying competitions and Routes from the Five Seas 14 June - 15 July 2018 the automatically quali ed host team. A total of 64 matches will be played in 12 venues located in 11 cities. The nal will take place on 15 July in Moscow at the Luzhniki Stadium. - The general visa policy of Russia will not apply to the World Cup participants and fans, who will be able to visit Russia without a visa right before and during the competition regardless of their citizenship [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2018_FIFA_World_Cup]. IDWWS SECTION: Rybinsk – Moscow (433 km) Barents Sea WATERWAYS: Volga River, Rybinskoye, Ughlichskoye, Ivan’kovskoye Reservoirs, Moscow Electronic Navigation Charts for Russian Inland Waterways (RIWW) Canal, Ikshinskoye, Pestovskoye, Klyaz’minskoye Reservoirs, Moskva River 600 MOSCOW Luzhniki Arena Stadium (81.000), Spartak Arena Stadium (45.000) White Sea Finland Belomorsk [White Sea] Belomorsk – Petrozavodsk (402 km) Historic towns: Rybinsk, Ughlich, Kimry, Dubna, Dmitrov Baltic Sea Lock 13,2 White Sea – Baltic Canal, Onega Lake Small rivers: Medveditsa, Dubna, Yukhot’, Nerl’, Kimrka, 3 Helsinki 8 4,0 Shosha, Mologa, Sutka 400 402 Arkhangel’sk Towns: Seghezha, Medvezh’yegorsk, Povenets Lock 12,2 Vyborg Lakes: Vygozero, Segozero, Volozero (>60.000 lakes) 4 19 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 30 1 2 3 6 7 10 14 15 4,0 MOSCOW, Group stage 1/8 1/4 1/2 3 1 Estonia Petrozavodsk IDWWS SECTION: [Baltic Sea] St. -
Poisoned by Gas: Institutional Failure, Energy Dependency, and Security
POISONED BY GAS: INSTITUTIONAL FAILURE, ENERGY DEPENDENCY, AND SECURITY EMILY J. HOLLAND SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF ARTS AND SCIENCES COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2017 © 2017 EMILY J. HOLLAND ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ABSTRACT POISONED BY GAS: INSTITUTIONAL FAILURE, ENERGY DEPENDENCY, AND SECURITY EMILY J. HOLLAND Many states lack domestic access to crucial energy supplies and must deal with the challenge of formulating an energy security policy that informs their relations with energy producing states. While secure and uninterrupted access to energy is crucial to state security and welfare, some states fail to implement energy security policies and remain dangerously dependent on a foreign supplier. In the post-Soviet region many states even actively resist attempts by the European Union and others to diversify their supplies. Why and under what conditions do states pursue energy security? Conversely, why do some highly dependent states fail to maximize their security vis-à-vis a dominant supplier? I argue that that to understand the complex nature of energy dependence and security it is necessary to look beyond energy markets to domestic political capture and institutional design. More specifically, I argue that initial reform choices guiding transition had long-lasting affects on the ability to make coherent policy choices. States that did not move away from Soviet era property rights empowered actors with an interest in maintaining the status quo of dependence. Others that instituted de facto democratic property rights to guide their energy transitions were able to block energy veto players and move towards a security maximizing diversification policy. -
Opposition in Authoritarian Regimes – a Case Study of Russian Non-Systemic Opposition1
DOI 10.14746/ssp.2017.4.12 Olga Na d s k a k u ł a -ka c z m a r c z y k Uniwersytet Papieski Jana Pawła II w Krakowie Opposition in authoritarian regimes – a case study of Russian non-systemic opposition1 Abstract: According to Juan Linz, authoritarian rulers permit limited, powerless po- litical pluralism and organization of elections, but they make it very clear that a change in power is impossible and the opposition cannot take over. Elections in authoritarian regimes are a part of nominally democratic institutions and help rulers to legitimize the regime. They are not free or fair, and therefore do not present any opportunity for the opposition to win and change the political system afterward. The question could be asked, what kind of action the opposition should undertake in order to improve its strength. That is the main problem nowadays for non-systemic opposition in the Russian Federation. On the one hand, the opposition has a problem gaining access to elections, but on the other hand, it knows that even if it could take part, the elections would not be democratic. This article tries to shed light on the strategies of the non-systemic Russian opposi- tion and the possibility of its impact on Russian society when the government tries to marginalize, weaken and eventually destroy the non-systemic opposition. The paper provides a critical analysis of the literature and documents on the topic. Key words: non-systemic opposition, authoritarianism, Kremlin, protest movement ith reference to its title, the text aims to examine non-systemic Wopposition in Russia. -
Understanding Russian Outbound Tourism
Understanding Russian Outbound Tourism What the Russian Blogosphere is saying about Europe The World Tourism Organization (UNWTO), a FoundedFundada ine n1948, 1948, the la EuropeanComisión EurTravelopea Commission de Turismo United Nations specialized agency, is the leading (ETC)(CET) ises auna non-profit organización organization sin ánimo whosede luc rolero cuyo is to international organization with the decisive and marketpapel esand comer promotecializar Europe y p asromover a tourism Eur opadestination como central role in promoting the development of indestino overseas turístico markets. en ETC’slos m ermemberscados extranjer are the os.national Los responsible, sustainable and universally accessible tourismmiembr osorganizations de la CET son oflas organizaciones33 European nacionalescountries. tourism. It serves as a global forum for tourism Itsde missionturismo (ONis toTs ) providede treinta added y tres paísesvalue etour opeos.members Su policy issues and a practical source of tourism bymisión encouraging es proporcionar exchange valor añadido of information a los miembr andos know-how. Its membership includes 156 countries, managementalentando el inter expertisecambio deand información promoting y habilidadesawareness 6 territories, 2 permanent observers and over aboutde gestión the asírole como played concienciar by the sob nationalre el papel tourism que 400 Affiliate Members. organizations.juegan las ONTs. Understanding Russian Outbound Tourism http://www.e-unwto.org/doi/book/10.18111/9789284416714 - Thursday, December 28, -
Russia's Strategy for Influence Through Public Diplomacy
Journal of Strategic Studies ISSN: 0140-2390 (Print) 1743-937X (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/fjss20 Russia’s strategy for influence through public diplomacy and active measures: the Swedish case Martin Kragh & Sebastian Åsberg To cite this article: Martin Kragh & Sebastian Åsberg (2017): Russia’s strategy for influence through public diplomacy and active measures: the Swedish case, Journal of Strategic Studies, DOI: 10.1080/01402390.2016.1273830 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402390.2016.1273830 Published online: 05 Jan 2017. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 32914 View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=fjss20 Download by: [Anna Lindh-biblioteket] Date: 21 April 2017, At: 02:48 THE JOURNAL OF STRATEGIC STUDIES, 2017 http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402390.2016.1273830 Russia’s strategy for influence through public diplomacy and active measures: the Swedish case Martin Kragha,b and Sebastian Åsbergc aHead of Russia and Eurasia Programme, Swedish Institute of International Affairs, Stockholm; bUppsala Centre for Russian and Eurasian Studies, Uppsala University, Sweden; cRussia and Eurasia Studies, Swedish Institute of International Affairs ABSTRACT Russia, as many contemporary states, takes public diplomacy seriously. Since the inception of its English language TV network Russia Today in 2005 (now ‘RT’), the Russian government has broadened its operations to include Sputnik news websites in several languages and social media activities. Moscow, however, has also been accused of engaging in covert influence activities – behaviour historically referred to as ‘active measures’ in the Soviet KGB lexicon on political warfare. -
The Chronicle of Novgorod 1016-1471
- THE CHRONICLE OF NOVGOROD 1016-1471 TRANSLATED FROM THE RUSSIAN BY ROBERT ,MICHELL AND NEVILL FORBES, Ph.D. Reader in Russian in the University of Oxford WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY C. RAYMOND BEAZLEY, D.Litt. Professor of Modern History in the University of Birmingham AND AN ACCOUNT OF THE TEXT BY A. A. SHAKHMATOV Professor in the University of St. Petersburg CAMDEN’THIRD SERIES I VOL. xxv LONDON OFFICES OF THE SOCIETY 6 63 7 SOUTH SQUARE GRAY’S INN, W.C. 1914 _. -- . .-’ ._ . .e. ._ ‘- -v‘. TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE General Introduction (and Notes to Introduction) . vii-xxxvi Account of the Text . xxx%-xli Lists of Titles, Technical terms, etc. xlii-xliii The Chronicle . I-zzo Appendix . 221 tJlxon the Bibliography . 223-4 . 225-37 GENERAL INTRODUCTION I. THE REPUBLIC OF NOVGOROD (‘ LORD NOVGOROD THE GREAT," Gospodin Velikii Novgorod, as it once called itself, is the starting-point of Russian history. It is also without a rival among the Russian city-states of the Middle Ages. Kiev and Moscow are greater in political importance, especially in the earliest and latest mediaeval times-before the Second Crusade and after the fall of Constantinople-but no Russian town of any age has the same individuality and self-sufficiency, the same sturdy republican independence, activity, and success. Who can stand against God and the Great Novgorod ?-Kto protiv Boga i Velikago Novgoroda .J-was the famous proverbial expression of this self-sufficiency and success. From the beginning of the Crusading Age to the fall of the Byzantine Empire Novgorod is unique among Russian cities, not only for its population, its commerce, and its citizen army (assuring it almost complete freedom from external domination even in the Mongol Age), but also as controlling an empire, or sphere of influence, extending over the far North from Lapland to the Urals and the Ob. -
Russia Uncovered
MORE THAN TRAVEL Your manager Irene [email protected] 4,8 out of 5 Enquiries: Australia: +61 2 8310 7667 Russia Uncovered Canada: +1 888 644 87 34 New Zealand: +64 428 07 471 UK & Europe: +44 20 3608 2859 14 days / 13 nights USA: +1 646 751 78 53 This package is available as either Small Group or Private Tour ABN: 39 616 347 150 Set group departures: 4 September 2021 [email protected] St Petersburg - Petrozavodsk - Kizhi Island - Petrozavodsk - Veliky Novgorod - Vladimir - www.discoveryrussia.com Bogolyubovo Yaroslavl - Suzdal - Moscow - St. Petersburg What our travelers say Russian Visa? Easy! 1.Get your personal Visa Support Letter (VSL) & MORE THAN TRAVEL Discovery Russia’s detailed Visa Manuals 2.Fill in online Visa Application form 3.Send your passport, photo, and application form to Read feedbacks the Embassy or your nearest Russian visa Center Australia: +61 2 8310 7667 Canada: +1 888 644 87 34 New Zealand: +64 428 07 471 UK & Europe: +44 20 3608 2859 USA: +1 646 751 78 53 ABN: 39 616 347 150 [email protected] www.discoveryrussia.com Day 1: Arrive at St. Petersburg Welcome to Russia! MORE THAN TRAVEL Founded by the Tsar Peter the Great on 27 May 1703, St Petersburg was planned and built as the capital of newly emerged Russian Empire. Today, it is arguably one of the most beautiful cities in Europe and UNESCO World Heritage Site. Immerse yourself deep into rich Russian history, art and culture, Russian Revolution & Romanov Imperial legacy. The White Nights, luminous northern midsummer eves, are the summer weeks when the Venice of the North is sparkling like good champagne.