The Impact of Western Sanctions on Russia and How They Can Be Made Even More Effective
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James Rowson Phd Thesis Politics and Putinism a Critical Examination
Politics and Putinism: A Critical Examination of New Russian Drama James Rowson A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Royal Holloway, University of London Department of Drama, Theatre & Dance September 2017 1 Declaration of Authorship I James Rowson hereby declare that this thesis and the work presented in it is entirely my own. Where I have consulted the work of others, this is always clearly stated. Signed: ______________________ Date: ________________________ 2 Abstract This thesis will contextualise and critically explore how New Drama (Novaya Drama) has been shaped by and adapted to the political, social, and cultural landscape under Putinism (from 2000). It draws on close analysis of a variety of plays written by a burgeoning collection of playwrights from across Russia, examining how this provocative and political artistic movement has emerged as one of the most vehement critics of the Putin regime. This study argues that the manifold New Drama repertoire addresses key facets of Putinism by performing suppressed and marginalised voices in public arenas. It contends that New Drama has challenged the established, normative discourses of Putinism presented in the Russian media and by Putin himself, and demonstrates how these productions have situated themselves in the context of the nascent opposition movement in Russia. By doing so, this thesis will offer a fresh perspective on how New Drama’s precarious engagement with Putinism provokes political debate in contemporary Russia, and challenges audience members to consider their own role in Putin’s autocracy. The first chapter surveys the theatrical and political landscape in Russia at the turn of the millennium, focusing on the political and historical contexts of New Drama in Russian theatre and culture. -
Inside Russia's Intelligence Agencies
EUROPEAN COUNCIL ON FOREIGN BRIEF POLICY RELATIONS ecfr.eu PUTIN’S HYDRA: INSIDE RUSSIA’S INTELLIGENCE SERVICES Mark Galeotti For his birthday in 2014, Russian President Vladimir Putin was treated to an exhibition of faux Greek friezes showing SUMMARY him in the guise of Hercules. In one, he was slaying the • Russia’s intelligence agencies are engaged in an “hydra of sanctions”.1 active and aggressive campaign in support of the Kremlin’s wider geopolitical agenda. The image of the hydra – a voracious and vicious multi- headed beast, guided by a single mind, and which grows • As well as espionage, Moscow’s “special services” new heads as soon as one is lopped off – crops up frequently conduct active measures aimed at subverting in discussions of Russia’s intelligence and security services. and destabilising European governments, Murdered dissident Alexander Litvinenko and his co-author operations in support of Russian economic Yuri Felshtinsky wrote of the way “the old KGB, like some interests, and attacks on political enemies. multi-headed hydra, split into four new structures” after 1991.2 More recently, a British counterintelligence officer • Moscow has developed an array of overlapping described Russia’s Foreign Intelligence Service (SVR) as and competitive security and spy services. The a hydra because of the way that, for every plot foiled or aim is to encourage risk-taking and multiple operative expelled, more quickly appear. sources, but it also leads to turf wars and a tendency to play to Kremlin prejudices. The West finds itself in a new “hot peace” in which many consider Russia not just as an irritant or challenge, but • While much useful intelligence is collected, as an outright threat. -
The Russian Job
The Russian Job The rise to power of the Federal Security Service of the Russian Federation “We did not reject our past. We said honestly: The history of the Lubyanka in the twentieth century is our history…” ~ Nikolai Platonovich Patrushev, Director of the FSB Between August-September 1999, a series of explosions in Russia killed 293 people: - 1 person dead from a shopping centre explosion in Moscow (31 st August) - 62 people dead from an apartment bombing in Buynaksk (4 th September) - 94 people dead from an apartment bombing in Moscow (9th September) - 119 people dead from an apartment bombing in Moscow (13 th September) - 17 people dead from an apartment bombing in Volgodonsk (16 th September) The FSB (Federal Security Service) which, since the fall of Communism, replaced the defunct KGB (Committee for State Security) laid the blame on Chechen warlords for the blasts; namely on Ibn al-Khattab, Shamil Basayev and Achemez Gochiyaev. None of them has thus far claimed responsibility, nor has any evidence implicating them of any involvement been presented. Russian citizens even cast doubt on the accusations levelled at Chechnya, for various reasons: Not in living memory had Chechen militias pulled off such an elaborated string of bombings, causing so much carnage. A terrorist plot on such a scale would have necessitated several months of thorough planning and preparation to put through. Hence the reason why people suspected it had been carried out by professionals. More unusual was the motive, or lack of, for Chechens to attack Russia. Chechnya’s territorial dispute with Russia predates the Soviet Union to 1858. -
Templeton Eastern Europe Fund Equity LU0078277505 31 August 2021
Franklin Templeton Investment Funds Emerging Markets Templeton Eastern Europe Fund Equity LU0078277505 31 August 2021 Fund Fact Sheet For professional use only. Not for distribution to the public. Fund Overview Performance Base Currency for Fund EUR Performance over 5 Years in Share Class Currency (%) Templeton Eastern Europe Fund A (acc) EUR MSCI EM Europe Index-NR Total Net Assets (EUR) 231 million Fund Inception Date 10.11.1997 160 Number of Issuers 45 Benchmark MSCI EM Europe 140 Index-NR Investment Style Blend Morningstar Category™ Emerging Europe Equity 120 Summary of Investment Objective 100 The Fund aims to achieve long-term capital appreciation by investing primarily in listed equity securities of issuers organised under the laws of or having their principal activities within the countries of Eastern Europe, as well as 80 08/16 02/17 08/17 02/18 08/18 02/19 08/19 02/20 08/20 02/21 08/21 the New Independent States, i.e. the countries in Europe and Asia that were formerly part of or under the influence of Performance in Share Class Currency (%) the Soviet Union. Cumulative Annualised Since Since Fund Management 1 Mth 3 Mths 6 Mths YTD 1 Yr 3 Yrs 5 Yrs 10 Yrs Incept Incept A (acc) EUR 6.42 11.11 26.64 33.63 51.24 53.18 56.89 34.32 260.58 5.54 Krzysztof Musialik, CFA: Poland A (acc) USD 5.94 7.30 23.95 29.16 49.67 55.85 66.03 10.37 25.43 1.44 Ratings - A (acc) EUR B (acc) USD 5.87 6.92 23.29 28.09 47.85 50.20 56.08 -2.95 -24.30 -1.84 Benchmark in EUR 5.12 10.50 24.75 24.42 37.82 37.48 54.51 30.76 271.45 5.67 Overall Morningstar Rating™: Calendar Year Performance in Share Class Currency (%) Asset Allocation 2020 2019 2018 2017 2016 2015 2014 2013 2012 2011 A (acc) EUR -15.33 36.67 -21.23 17.61 20.37 4.84 -19.49 -3.97 17.37 -40.02 A (acc) USD -7.78 33.81 -24.78 34.11 16.61 -5.88 -29.18 0.07 19.63 -41.94 B (acc) USD -8.80 31.98 -25.72 32.46 14.98 -7.07 -30.09 -1.33 18.15 -42.70 Benchmark in EUR -19.73 34.75 -7.46 5.88 29.27 -5.03 -20.28 -8.61 22.37 -21.10 % Past performance is not an indicator or a guarantee of future performance. -
Power and Plunder in Putin's Russia Miriam Lanskoy, Dylan Myles-Primakoff
Power and Plunder in Putin's Russia Miriam Lanskoy, Dylan Myles-Primakoff Journal of Democracy, Volume 29, Number 1, January 2018, pp. 76-85 (Article) Published by Johns Hopkins University Press DOI: https://doi.org/10.1353/jod.2018.0006 For additional information about this article https://muse.jhu.edu/article/683637 Access provided by your local institution (13 Mar 2018 16:12 GMT) PRE created by BK on 11/20/17. The Rise of Kleptocracy POWER AND PLUNDER IN PUTIN’S RUSSIA Miriam Lanskoy and Dylan Myles-Primakoff Miriam Lanskoy is senior director for Russia and Eurasia at the National Endowment for Democracy (NED). She is the author, with Ilyas Akhmadov, of The Chechen Struggle: Independence Won and Lost (2010). Dylan Myles-Primakoff is senior program officer for Russia and Eurasia at the NED. Since Vladimir Putin rose to power in 1999, the quest to restore the might of the Russian state at home and abroad has been a hallmark of his rule. Yet another such hallmark has been rampant looting by the country’s leaders. Thus Russia has figured prominently in recent schol- arly discussions about kleptocracies—regimes distinguished by a will- ingness to prioritize defending their leaders’ mechanisms of personal enrichment over other goals of statecraft. In a kleptocracy, then, cor- ruption plays an outsized role in determining policy. But how have the state-building and great-power ambitions of the new Russian elite coex- isted with its scramble for self-enrichment? Putin’s Russia offers a vivid illustration of how kleptocratic plunder can become not only an end in itself, but also a tool for both consolidating domestic political control and projecting power abroad. -
William R. Spiegelberger the Foreign Policy Research Institute Thanks the Carnegie Corporation for Its Support of the Russia Political Economy Project
Russia Political Economy Project William R. Spiegelberger The Foreign Policy Research Institute thanks the Carnegie Corporation for its support of the Russia Political Economy Project. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. Author: William R. Spiegelberger Eurasia Program Leadership Director: Chris Miller Deputy Director: Maia Otarashvili Edited by: Thomas J. Shattuck Designed by: Natalia Kopytnik © 2019 by the Foreign Policy Research Institute April 2019 COVER: Designed by Natalia Kopytnik. Photography: Oleg Deripaska (World Economic Forum); St. Basil’s Cathedral (Adob Stock); Ruble (Adobe Stock); Vladimir Putin (kremlin.ru); Rusal logo (rusal.ru); United States Capitol (Adobe Stock; Viktor Vekselberg (Aleshru/Wikimedia Commons); Alumnium rolls (Adobe Stock); Trade War (Adobe Stock). Our Mission The Foreign Policy Research Institute is dedicated to bringing the insights of scholarship to bear on the foreign policy and national security challenges facing the United States. It seeks to educate the public, teach teachers, train students, and offer ideas to advance U.S. national interests based on a nonpartisan, geopolitical perspective that illuminates contemporary international affairs through the lens of history, geography, and culture. Offering Ideas In an increasingly polarized world, we pride ourselves on our tradition of nonpartisan scholarship. We count among our ranks over 100 affiliated scholars located throughout the nation and the world who appear regularly in national and international media, testify on Capitol Hill, and are consulted by U.S. -
Vietnamese Migrants in Russia in Migrants Vietnamese
NEW MOBILITIES IN ASIA Hoang Vietnamese Migrants in Russia Lan Anh Hoang Vietnamese Migrants in Russia Mobility in Times of Uncertainty Vietnamese Migrants in Russia New Mobilities in Asia In the 21st century, human mobility will increasingly have an Asian face. Migration from, to, and within Asia is not new, but it is undergoing profound transformations. Unskilled labour migration from the Philippines, China, India, Burma, Indonesia, and Central Asia to the West, the Gulf, Russia, Singapore, Malaysia, and Thailand continues apace. Yet industrialization in Bangladesh, Cambodia, and India, the opening of Burma, and urbanization in China is creating massive new flows of internal migration. China is fast becoming a magnet for international migration from Asia and beyond. Meanwhile, Asian students top study-abroad charts; Chinese and Indian managers and technicians are becoming a new mobile global elite as foreign investment from those countries grows; and Asian tourists are fast becoming the biggest travellers and the biggest spenders, both in their own countries and abroad. These new mobilities reflect profound transformations of Asian societies and their relationship to the world, impacting national identities and creating new migration policy regimes, modes of transnational politics, consumption practices, and ideas of modernity. This series brings together studies by historians, anthropologists, geographers, and political scientists that systematically explore these changes. Series Editor Pál Nyíri, Vrije Universiteit, Amsterdam Editorial -
The Bolshevil{S and the Chinese Revolution 1919-1927 Chinese Worlds
The Bolshevil{s and the Chinese Revolution 1919-1927 Chinese Worlds Chinese Worlds publishes high-quality scholarship, research monographs, and source collections on Chinese history and society from 1900 into the next century. "Worlds" signals the ethnic, cultural, and political multiformity and regional diversity of China, the cycles of unity and division through which China's modern history has passed, and recent research trends toward regional studies and local issues. It also signals that Chineseness is not contained within territorial borders overseas Chinese communities in all countries and regions are also "Chinese worlds". The editors see them as part of a political, economic, social, and cultural continuum that spans the Chinese mainland, Taiwan, Hong Kong, Macau, South East Asia, and the world. The focus of Chinese Worlds is on modern politics and society and history. It includes both history in its broader sweep and specialist monographs on Chinese politics, anthropology, political economy, sociology, education, and the social science aspects of culture and religions. The Literary Field of New Fourth Artny Twentieth-Century China Communist Resistance along the Edited by Michel Hockx Yangtze and the Huai, 1938-1941 Gregor Benton Chinese Business in Malaysia Accumulation, Ascendance, A Road is Made Accommodation Communism in Shanghai 1920-1927 Edmund Terence Gomez Steve Smith Internal and International Migration The Bolsheviks and the Chinese Chinese Perspectives Revolution 1919-1927 Edited by Frank N Pieke and Hein Mallee -
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Advances in Economics, Business and Management Research, volume 107 External Challenges and Risks for Russia in the Context of the World Community’s Transition to Polycentrism: Economics, Finance and Business (ICEFB 2019) Prospects of Enhancing Russia-Vietnam Economic Cooperation: Barriers and Drivers Larisa I. Egorova, Alla V. Trofimovskaya, Maksim V. Fatin, Evgeniya A. Medvedeva Financial University under the Government of the Russian Federation Moscow, Russia Abstract—The cooperation between Russia and Vietnam in the current conditions of global turbulence and the stagnation of II. METHODOLOGY the Russian economy development is one of the major and most The article is based on the following methodology. Firstly, efficient ways of reviving the growth ratios. The Vietnamese the authors research a general context of cooperation and economy is also seeking development drivers, so a partnership reveal the main spheres of mutual interest for the countries. with Russia may be one of such drivers. The article is devoted to Then, the authors analyze the dynamic of these spheres revealing the key barriers for the deeper cooperation and the development and reveal major problems in the cooperation ways of creating a better environment for future tighter cooperation. The novelty of the article is characterized by a new strategies. approach to the analysis of the cooperation of Vietnam and As the key sphere of cooperation is trade, the authors EAEU states through the research of its interactions with Russia develop a forecast of its development up to 2023 with the help as the key driver of the EAEU economy and Eurasian of linear smoothening instruments and calculate the trade integration. -
Opposition in Authoritarian Regimes – a Case Study of Russian Non-Systemic Opposition1
DOI 10.14746/ssp.2017.4.12 Olga Na d s k a k u ł a -ka c z m a r c z y k Uniwersytet Papieski Jana Pawła II w Krakowie Opposition in authoritarian regimes – a case study of Russian non-systemic opposition1 Abstract: According to Juan Linz, authoritarian rulers permit limited, powerless po- litical pluralism and organization of elections, but they make it very clear that a change in power is impossible and the opposition cannot take over. Elections in authoritarian regimes are a part of nominally democratic institutions and help rulers to legitimize the regime. They are not free or fair, and therefore do not present any opportunity for the opposition to win and change the political system afterward. The question could be asked, what kind of action the opposition should undertake in order to improve its strength. That is the main problem nowadays for non-systemic opposition in the Russian Federation. On the one hand, the opposition has a problem gaining access to elections, but on the other hand, it knows that even if it could take part, the elections would not be democratic. This article tries to shed light on the strategies of the non-systemic Russian opposi- tion and the possibility of its impact on Russian society when the government tries to marginalize, weaken and eventually destroy the non-systemic opposition. The paper provides a critical analysis of the literature and documents on the topic. Key words: non-systemic opposition, authoritarianism, Kremlin, protest movement ith reference to its title, the text aims to examine non-systemic Wopposition in Russia. -
Death and Prices: the Political Economy of Russia's Alcohol Crisis
Death and prices: The political economy of Russia’s alcohol crisis Most experts agree that alcohol abuse has been a major cause of Russia’s soaring mortality rate. But why have ever more Russians been drinking themselves to death? Some attribute this to despair in the face of painful economic change. I present evidence that, in fact, the surge in alcohol-related deaths—and premature deaths in general— was fueled by a dramatic fall in the real price of vodka, which dropped 77 percent between December 1990 and December 1994. Variation in vodka prices—both over time and across Russia’s regions—closely matches variation in mortality. Although market competition and weak excise collection help explain the fall in prices, the main reason appears to be populist price regulation during inflationary periods. Daniel Treisman University of California, Los Angeles Department of Political Science University of California, Los Angeles 4289 Bunche Hall Los Angeles, CA 90095-1472 [email protected] August 2009 I10, I18, P36, P35 Keywords: alcohol, Russia, mortality, price regulation 1 Introduction During the last 20 years, Russia’s mortality rate has risen dramatically. In 1990, 11.2 of every thousand Russians died; by 2005, this had risen to 16.1 per thousand.1 Experts agree that alcohol abuse is among the most important causes.2 The increase in the death rate was accompanied by rapid growth in vodka sales and an upsurge of alcohol-related health problems. What is less clear is why such abuse should have risen so much during these years. Why—to put it bluntly—have growing numbers of Russians been drinking themselves to death? The recent mortality spike coincided with the introduction of painful economic reforms and many have suggested a connection. -
US Sanctions on Russia
U.S. Sanctions on Russia Updated January 17, 2020 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R45415 SUMMARY R45415 U.S. Sanctions on Russia January 17, 2020 Sanctions are a central element of U.S. policy to counter and deter malign Russian behavior. The United States has imposed sanctions on Russia mainly in response to Russia’s 2014 invasion of Cory Welt, Coordinator Ukraine, to reverse and deter further Russian aggression in Ukraine, and to deter Russian Specialist in European aggression against other countries. The United States also has imposed sanctions on Russia in Affairs response to (and to deter) election interference and other malicious cyber-enabled activities, human rights abuses, the use of a chemical weapon, weapons proliferation, illicit trade with North Korea, and support to Syria and Venezuela. Most Members of Congress support a robust Kristin Archick Specialist in European use of sanctions amid concerns about Russia’s international behavior and geostrategic intentions. Affairs Sanctions related to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine are based mainly on four executive orders (EOs) that President Obama issued in 2014. That year, Congress also passed and President Rebecca M. Nelson Obama signed into law two acts establishing sanctions in response to Russia’s invasion of Specialist in International Ukraine: the Support for the Sovereignty, Integrity, Democracy, and Economic Stability of Trade and Finance Ukraine Act of 2014 (SSIDES; P.L. 113-95/H.R. 4152) and the Ukraine Freedom Support Act of 2014 (UFSA; P.L. 113-272/H.R. 5859). Dianne E. Rennack Specialist in Foreign Policy In 2017, Congress passed and President Trump signed into law the Countering Russian Influence Legislation in Europe and Eurasia Act of 2017 (CRIEEA; P.L.