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In laudem saneti Miehaëlis: The Irish and Coptic Analogues and the Anglo-Saxon Contexte

Roland Perron Department of English McGill University, Montreal

August 2005

A thesis submitted to McGill University in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of Master of Arts

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While these forms may be included Bien que ces formulaires in the document page count, aient inclus dans la pagination, their removal does not represent il n'y aura aucun contenu manquant. any loss of content from the thesis. ••• Canada ln làu~em sàncti OJichàilis Cbe lrisb an~ Coptic Analogues an~ tbe Anglo-Saxon Context ·----0

Rolan~ perron 11

IN· MEMORIAM IOHANNITI'JE· PETRONIS· NATJE· LANDRICJE MATRIS· MEJE· CARISSIMJE QUJE· DUM· HIC· LIBER· PARATUR· OBIIT ImBUS· IANUARII • ANNO· DOMINI • MMO . 1I1Io ANNOQUE· JETATIS· SUJE· LXXXo • Illo ILLA· QUIDEM· MATER· OPTIMA· FUIT R·I·P

Encores vueil et vous commande que ayez sainct Michel, sainct Gabriel, ou aucun aultre ange, sainctz ou sainctes de paradis en vostre cueur, à tous les jours, affin que ilz soient envers nostre Seigneur et nostre Dame voz advocatz, procureurs et ambassadeurs: ainsi que ont communement en la court des roys et aultres grants seigneurs, ceulx qui ne les pevent veoir, ne à eux parler.

Anthoine de la Sale (c. AD 1388-1464) Le petit Jehan de Saintré, ch. 9

Kai Éyw lwavvllç 6 aKOUWV Kai [3ÀÉnwv raûra. Kai

OTE ~Koucra Kai Ë[3ÀE4Ja, Ëmcra npocrKuv~cral

Ëlmpocr9Ev TWV no~wv TOÛ 6.yyÉÀOU TOÛ

~EIKVUOVT6ç IJOI raûra. Kai MyEI IJOI, 'Opa IJ~'

cruv~ouMç crou EilJl, Kai TWV MEÀWV crou TWV npo 8E4> npocrKuvllcroV.

Apoc. 22.8-9 U1

CONTENTS

Acknowledgements IV

Abbreviations V1

Introduction: The previous researches on In lalldem samti lvIùhaélis 1

Chapter One: In ICllIdem stlndi NIùhacïis and its idiosyncrasies 9

Chapter Two: Jn Icltldem mndi Milhac/is and its background and analogues 47

Chapter Three: J n lalldem sandi Mùhaélis and its Anglo-Saxon context 60

Conclusion: Was In 1({lIdem samii lvIkhaélis an 'esoteric' text? 68

Appendices: 1-The Old English homily In lalldem sandi Mkhaélù 75 2-The Liber FlavlIs Fe'l,lIsiomm tract on Saint Michael 88 3-Excerpts from the encomium by Theodosius on Saint Michael 92 4-The mystic symbolism of the mancie in medievalliterature 104 5-Code 7 from the laws of King EtheIred II 110

Bibliography 117

A bstract/Résumé 140

ILLUSTRATIONS

Principal toponyms mentioned in the text (maps) V11

Page 402 from ms. Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 41 Page 417 from ms. Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 41 between pp. 8 and 9

Arboe Cross: The Angel and the Three Children in the Ficry Furnace 31

The rarest nuggets in enumerative Michaelian lore (chart) 59

Folio 1V from the Liber J

Acknowledgemen ts il translations are mine unless otherwise specified. Ail references to lines and paragraphs of Jn laudem sandi Michaëlis (henceforth abbreviated as ILSlv!) are to the A text as given in the Appendices to the present work. The edition and translation of ILSM which is offered here owes much of its existence to those of Dr. Tristram and Dr. Grant. As regards her own, Dr. Tristram of Universitat Potsdam has generously pennitted me to use it freely. Dr. Grant, professor emeritus at the University of Alberta, graciously did likewise with regard to his. l The present edition of ILSM, however, is ultimately based on the microfiche facsirnile of CCCC41, and is therefore my own work. Pages 402 and 417 of ms. Cambridge, Corpus Christi Coilege 41 are taken out of Volume 11 of Anglo-Saxon Manuscripts in Microfiche Facsirnile and are reproduced by pennission of the Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies at Arizona State University. Folios 1v and 34v from the liber FIt/vils Fergll.rio17lm are reproduced by pennission of the Royal Irish Academy © RIA. Excerpts from Budge's English translation of ETIJA as it appears in his Miscellaneous Coptic Texts in the Dialect of Upper Egypt are reproduced br pennission of The British Library (shelfmark: 07705.aa.25 pg 893-947). Pages 108-117 from Robertson's The Laws of the Kings of England from Edmund to Henry lare reprinted with the permission of Cambridge University Press. The illustration on p. 31 is reproduced from Figure 27 ("Arboe cross, the Three Children in the Ficry Fumace") which is on p. 178 of Françoise Henry, Irish Art during the Viking Invasions (800-1020 A.D.) (London: Methuen, 1973), and is used by pennission of Taylor and Francis Books. Thanks are due to a lot of people who have helped me with ,this project. To Dr. Dorothy Bray of McGill University, for supervising me, warning me off pitfalls, and helping me to curb my natural impulse towards digressions which, under the circumstances, would have proved far less successful than the Beowulfian ones.2 To Dr. Anthony Harvey, Editor of the Dictionary of Medieval Latin from Celtic Sources, who assisted me for a couple of sessions in the Royal Irish Academy Library in Dublin during the last week of October 2004, grounding me in paleography and sitting beside me over the Liber r/tlvll.r Fergll.rio17lm. To the

1 Dr. Tristram also offered me sorne comments and suggestions, while Dr. Grant must be credited with making me aware of the recent publication of the microfiche facsimile of CCCC41. l am most indebted to both for their kindness and their help.

2 Since the above has been written, Dr. Jamie Fumo of Mc Gill has examined the present thesis and reported on it on 5 Nov. 2005, providing useful observations which led to corrections inserted in the final printing. v

RIA people: Librarian Siobhan Fitzpatrick, Deput:y Librarian Petra Schnabel, Library Assistant Karl Vogelsang, and ail the anonymous others. To Dr. P:idraig 6 Mach:iin of the Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies, for granting me access to Irish Script On Screen. To Dr. Charles D. Wright of the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, for rus important help and support as regards ilN. To my Coptic contacts: Messrs. Adel Boulos, Michael Kamel and Deacon Mina Aziz from Saint Mark Coptic Orthodox Church, Montreal. Mina Aziz is the one who provided me with the liturgical texts that are used in Coptic churches today, and with translations thereof when that was needed. To Nagy from the Archangel !vIichael Coptic Orthodox Church, Howell, New Jersey, who gave me the link to Pope Shenouda III's booklet on angels. To Father Wieslaw Sudol of the Congregation of Saint Michael Archangel of Monte Gargano, for sending me the official guidebook to the site. To Lord St. Levan and Clare Sandry of Saint Michael's Mount, Cornwall, for the same. To Colin Meikle of Cork Kerry Tourism, for bringing to my attention Geoffrey Moorhouse's book on Skellig Michael. To Dr. Kendall Wallis of McGill University, for sharing with me some documents about the cult of Saint !vIichael. To Dr. Robert Myles of McGill, for sharing with me rus office in the McLennan Library. To Dr. Eyvind Ronquist of Concordia University, for showing me the material relevant to Saint Michael in rus forthcoming book.3 To Chris Wellen, a McGill Geography student, who created the maps for me.4 Any defects in the present work should not be blamed on any of these more-than-kind people. 1 am grateful to all the staff of the Interlibrary Loans Office of McLennan Library at McGill, who did a truly terrific job: Maria De Souza, Elizabeth Dunkley, Ramon Lasso, Abena Mattocks, Janice Simpkins and Francisco Uribe. During the course of my project 1 benefittcd financially from the following institutions and organisms: the Fonds québécois de la recherche sur la société et la culture, the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Grants at McGill University, and the Alma Mater Student Travel Grants at McGill University .

.. See Bibliography; this is an edition of an encyclopedia in verse written in the earlier 12305 by an abbot of Monte Sacro, which neighbours on Monte Gargano.

4 In sketching those maps myself, l took for granted that evel)·one knows where Constantinople, Rome, London, Dublin or Cambridge are, which was perhaps unwise of me. However, as regards the manuscripts discussed, it should be borne in mind that the maps are designed to locate places that are pertinent to their medieval origin and background, not to their present-day location. In this perspective, Cairo should of course be Idfu (see pages 51 and 52n11 below), wlùch is 32.8667 East and 24.9667 North (upstream of Cairo and outside my map), and that also is a 11Ùstake of mine. VI

My dear partner France Edisbury l must thank for sa many things - most of aIl for her constant love and encouragement. For the assistance of aIl of the ab ove, my gratitude is deeply felt. Montreal, 31 August 2005 Feast of Saint Aidan of Iindisfame, apostle ofNorthumbria ------<>

ABBREVIATIONS: BL British Iibrary CCCC41 Manuscript Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 41 DOE Dictionary of Old English DOEC Dictionary of Old English; Old English Corpus DIL Dictionary of the Irish Language. Compact Edition ETI)A The encomium by Theodosius Patriarch nf Alexandria on Saint Michael ILSAJ The Old English homily In ItllIdem sandi Mù:ht/èlis from CCCC41

U~ Liber jlt/VIIS f'èrgllsiot71m (manuscript Dublin, Royal Irish Acad. 23 0 48) LJ-

INTRODUCTION

THE PREVIOUS RESEARCHES ON IN LAUDEM SANCTI MICHAËLIS

The Old English homily In laudem saneti Miehaëlis from CCCC41 (ILSM) In lalldem sandi Miche/élis ("In Praise of Saint Michael") is an OE homily of litanic style, copied bet:ween the years 1025-50 in the margins of one of the five extant copies of the Alfredian translation of Bede's Ecdesiastiml History of the English People, Cambridge Corpus Christi Collcge 41. This manuscript's margins also contain, notwithstanding five other homilies, one fragment of Solomon e/nd Se/tlJrn l, some liturgical documents, and several very weil known OE charms: "For a Swarm of Bees", "For Theft of Cattle", "For Loss of Cattle" and "A Journey Charm", as weil as other charms in Latin. Recause of its litanic character, ILS/vI is truly remarkable and greatly differs from a habituaI homily. This text is one long enumeration of glorious deeds attributed to Saint Michael, ail introduced by: "Dis is sé halga héah-engel Sanctus Michaël..." ("This is the holy archangel Saint Michael..."). This formula is repeated twenty-five rimes, creating a kind of incantatory effect. This text also belongs to a heterodox tradition, if not to a downright heretical one, in that it assigns at rimes far too much power to the archangel Michael. ILSM has been copied in the margins of pages 402 to 417 of CCCC41, apparently by two scribes other than the ones responsible for the main text. A new hand seems to begin at the start of marginal line 3 from bottom of page 408, at "hiredes" (15.59).' The main scholars who have described the manuscript are: James (1909 81-5), who notes the change of hand mentioned above, and also that ILSM had been copied for Professor Napier at the rime (84; see page 3n4 below); Ker (1957 43-5), who maintains that ail the marginalia are probably in the same hand (45); and most recently and thoroughly, Grant (2003), who likewise does not see any change of hand within ILSN! (6, 8). In rus l'ccent description, Grant notes that ILSlvI is a "stanzaic prose hymn or trope of a type unique in OE" (21). At the end of CCCC41 is the "Record of Gift of this book to Exeter by Bishop Leofric (1050-1072)" (Grant 2003 24). There has been some question whether this manuscript originated from Exeter or its vicinity (Dobbie Iii); Grant once held the view from

1 T ris tram (1970 59) says that the second scribe also wrote the words "pis is sé luilga" at the top of the same page (13.52), but 1 cannot maintain that assertion from looking at the microfiche facsimile, which is, however, only black-and-white. INTRODUCTION 2 paleographical evidence that it could have been produced at the New Minster of Winchester (1979 49-50). This is interesting, since it seems that a particular devotion to Saint Michael existed in Winchester in the tenth and eleventh centuries. Callahan notes that "n]ike St. Peter, Michael was one of the protecting saints of the New Minster" (Callahan 192), and adds (204) that "in the 980s the upper floors of the tower at New Minster were dedicated to the Trinit}" the cross, aIl saints, St. Michael and the heavenly powers, and the four evangelists.,,2 There was "a representation of St Michael among the sculptures in the New i\!1inster tower" (Ortenberg 113n86). Moreover, the Missal of the New Minster contains the fullest mass for September 29 (one of the feasts of Saint Michael) in extant Anglo-Saxon missals, and of the nine extant Anglo-Saxon sacramentaries from the tenth and eleventh centuries, only four contain mass-sets for September 29; three of these are associated with Winchester Gohnson 1998a 177, 179). There is a well-known image of Saint Michael in the Tiberius Psalter, which is from Winchester? On the other hand, there is liturgical evidence that there was also an emphasis on the cult of Saint Michael in Exeter (Ortenberg llln80). Most recently, Butler has proposed, on the basis of two Anglo-Saxon names recorded in it, "together with the appearance of the Glastonbury saints Patrick and Brigit and the indications of Irish influence throughout the marginalia", that CCCC41 may have been "at or near Glastonbury before about 1050." (Butler 214) Glastonbury stands somewhat midway between Winchester and Exeter.

Previous studies of ILSM In 1935, Rudolph Willard brought attention to ILSjvI, which he termed "a sort of hymnlike homily in honOt of St. Michael" (Willard 3), while he said: "1 am preparing for publication an edition of aIl the Old English homilies of this codex [i.e., CCCC41]" (2), and "1 am preparing this homily [i.e., ILSM] for publication" (87n22). Unfortunately, this edition never materialized. Willard's is generally recognized as the first allusion to ILSNI in a literary

~ See also Baylé 457. More precisely, the porticus of the fifth storey of the tower was dedicated "sub nomine archangeli Michaelis omniurnque caelestiurn uirtutum" (Gem 16n83, and 15-8).

3 It is reproduced in Martens, Vanrie and Waha, between pp. 80-81. INTRODUCTION 3 context.4 But two de cades before him, in 1916, Gerould had aIready alluded to IUM in his comprehensive work on hagiography: A somewhat peculiar legend is that of St. Michael, known to us by a single manuscript. It reviews the deeds and glories of the archangel in the fashion of panegyric, up to his dragon-fight. Though in prose, it has something like a refrain, recurring at intervals: "This is the holy high-angel Saint Michael." As to source and general treatment it still awaits investigation. (Gerould 125)5 In 1948, D.B. Rushing wrote a doctoral dissertation on "The St. Michael Legends in Anglo-Saxon and Middle English.,,6 Surprisingly, as it was still awaiting an edition, ILIA'! does figure among the texts which Rushing discusses, under the tide which Gerould had given it previously, St. MùvaeL 7 Rushing was working from a transcription of ILSM fumished by Willard, as well as from a photostatic copy prepared for her "at the request of Dr. Henning Larsen [her supervisor] by the Cambridge Library" (Rushing 45n16). She reproduces many sections of IUlv! in a most satisfactory way, agreeing on the whole ,vith Tristram's edition and the present one as regards the Iwo heretical passages at the beginning of the text (2.7 and 2.8; see pages 18 and 22 below). She does not appear, however, to notice any heresy in these passages, and she has a very weak argument when she argues, on the basis of a couple of minor correspondences, that the author of IUlv! was somewhat dependent on the Blickling Homilies (Rushing 102-3, 130-1). In fact, she did not seem to have been aware of the extent to which IUlv! does not chime ,vith her general conclusion: "The St. Michael legends in England during Anglo-Saxon and medieval rimes [ ...] are imitative of their Continental originals in content and even in organization. The modem reader may enjoy speculating about the stirring poem or prose work ,vith St. Michael as hero which could have been written in medieval England, but he need not expect to fmd it." (Rushing 150) It would seem that since IUM is precisely this "srirring [ ... ] work with St. Michael as hero", its preservation is self-explanatory.

4 .\ passage corresponding to lines 22.84-7 in the present edition of ILSM was quoted in Napier (1900) 2n32, but only as lexicographical evidence for the words "nopend", "frum-lida" and "stigend".

5 "St. MÙ'hael is to be found in MS. Corp. Chr. Coll. Cambo 41." (Gerould 357) 1 owe to Rushing 43-4 m)' awareness of Gerould's early account.

6 See Pulsiano 22-23 for a readily accessible summary of this work. Pulsiano, however, does not mention Rushing's discussion of ILSM.

7 ILSM is discussed on the following pages of Rushing's dissertation: 43-6,66,79-80,93,99,102-3,107,123, 131. INTRODUCTION 4

ILSM is one of the four heterodox OE homilies which Hildegard L.e. Tristram edited in 1970, complete with paleograpbical and grammatical introductions, translations, commentaries, and a full glossary. This is the standard edition of ILSlvI, and the only one used by DOE and DOEC. Unfortunately, thls work is in German, and has never been commercially printed. In 1981, J.E. Cross published an article dealing with paragraph 23 of ILSiVI, taken from Tristram's edition. He called the homily "remarkable" and noted that it "deserve[d] even closer study." (Cross 1981 12n8) In 1982, Raymond J.S. Grant published under book form an edition of ILSA'] along with Iwo other OE homilies from CCCC41, with introductions, notes, and Modem English translations. It is Grant who first printed "In laudem Sancti Michaelis" above bis edition of the OE text, thus giving the impression that thls Latin title also comes from the manuscript, whereas pages 401-2 of CCCC41 bear no title. It is as good a title as any, and the text definitely needed one, as much as it needed to be brought to the attention of a larger public. Grant is also the one who has made scholars aware of potential Coptic analogues to ILSA1: In some ways the rather extravagant praise of St Michael sounds oriental, and in this connection it is interesting to note that almost the same list of ascriptions to IvIichael of the divine interventions of the Old Testament is found in a Coptic sermon printed by Budge in 1894. The sermon in question is an encomium apparently by Theodosius, patriarch of Alexandria from 536-566, but dated by Budge as seventh century since it is probably pseudonymous like most Coptic homilies. [... ] As the Coptic church was still partly Greek-speaking in the seventh and eighth centuries, it is possible that the 'Theodosius' text was known in Greck and attracted attention as the cult of St Michael spread in the West. While the diffuse 'Theodosius' sermon is not the source of the Old English homily, it is interesting to study it beside the Old English homily inasmuch as it shows the same practice of attributing to Michael aIl sorts of acts mentioned in the Old Testament and in various apocryphal sources and

inasmuch as it sets exactly the same extravagant tone as the Old English homily, a tone apparently by no means uncommon [... ]. Waming voices prevent the suggestion of a direct Greek, Syriac or Coptic influence on Irish piety subsequently entering Anglo-Saxon. Ail one can say is that there seems to have been an Irish interest in INTRODUCTION 5

oriental piety before 900 and an Irish influence on the compilation of the marginalia in CCCC 41. (Grant 1982 50-51) The homily to St Michael in CCCC 41 is thus a most unusual text, based on apocryphal sources under possibly oriental and Irish influence [... ]. (Grant 1982 52) Since then, ILSM has been alluded to in a few footnotes by a few scholars. Tristram herself wrote about it more recently: The most unorthodox (or downright heretical) homily [i.e., in the Anglo-Saxon homiletic corpus] is the one on St. Michael in the margins of MS CCCC 41 [ ... ] The closest parailels to the doctrine of this homily can be found in rabbinical writing (Tris tram, Vier altenglisdJe Predigten, p. 257ff. Presumably due to the language barrier Grant's edition disregards my references to rabbinical analogues).8 There is no Irish connection. (Tris tram 1995 5n7) As was to be expected, Richard F. Johnson discussed ILSN! on some pages of his 1998 dissertation, "The Cult of Saint Michael the Archangel in Anglo-Saxon England" Gohnson 1998a 229-39). In this work, Johnson brings attention to some analogues to ILSM: LFFT (233-4; after Wright 1999 262n167), ETPA (235-6; foilowing Grant 1982 50), as weil as the Coptic homily edited by Simon (236-7), and Pantaleon's Greek sermon, Narmtio miml'lllorllm maximi An:hangeli Mit'haelis (238-9). Johnson published an article in 1998 which deals especiaily with Saint Michael in the marginalia of CCCC41, and in which he offers some very important insights; 1 will return to this article in Chapter Three. Johnson does not discuss IUM per se in his latest production (2005). The most recent work on ILSN! is Tara Leigh Gale's 2002 thesis; however, it is unfortunately marred by several errors. This work con tains dubious arguments about some historical characters' motives. We are given to understand that Edward the Confessor was welcomed and granted refuge at the Duke of Normandy Robert l's court because both shared a devotion to Saint Michael, and that if the Anglo-Saxon bishop Leofric survived the Conquest, it was because he utilized ILSM to win Norman support, "knowing of the importance of Michael to William and Robert [of Mortain]." (122) The Conqueror is pictured as someone virtuaily obsessed with Saint Michael, nevertheless using rus cult as an opium to

8 1 am similarly impeded, but 1 gather that these paralle1s concern the attribution of many OT events to the agency of lvIichael, and certainly not ILS M's heretical statements. For my part, 1 consider LFFT and ETPA as analogues to ILS M on the ground of their sharing with it the fonn of catalogs of 1Iichaelian lore. INTRODUCTION 6 quell possible rebellion, while the picture that Gale givcs us of Leofric as an opportunistic arch-schemer is at odds with Barlow's analysis of his personality: "we can maintain with confidence that he was not a political bishop or a notorious intriguer." (Barlow 5) Gale misquotes Forster 11-12 a couple of rimes (77n44, 113n52) to prove her point, saying that "Max Forster daims that the text [JUNl] was preserved by a Norman monk, not a [sic] Anglo-Saxon one, which suggests that the Normans were the ones interested in the text and not the Anglo-Saxons." What Forster says "exhibit Carolingian influence" (12) are the two OE copies of Bishop Leofric's list of benefactions to Exeter Cathedra1.9 It is still in reference to the OE copies of this list that he adds: "The Carolingian tendencies are perhaps more clearly developed in the copy found in the Exeter Book than in that found in the Bodleian manuscript." (Forster 12)10 Gale does not see any heresy in ILSN!. One of her hypotheses concerning it will be debated below, 41. Two very interesting essays, those of Rowley and Thompson, have been published lately as regards CCCC41 and its marginalia, although they only mention ILSN! "en passant", and that somerimes their generalizations cannot apply to it, since it is not just apocryphal, but heretical and unique. For Rowley, the OE apocrypha are definitely Anglo-Saxon; she particularly questions the alleged Irishness of CCCC41's marginal homilies, a preconception that tends to belittle them, according to her. She argues that "in the context of the visions of St. Fursa and Dryhthelm, both in the Old English Bede," (13) these anonymous homilies "reflect a view of Anglo-Saxon spirituality, as does the book as a whole." (28) In Thompson's view, "[h]istorians have placed considerable weight on lElfric's criticism of contemporary beliefs, assuming a standard of orthodoxy that is anachronistic for Anglo Saxon Christianity", and "scholars have tended to read the past backwards, approaching the anonymous homilies with a set of presuppositions about what Anglo-Saxon Christian should have believed, rather than looking at what they did belicve." (40) Thompson challenges a discussion "framed in terms of contrast between heterodox and orthodox, anonymous and known author, early or pre-reform works and late ones", (44) and which "miss[es] the fact

9 CCCC41 is one of only nine manuscripts wlùch have come down to us with the Leofric inscription ("Hunc libnun dedit Leofricus [etc.]/Das bDC gef Leofric [etc.]" ("LeD fric gave this book [etc.]"», although it is not itself recorded in the three extant copies of the list of donations (Forster 11-12).

JO By the way, Gale complicates matters further by reproducing on p. 154 of her thesis a photograph of the Leofric inscription found in a manuscript containing several works by Prudentius, and giving us to understand that it is the one from CCCC41. But this is a minor error as compared to her assertion that CCCC41 itself, including an its marginalia, is written in an "ugly Carolingian minuscule" (Gale 119). INTRODUCTION 7 that the establishment of orthodoxy is a process carried out over cime." (45) In short, "CCCC41 suggests that apocryphal materials remained a vital part of Anglo-Saxon religiosity." (Thompson 64) While Thompson's argument rruses the possibility of a more nuanced Vlew of orthodoxy upon the whole, l cannot but reflect, however, that her point would have been harder to defend if she had chosen IUM as a case study instead of the homily on the Assumption of the Virgin, since the fact that a text has escaped the hazards of cime in a single copy is not proof that it was widely appreciated in its own rime.

The present research: ILSM as a case stndy of heterodoxy Indeed, Saint Michael himself happens to be a good case study of heterodoxy versus orthodoxy, regardless of any specifie period, since he was ubiquitously popular, but liable to receive either conservative worship or extremely enthusiastic devotion. This is because his Hebrew name has often been mistranslated; Qllis sim! Dms?, "Who is like God?", becoming QlIi sic,,! Dms, "Someone who is like God". In the foilowing chapter 1 will analyze in detail the etymology of "Mi-cha-el?", and how IUM deformcd it. In this regard, it is strange that Arnold should address the question of the origin of the cult of .rvIichael in the Jewish tradition without according the slightest attention to the meaning of his name in the first place (Arnold 28-34). After ail, this name is neither gibberish, nor even Babylonian, but plain Classical Hebrew. 11 The question of Irish heterodox influences in Anglo-Saxon England is a debated one, as is also the question of Irish influence in the diffusion of the cult of Saint Michael. LFFT was fust brought to my attention as an analogue to ILfAtf by the foilowing footnote from Wright: On [... ] stylistic grounds one may suspect a Hiberno-Latin liturgical source for another Old English homily in Cambridge, Corpus Christi Coilege 41, In ltilldem J'andi Mù-haelis [... ] Grant, who drew attention to Irish influence in other marginalia in CCCC41, suspected Irish influence on this homily on the basis of its apocryphal content and stylistic extravagance. There is a similar though briefer sequence in praise

Il When dealing indirectly with the Latin translation of "1-Iichael", both Arnold (230, 298) and Johnson (1998a 160; 2000 67, 78n93; 2005 65) have overlooked its susceptibility to corruption and the need for a discussion of the problem in the light of the Hebrew original. It is such a discussion that is offered in the present work, pp. 12-26. INTRODUCTION 8

of Michael in Irish, with a sequence of eleven sentences each beginning 'Is é Michel', in the Liber Flauus Fergusiorum, where it is copied twice (Dublin, Royal Irish Academy 23. O. 48, pt II, 1va, margin, and 34vb). Unfortunately, both copies are barely legible, but the sequence includes references to Michael's Old Testament roles as guide of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, and protector of the Israelites during the plagues of Egypt and during their forty-year sojourn in the desert, as well as to his roles at the Resurrection and Judgement, corresponding generally to the Old English homily [... ] It is likely that both the Irish and the Old English Michael texts depend on a common (Hiberno-Latin?) source [... ]. (Wright 1999 262n167) This study seeks to examine ILSM as a case of heterodoxy, and to look at its Irish and Coptic analogues in the process. Sources for this OE text seem impossible to frnd; at best, all we have may be termed "stylistic analogues". However, it is worth considering them since they are mentioned by those who have worked on or considered ILSM in recent years. An edition and translation of the Liber Fit/vils Fergllsiomm tract on Saint .Michael is also badly needed, and 1 have included one in Appendix Two, although scholars better acquainted with Middle Irish than l am will no doubt have to improve it in years to come. Comparing the CCCC41 text with the Coptic encomium and the LFF tract clearly shows that they are not relate d, except in their "litanic", enumerative style. Moreover, the Middle Irish text is much more sober in its claims than the OE text, and is certainly not heretical, as far as 1 can see at the moment. Of the two analogues, only the Coptic text shows an extravagance akin to the OE one; what this may prove as to sources is matter for speculations only. In fact, although 1 had first to look at ILSM as a "truffle-hunter",12 what 1 am interested in is the possible reasons for having preserved the OE text at all. There seems to exist some thematiclink bet:ween the most unusual marginalia of CCCC41, something to do with supernatural protection. There seems to have been an archivaI intent at work as well on the part of the scribe. 1 was pleased to discover that these conclusions of mine had already been hinted at quite independently by some scholars.

------0

12 "1Iost Anglo-Saxonists [... ] are "truffle-hunters", more comfortable in the detailed study of a word, a text, or an artifact, instead of "parachutists", willing to risk looking at the whole picture." GoUy 14-5) ...,.. ••v.-1I ,huJl

c" .. ··\i~~:"5 :~f~lito\tWn· . .' ,~_:._~:~ f h'111 tufJ.lRlbîl'lEDto":ctiril1 ,': ·._,~~YJWon .

'·1 "'~.-l~ll<&:& .• :··::.·· :.~--." .i:r-'·e·~·~ . '.~ . , ... " ...... " .. :~:~C"'1 .' .t»C't1t.I&t:.7,,·q·.''':'ft't'~~ ttAII~IRUn'·'.' ··• .. ,,;~h~ tti~~rC;IZ:ttD __)C.·,·~~~~r ni.~A.&~~~lt··.' .: .... "-j~~q ··· .. c,·:~,t~~~ru mt.[~~51

CHAPTER ONE 9

CHAPTER 1

IN LAUDEM SANCTI MICHAËLIS AND ITS IDIOSYNCRASIES

Preliminary Remarks The passages in ILSlvl which appear to be heretical as regards the nature and functions of the archangel Michael are to be found in paragraphs 2 and 28: 1

For don donne, men da léofestan, blissïon pé and ge-féon in pisne simbel-nisse da:g

pa:s halgan héah-engles Sancte Michaëles sé is on hefenum ge-cpeden : "Spa sPa God

sylfa age." Ge-hyron pé for pon sinder-liée. Drihtnes hé is efen-rixïende. Hé is spide

mihtig pam héah-englum pa standad da:ges and nihtes be-foran prym-setle Dryhtnes,

lC. (2.5-10i

Uton ponne nu, men da léofestan, biddan pé pone halgan héah-engel Sanctus Mihaël

pa:t lira saula sie an-fenge and hi ge-l:éde on heofon-cund ciée ta pam Dryhtene de

lifad and cixad mid Fa:der and mid Suna and mid pam Halgan Gaste in earra porla

porld a butan ende. Amen. (28.126-30/

The last one of these, the doxology concluding the whole homily, contains probably nothing unorthodox, as l will show at the end of this chapter when dealing with it. It must be said that the above passages from paragraph 2 are diHicult to interpret. In analyzing aIl such passages, however, l took extteme care to try to understand what the text says as it stands, that is, to read it as any Anglo-Saxon probably would have been forced to do. If there was initially any discrepancy between what the author or scribe thought he wrote and what he actually did, this is a matter beyond investigation. Iikewise, as there exists no known source for ILS.M and as its ultimate origin eludes us, it would be rather rash to try to forge an excerpt from a hypothetical Urtext, and postulate it to have been misread or

1 See pp. 402 and 417 from ms. Cambridge, Corpus Christi College -1-1 reproduced between pp. 8 and 9 of the present work.

2 "111erefore, most beloved people, let us rejoice and exult on this day of the feast of the holy archangel Saint .NIichael, who is called in heaven: "As God Himself govems." Consequently, let us listen especially. He reigns together with the Lord. He is extremely powerful among the archangels who stand day and night befme the Lord's tluone, &c."

3 "l1lerefore, most beloved people, let us pray now rlle holy archangel Saint .NIichael in order that he be rlle one who receive our souls and tlIat he may lead rllem into the celestial kingdom to the Lord who lives and reigns with the Father and with the Son and with the Holy Ghost for ail eternity. Amen." CHAPTER ONE 10 mistranslated. Moreover, the question of being able to read the text as it stands is important because the obscure passages of fLSlvl are not necessarily undecipherable or in need of emendation when closely scrutinized. It is even more important to do so since the text has only been edited twice previously. A good example of this - which will serve as a kind of introduction to the following body of textual notes - is Tristram's and Grant's respective treatments of lines 24-5 as opposed to my own. l edit and translate the following clause from paragraph 5 thus: "sé pres

Abrahames an-Iysend pres héah-frederes ofer Caldëa péode cumende fultumendum".4 Grant inserts "drihtne" bet:ween "cumende" and "fultumendum" (Grant 1982 56, 66), and translates: "coming with the lord's help", taking Saint IvIichel as the subject of "cumende" and noting: "As it stands, the dative fitltllmendllm is inexplicable." (Grant 1982 68) In fact, it is obvious that he has been deceived by the double occurrence, not far before and after this passage, of "Dryhtne fultummendum" (lines 21 and 32-3), a dative absolute modeled on the

Latin ablative absolute.5 The "fultumendum" which concems us, however, is easily explained away if we take it as an instrumental plural, and if the subject of "cumende" is, as l believe,

Abraham.6 For Tristram 71, our "fultumendum" is also a dative absolute, possibly within a stereotyped locution. But as a participle put in the dative absolute must be accompanied by a name or a pronoun, l do not see how the absence of half the construction can give evidence of a stereotype. One could make it an adverb once started. It is clear that she has also been influenced by the vicinity of "Dryhtne fultummendum", and just as Grant will do after her, she took Saint Michael as the subject of "cumende", alheit making it Abraham is the onl)' way to bring out the meaning of the whole passage.7

4 "who was the liberator of Abraham the patriarch who was departing with his supporters beyond the country of the Chaldeans".

5 On the dative absolute in OE, see Quirk and \Vrenn 66, who quote an example similar to our own: "gefultumigendum Gode".

6 Sec "±fultllITl(i)cnd", substantive, in Hall 143. For the instmmental signifying "with whom" the action is executed, see Mossé 1141, and Pollington 2001 120: "One common idiom in which the use of the instmmental is necessary is expressions of accompaniment: se cyning fôt lyde werode 'the king travelled with a sma/l troop', though here again it is possible to substitute Mid and the dative." Quirk and \Vrenn 67 term "comitative" this function of the instmmental.

7 :\s for the constmction "Abrahames [... ] p:es héah-f:ederes [... ] cumende", see lvIitcheli 1 22, but especially Mossé 1 154: "Quand delLx mots sont éloignés, on oublie de faire l'accord: [... ] hë wolde Paulinus pOlie biu:eop geomlhor gef!Jran be pdm Gode sprecellde pdm pe hë bodade 'il voulait écouter plus attentivement CHAPTER ONE 11

Tristram edits and translates the passage we arc discussing thus: "se w~s . abrahames anlysend pres heahfrederes ofer caldea péode cumcndc fultumendwn" (Tris tram 1970 154), "der der Erretter des Erzvaters Abraham war, aIs er ihm zu Hilfe kam über das chaidiiische Volk" (fris tram 1970 201) ("who was the savior of the patriarch Abraham, when he came over the Chaldean people to help him"). Grant edits and translates: "se p~s Abrahames onlysend pres heahf~deres ofer Caldea peode, cumende drihtne fultumendwn" (Grant 1982 56), "who was the deliverer of Abraham, patriarch over the people of the Chaldees, coming with the lord's help" (Grant 1982 57). My reading of the lines seems to me Emther justifted because it makes evident within the paragraph the apposition existing bet:ween Abraham going "beyond the country of the Chaldeans" and the three patriarchs going "across the exotic lands and the unexplored roads". Moreover, we know that the concept of what is "el-]:>éodig" appears three cimes in

ILS.M (exotic lands (26), hostile barbarians (98), pilgrims (123», resuming at different levels the traditional theme of the faithful in exile, whether factual or symbolical. This process of establishing a coherent textual meaning will be seen to be crucial in the case of the sentences "Spa spa God sylfa age" (7) and "Drihtnes hé is efen-rixïende" (8) below. This is especiaily so, as there exists nothing in the Irish and Coptic analogues which can bear comparison with them. With respect to a text such as fLSM, which is marginal at best, it is important to maintain consistency in editing. It is illogical for Tristram and Grant to emend - or to suggest to emend - "canoniêa" to "Canan(e)isca" and "lobes" to "Iosues" (line 36), but to positively retain "Actum Apostolorum" (line 92) as they both do, instead of correcting it to

"Actum Sanctorum". "Spa spa God sylfa age" and "Drihtnes hé is efen-rixïende" could be sanitized in a similar way if one felt like playing the revisionist. From the moment that we know that ILSM does make strange statements, we have to accept ail of them, that is, as long as they are semioticaily comprehensible. The question of their being uncanonical or exegetical nonsense is another problem, which will be addressed later on.

l'évêque po parler du dieu qu'il annonçait' (il faudrait sprecel/dlle pour s'accorder avec pOlie bist'eop)." [\Vhen two words are far apart, one forgets to put them into agreement: [... ] hë wo/de Pau/il/us P01lC bist'eop georl//Ù'or gef?Jral1 be pdm Gode sprue1lde pdm pe hi bodade 'he would hear more attentively the bishop Paulinus speak about the god whom he was preaching' (we should expect spruelldl1e in order to agree with pOl/e biSt:eop).] CHAPTER ONE 12

What foilows is a detailed analysis of the idiosyncrasies of ILSM. 8

Par. 2, Hne 7: on hefenum ge-cpeden (called in heaven) This piece of infonnation makes it probable that the author responsible for ILSM, or at least responsible for this detail, was aware that the archangel Michael's name was in Hebrew. The Hebrew language was believed by medieval scholars to have been the one given to Adam by God, and therefore, to be at the origin of ail other tongues. Sometimes, moreover, this belief was linked to another one which made of Hebrew the language spoken by angels in heaven. The Irish Allraùc:pt na n-Éces ("Scholars' Primer"; some of its contents, copied down in the ninth century, may go back to the seventh) sums up the belief in this way: "Beria nEbraidi 'na tengtha robai isin domun ri araile cumhdach in tuir 7 is ed dno bhias iar mbrath 7 asberat araile co mbad eadh nobeth la muintir nimhe." (Calder 1995 14, 16)9

Isidore of Seville states the primacy of Hebrew: "Linguarum diuersitas exorta est in aedificatione turris post diluuium. Nam priusquam superbia turris illius in diuersos signorum sonos humanam diuideret societatem, una omnium nationum lingua fuit quae hebrea uocatur [... ]" (Reydellet 31)10 He states it again in his Erymologies 12.2 (André 39). Isidore, however, does not teach that angels speak Hebrew in heaven: "Dicit etiam Apostolus: "Si linguis hominum loquar et angelorum". Vbi quaeritur qua lingua angeli loquantur, non quod angelorum aliquae linguae sint, sed hoc per exaggerationem dicitur. Item quaeritur qua lingua in futurum homines loquantur; nusquam reperitur. Nam dicit Apostolus: "Siue linguae cessabunt". " (Reydellet 41) Il

8 See Appendi.x One for the text and translation.

9 "The Hebrew language is the tongue that was in the world before any building of the Tower [of Babel], and it is it too that will be after doomsday, and sorne say that it was it which the people of heaven had." (Calder 1995 15,17)

10 "The diversity of tongues appeared during the building of the tower after the flood. For before the pride of that tower divided hwnan society according to different signifying sound s, there was only one tongue for aIl nations, wlùch was called Hebraic [... ]"

Il ".\nd the apostle says: "If l ShOlÙd speak in the tongues of men and of angels". In wlùch place it is asked in what tongue the angels may speak, not because there be any tongues for the angels, but this is said by exaggeration. Likewise it is asked in what tongue men would speak in the future - it is revealed nowhere. For the apostle says: "Or the tongues shaH cease". " CHAPTER ONE 13

Moreover, the common opinion seems to have been that angels were not called any names in heaven, as is taught in the Eluddarium of Honorius of Autun (twelfth century; Honorius lived in England in rus early career as a disciple of Saint Anselm): D. - Habent nomina angeli? M. - Tanta scientia est in angelis, ut non indigeant nominibus. D. - Michael, Gabriel, Raphael non sunt nomina? M. - Magis sunt agnomina, quia ab accidenti sunt eis ab hominibus imposita, cum ea non habeant in caelis propria; unde et primus angelus ab accidenti Sathael, id est Deo

contrarius, nomen accepit. (Lefèvre 366; Migne PL 172 col. 1113-14) 12 This view goes back to the Homilia XXXIV in Evangelia of Gregory the Great: Sciendum quoque quod angelorum vocabulum, nom en est officii, non naturre. [ ... ] Qui idcirco etiam privatis nominibus censentur, ut signetur per vocabula etiam in operatione quid valeant. Neque enim in illa sancta civita te , quam de visione omnipotentis Dei plena scientia perficit, idcirco propria nomina sortiuntur, ne eorum personre sine nominibus sciri non possint; sed cum ad nos aliquid ministraturi

veniunt, apud nos etiam nomina a ministeriis trahunt. (Migne PL 76 col. 1250-51)13 ILSlvI is therefore unorthodox in stating that Michael was called his na me in heaven.

It is possible, though, that "on hefenum ge-cpeden" merely refers to the war in heaven and not to the Hebrew language at aIl, in which case it could point back to an initially uncorrupted translation of Michael's name. That, however, is irretrievably lost, for what we have now is a gross mistranslation, as we shall see.

Par. 2, line 7: « Spa spa God sy/fa age. »("As God Himself governs.")

12 "Disciple: Do angels have names? 1Iaster: So much knowledge there is in angels that they do not require names. Disciple: Are not Michael, Gabriel and Raphael names? 1Iaster: They are rather surnames, because they have been put upon them by men by accident, since they do Ilot have them as their own in hcaven; wherefore the first ange! receivcd by accident the name of Sathael, which means "contrary to God"."

!3 "It must be realized too that the name of the angels is the name of their office, not of their nature. [ ... ] Therefore, those who are called by private names, it is in order that it should be signified through their names what kind of action they may be capable of. And therefore, indeed, neither do they choose persona! names in the holy city, which a full knowledge makes perfect out of the vision of God Almighty, nor do their persons could be known without names; but when they come to us, being about to manage something, they certainly acquire their names among us from their functions." CI-IAPTER ONE 14

This is a major crux. At this place, the manuscript has no pllndlls interrogtitim/J (" :f " or whatever), but it must be said that it does not have any either at the places where there are clear interrogations (lines 66-7, 79-80).

In Hebrew, the name of the archangel is J~.;!'r,l, which is transliterated by biblicists mîk,.d'il, pronounced in the Sephardic way [mi:çot:'7e:I], and traditionally translated in Latin by

"Quis sicut Deus?" or "Quis ut Deus?" ("Who is like unto God?"). In Hebrew, 'r,l mî, interrogative pronoun, and 'y'\ mî, indefmite pronoun, can both begin a sentence (Kautzsch and Cowley 443-4; Williams 24). On the other hand, in Latin, "guis", indeftnite pronoun, cannot be placed at the beginning of a sentence (Hettich and Maidand 192); the "guis" of "Quis sicut Deus?" or "Quis ut Deus?" must therefore be an interrogative pronoun.

J~.;!'r,l must be translated by an interrogative sentence: ''Who is like unto God?"

This could not be otherwise, seeing that this name is aiso owned by ten human beings in the Old Testament, and they probably had not received it in the archangel's honour as is the case among us, heirs to the Christian culture: Num. 13.13; 1 Chrono 5.13; 5.14; 6.25; 7.3; 8.16; 12.21; 27.18; 2 Chrono 21.2; Ezra 8.8 (Brown, Driver and Briggs 567).14 There are parallels to

J~.;!'r,l to be found in Assyrian onomastics: M{/nnll-kî-Iv/mmân "Who is like Rammân?,,;15 iV[t1nnll-kî-iltl-rtlbtl "Who is like the great God?" (Brown, Driver and Briggs 567).16 Moreover, there are other biblical names which have a similar meaning: Micah (borne, among others, by a canonical prophet): "Who is like Yiih?"; Mishael (borne, among others, by one of the three companions of Daniel in the furnace): "Who is what God is?" (Brown, Driver and Briggs 567) This companion of Daniel received at Babylon the new name of Meshach: ''Who is what Aku (the moon-god) is?" (Brown, Driver and Briggs 568)

14 l1Ie gap between the redaction of both 1-2 Chrono and Ezra and that of the more ancient part of 1 Enoch (the Ethiopic Book of Enoch), where mention is first made of an ange! named "!vIichael", is of about 100 years. Dan., the only OT text where he appears, is still about a century later. Num. is even much older than 1-2 Chrono and Ezra.

15 He was a god of storms.

16 The Assyrian pronoun manllu can be either interrogative ("who?") or indeftnite ("whoever") (Lyon xxxii, 117); but as part of a proper name, an indefmite would then refer to the bearer of that name himself as someone unspecified, wruch seems illogical. CHAPTER ONE 15

The interrogative formula appears also in Exod. 15.11: '~ nijl'. D~~q n.:in.:r'~ n~·n~ mî &dmo&dh bd'ëliin 'tIgon4Y mî kdmo&dh "Who is like unto Thee, 0 Lord, among the mighty? Who is like unto Thee [... ]?", and which interrogative formula the Vulgate translates by "Quis similis tui?"; and Ps. 35.10: Tl·m~ '~ n·'J". 'tIgon4Y mî &dmô&d - Vulgate Ps.

34.10: "Domine, quis similis tibi?" The Stowe Psalter glosses this interrogation in Ps. 34.10:

"drihten hwylc is gelic ôe" (Kimmens 62). One may also compare Deut. 33.26: ')~~ p~

1·11W.·'; 'ên kd'ël./sürûn "There is none like unto God, 0 ]eshurun".

We must recall that following the Catholic tradition, "Quis sicut Deus?" is the war cry that Saint Michael used for rallying the loyal angels and overwhelming the proud Enemy who, precisely, desired to be like unto God.17 That same Enemy tempted Adam and Eve, promising them that they should be "sicut dii" "as gods" (Gen. 3.5, translating D'D· ')rq kë'lOhîm, which of course may be the majestative plural: "as God,,).18 Ali things considered, it is clear that the ideal text we should expect in ILSM would bear something like: *"sé is on heofonum ge-cpeden : « Hpik is ge-lié Gode? »" or else: *"sé is on heofonum ge-cpeden : « Hpa is spa spa God selfa? » - « Hp:et is sPa sPa God selfa? »".

Of course, in sentences such as *"Hpik is ge-lié Gode?" or *"Hpa-Hp:et is spa spa God selfa? ", and in the absence of any kind of pundlls interrogativlIs, the interrogative pronoun could easily be taken as an indefinite, both being grammatically possible, although at the beginning of a sentence we should rather expect *"Hp::i pe ... " (see hwa def. IV.(l)(a) in Toiler 575). It may be possible to compare our text to the OE gloss on the Latin Lorica of Gildas (or of Laidcenn) in the Lummga manuscript, from around the year 1000 (pollington 2000

206): "wisdomes gefylnes 1 godes lufu onbemes mid cremppum / dJemphin et seraphin '1Im

milibus / swaswa god 1 godes strengu gelicum / mid)lIel et gabnel similibll/', and which Pollington translates (207): "wisdom's fullness and God's love's flame with warriors just like

17 TIlat is, overwhelming him with power received from God, by acknowledging that ail power is from God, as one of my Coptic contacts, Deacon !vrina Aziz, specifies, since the same tradition still prevails in the Coptic Church today. We may also experience "Who is like unto God?" as a "slogan [ ...] evok[ing] the entire story more suggestively than a long abstract" (\'liet 411).

18 See also 2 TIless. 2.4, and Daniel 11.36 conceming .-\ntichrist. CHAPTER ONE 16

God and like God's strength". There is also this quotation in DOEC from a homily partiaUy

ascribed to Aelfric, "Visions of Departing Souls": "Godes him to, Michael & Gabriel, swa swa pret hi pres mannes sawle sceoldon underfon". These two instances present a phraseology which seems to betray an interpretation for the archangel Michael's

name such as "Spa spa God". The latter tex t, however, is printed thus in Pope 777: ...... ) Godes engla(s) him to , Michael 7 Gabriel, swa swa God (: : : : : : : :),

pœ/ hi pres mannes sawle sceoldon underfon 19 He notes for "swa swa God (: : : : : : : :)" in his critical apparatus: "(him bebead)?' The Latin source from the Vi/œ Pa/mm which he cites offers no clue: "Et cum venisset hora dormitionis eius, conspicit frater ille NIichaelem et Gabrielem descendentes propter animam eius.,,20 Since "swa swa God him bebead" ("as God commanded them") would make perfect sense, 1 think we had better remain prudent about this possible gloss, which may weU not exist at aU. As for the former one, it may be significant that the OE glossator of the Book of Ceme's copy of the Lorica of Gildas preferred not to gloss "mihahel" at aU (Kuypers 85), 21 although he translated the other angelic names. Going back to the Latin translation "Quis sicut Deus?", 1 think we can postulate, as the mistake's ultimate origin, a confusion between the interrogative pronoun "quis" and the relative pronoun "qui"; a paleographicaUy plausible confusion if we conjecture the error

q U l f leu 1" for q U l ff leu 1" •

In fact, whatever its origin, such an error seems to have been frequent. The Latin text of Anglo-Saxon provenance edited by Cross reads:

19 ": : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : :) God's angel(s) to him, 1:fichael and Gabriel, as God C: : : : : : : :), that they should receive that man's soul"

20 ".\nd when the hour of his sleep had come, that brother saw i'vIichael and Gabriel coming down for his soul."

21 What l flnd puzzling, is that Anglo-Saxon glossators could explain words derived from Hebrew and Aramaic which they encountered within the Lorica of Gildas (see Howlett 1997 131-8) and yet failed to interpret i'vIichael's name correctly or at aIl. It would seem that we are confronted here with no real knowledge of the I-lebrew language, as argued by Howlett, but with secondhand information. CHAPTER ONE 17

Michael interpretatur 'qui[s] ut deus'; quando enim aliquid in mundo mire uirtutis fit, hic archangelus mittitur et ex ipso opere nomen eius est quia nemo potest facere quod facere praeualet deus. (Cross 1986 34) 2"- Cross corrected "qui" in his basic text (eleventh-century) on the grounds of "quis" being present in two posterior manuscripts (twelfth- and fourteenth-century). The error seems equally to have been ancient. The explication "Michahel quis ut deus?" ("Michael: who is like God?") appears four rimes in the Liber Intepretationis Hebmicomm Nominum of Saint Jerome, and aIready a ninth-century manuscript, the second as of antiquity, shows the variant "Michael qui sicut deus" ("Michael: someone who is like God") half the rime (Lagarde 82, 129, 151, 160). Isidore of Seville has, accorcling to Lindsay VII.v.12, the following explication in his Erymologies: "Michael interpretatur, Qui sicut Deus.", explication for which this editor does not record any variant in ms critical apparatus, although Migne prints "Michael interpretatur qllis lit Deus?' (Migne PL 82 col. 272). DOEC has the following citation, taken from an eighth-century Latin-Old English glossary: "Michael qui simt dm.!'. It is obvious that from the moment that it was translated and paraphrased in another language, the Latinate error could be amplified and thus become more difficult to rectify

than by the simple restoration of a [mal s. The Middle Irish "in t-i" (demonstrative pronoun), "the one who", is equivalent to a relative in this excerpt from a sermon in the Leabhar Brem' ("Speckled Book"; its contents, copied in the fifteenth century, go back to the twelfth): Michelel clin, as a lith 7 as a foraithmet atfiadar in celais Dé is-in laithe-sin indiu, 'qlli

sùut Deus' intepretClfur, as inann 6n 7 'in t-i is cosmail do Dia'; ocus ni bu ainm cin

tothacht 7 cin dethberius do-som sin, uait is cosmail 0 modaib imdaib do Dia

.Nüchael [.] (Atkinson 215-6/3 By contras t, another sermon From Leabh(lr Brec,,' con tains an etymology which is both laconic and just and can only go back to "Quis sicut Deus?": "Is inann Michael iar n-etarchert, 7 'cia

amal Dia.'" (Atkinson 241/4

22 ''''l'vIichae!'' is translated "who is like God?"; for when anything of extraordinary value is done in the world, trus archange! is sent and, out of this very deed, lùs name exists because nobody has the power to do that wruch God has superior power to do."

23 "Michael, whose festival and memory are observed in the Church of God on the anniversary of tlùs day, denotes 'one who is like God'; and this name is not without special validity and reference to him; for l'vIichae! is like unto God in many ways." (Atkinson 453)

24 "Michael is, according to the explanation, tlIe same thing as Who is like Cod?" CHAPTER ONE 18

To sum up, the problem with Michael's name is about which one of the two possibilities is the more logical: that a proper name should refer to its bearer as someone unspecified, and yet compare him to the Supreme Bcing, or that it should be a rhetorical question pointing to someone other than its bearer, namely, the Supreme Being. l favour the rhetorical meaning as the more probable of the two, especially since this does fit the subaltem nature of an angel, as is the case here.

As regards ILSM's etymological explanation of Michael's name as "Spa spa God sylfa age" ("As God Himself govems"), it exegetically disagrees with the words of Michael himself when he says to the Devi! in Jude 9 (an episode alluded to in section 11 of ILSA-!): "Imperet tibi Dominus" ("May the Lord govem you"), which words show that Michael is quite distinct from God and does not govem as God does, or in His place.25

Par. 2, Hne 7: age (governs) Rushing, working from a transcription furnished by Willard, printed: "Sancte

Michaeles, se is on hefenum gecweden, '(H)wa swa God sylfa age.' " (Rushing 44, 46i6 She thus anticipated for "age" one of Tristram's suggestions, as well as the current verdict of DOE.

Grant (67) notes: "MS aje l take to be a = 'ever' with -3e simply an anticipation of the

3e- of 3clyron, but a3en = 'again' would also be possible." In consequence of which he edits:

"A 3ehyron pe" and translates: "Let us ever" (57). Tristram (152) edits: "swa swa god sylfa

age gehyron we" and translates (200): "dan er ewiglich gleich Gott selbst ist, und lant uns [... ]" ("that he is etemally like God Himself, and let us [.. .]"), which is to suppose that she retains the second ofher thrce suggested readings (fris tram 261; and see 61): ... swa swa god sylfa age. Gehyron we ... , mit 3.Sg.0pt. von agan,

25 It is true that in Zech. 3.2 we read: "Et di.xit Dominus ad Satan: Increpet Dominus in te, Satan!" ("And the Lord said to Satan: ~:[ay the Lord rebuk.e you, Satan!") But it seems that "the Lord" in the first part of th.is verse is a slip for the complete formula "the angel of the Lord", wruch the Syriac version has there (see Biblia Hebraica 960) and which occurs in the preceding verse.

26 "of Saint :Michael, who is called in heaven: "Sorne one who governs as God Himself."" 11le emendation of "Spa" to "{H}pa" is of course unnecessary. One could use it to rectify the meaning of the phrase by understanding "Hpa" as an interrogative ("Who may govern as God Himself?") but trus would be an interference with the text which cannot be supported in view of "Drihtnes hé is efen-rixiende" a few letters down in the manuscript. CHAPTER ONE 19

... swa swa god sylfa a. ge gehyron we ... , ge = and, vgl. BT [Bosworth and Toller] g!;., ... gecweden swa swa god. Sylfa age. Gehyron we forpon ... etc. However, her glossary reflects her indecision; she lists under the verb agan, "zueignen, gehoren" ("to dedicate, to belong"): "Pras.3.Sg.Konj. age [... ] (?)" (fris tram 356), while introducing, in reference to the same line of the text, "a [... ] (?)" (fris tram 355) under the adverb a, "immer, stets" ("always, continually"). There is no reference to this passage of our text under the entry ge --- ge (fris tram 380). The Old English Concordanœ A004.306 punctuates thus the whole passage: "For ôon ôonne men ôa leofestan, blission we and gefeon in pis ne simbelnisse dreg pres halgan heahengles Sancte michaeles se is on hefenum gecweden swa swa god sylfa age. [full stop)" and DOEC does likewise.

We might read *"age", which would be a graphic variation on "ai-ay-aye", "always, etemally" (Orm spells it "a33" (MED A.2.162)) < Old Norse "ei-ey" (see DOE A.2306-7).

However, l concur with DOE A.509 which considers the word as a form of the verb agan, under def. LA.3.a.: "of a ruer: to have control of, rue (a country, territory) [I.A.3.] with implied object; also in a swa swa clause", the only other attestation tallying with this de finition being - according to them - Beowlllf31: Him ôa Scyld gewat t6 gescrephwïle

felahr6r reran on Frëan wéËre;

hl hyne pa retbéËron t6 brimes faroôe,

swéËse gesipas, swa hè selfa bred,

penden wordum wèold wine Scyldinga - lëof landfruma lange ahte. (Klaeber 2; boldface mine)27 There is, however, another occurence of "age" \Vith a similar meaning, but with an object this cime, although it has often been emended out of existence. Resignation 1-2 reads: "Age mec se œlmihtga god! / Helpe min se halga dryhten!,,28 (Klinck 95) The following

27 "Scyld then departed at the appointed time, still very strong, into the keeping of the Lord. His own dear comrades carried his body to the sea's current, as he himselfhad ordered, great Scylding lord, when he still gave commands; the narion's dear leader had mled a long rime." (Chickering 51; boldface mine)

28 "May God Almighty govem me! / May the Holy Lord help me!" CHAPTER ONE 20 definition for the use of "agan" as exemplified both in Resignation and in ILSjH may be acceptable: "of God: to have control of, rule (one of rus creatures, creation); also with implied object and in a swa swa clause." "Agend" is a synonym for God (Bosworth and ToIler 28), mostly used in poetry (see Bliss 53-4), but Tristram has shown that the language of ILSM makes use of a few words belonging to rugh style or to the vocabulary of poetry (76). According to the present view, "age" is then third person singular, present subjunctive. It is weIl to note, however, that the subjunctive is not the rule within a "J"JVa J"JVa clause" (Mitchell 1985 2: 660-1). "The subjunctives wruch do occur can usually be explained as due to the presence of an element of volition, hypothesis, or uncertainty, about an event in the future" (Mitchell 1985 2: 663). This makes it possible that "age" should be understood as a jussive or hortative subjunctive being equivalent to an imperative; then one would render

"Spa spa God sylfa age" by "Let him govem like God Himself!". But if it is true that the verb can be placed at the end in thls kind of sentence, as in these examples drawn From :NIillward 20-1: "he pers dcedbote do, er/mihtig God hit gemi/tse" ("let him do amends for that, may

God Almighty mitigate it"), the subject must be expressed (see Mitchell 1985 1: 378): *"hé

spa spa God sylfa age". Another possibility is to translate "spa spa God sylfa age" by "In order that God Himself may govem", with a sense to be compared with the well-known explanation of Michael's name by Saint Gregory the Great in rus Homi/ia XXXIV in Evemge/ia: Michael namque, quis ut Deus [ ... ] Et quoties mitre virtutis aliquid agitur, Michael mitti perrubetur, ut ex ipso actu et nomine detur intelligi quia nullus potest facere quod facere prrevalet Deus. Unde et ille antiquus hostis, qui Deo esse per suberbiam

similis concupivit, dicens: In ~"(l'/lfm ~·onsœndtlm, super astra ~"(l'/i eXtI/ftlbo so/ùlm met/m. sedebo

in monte teste/menti, in /ateribus Aqui/onis, as~·endaJJJ slpet" a/titlldinem nllbillm, similis ero

A/tissimo (Isai. XI\', 13), dum in fme mundi in sua virtute relinquetur extremo supplicio perimendus, cum Michaele archangelo prreliaturus esse perrubetur, sicut per

Joannem dicitur: Fadllm est prer/ùlm mm lvlÙ"hae/e cmhemge/o (Apo~: XII, 7), ut qui se ad Dei similitudinem superbus extulerat, per Michaclem peremptus discat, quia ad Dei similitudinem per superbiam nullus exsurgat. (Migne PL 76 col. 1251)29

"9 "_\nd in faet, ~fiehael means "Who is like God?" [... ] And as many cimes as anything of extraordinary value is done, Nfiehael is reported to be sent, so that out of this very deed and out of his name it should be given to understand that none has the power to do that whieh God has superior power to do. Wherefore even that CHAPTER ONE 21

Such a comprehension of the conjunction "spa spa" would be based upon the following remark in Mitchell 1985 2: 447: "Cockayne translates swa swa in [... ] gebeat oppe gegniô to dl/ste swa swa preo aides mœl sien oooe ma [... ] ["pound or grind to a powder so that there be three spoonfuls or more"] as 'so that'. We could translate 'so as' and thus convey the element of comparison which is involved. We can certainly see SJ}/(I (swa) shading into a consecutive conjunction in these positive clauses." We may note that in his example the verb "sien" is subjunctive. Callaway (7) translates likewise "spa spa" followed by the subjunctive by "so as, so that' in this sentence: "sua dop pa pe hira hlafordas diegellice t:dap, & peah slla sI/a hit him no ne derige, ne ne eglc" ("so do those who secretly slandcr their lords, and yet, so that it does not hurt or ail them").

Par. 2, lin es 7-8: ée-hyron pé for pan sinder-Ifie. Drihtnes hé is efen-rixïende.

(Consequently, let us Iisten especially. He reigns together with the Lord.) Tristram notes: "Ms am Anfang der kurzen Zeile Lücke von etwa neun Punkten na ch drihtnes, keine Rasur." (152)30 She edits: "gehyron wc for pon sinderlice drihtnes he is

efenri...aende . [her reproduction of the punctuation of the manuscript]", translating: "und laf3t uns darum im Einzelnen horen : Er ist Gottes lVlitherrscher." (Tris tram 200)31 Grant

edits: "A 3ehyron pe for pon sinderlice drihtnes ... [his suspension points] He is

efenri...aende; [semicolon]" (56), and translates: "Let us ever give ear because of the lord's special ...... [his suspension points] He is a fellow ruler; [semicolon]". He notes: "drihtnes] Jollowed by a blank spaœ stlf/ùient Jor 8 or 9 letter!' (66) and "The space after drihtnes might

perhaps be completed simply: Jor pon sinderlù'e drihtnes [ "(!tm pisses heahen3les ]." (67) There are

two things which have eluded Grant; "lufu" is feminine and therefore does not agree with

"pon sinder-lice" which, as he understands them (as two words in the instrumental case)

ancient enemy who coveted through his pride to be like unto God, saying: "1 shall ascend in the sky, 1 shalllift up rny throne above the stars of the sky, l shall sit on the rnount of the covenant, on the north side, l shall climb above the height of cloud s, 1 shall be like unto the Most High", when at the end of the world he will be abandoned to his own strength, to be destroyed in utmost torment, then he is reported to be about to fight with the archange! lvIichael, as John says: "There happened a fight with the archangel tvIichae!", in order that an)' proud one who had raised himself up to the likeness of God may leam, destroyed through "J\fi-cha-el?", that none may arise to such likeness through pride."

30 "Ms. at the begiruùng of the short hne a lacuna of about nine points following drihfnes, no erasure."

31 "and therefore let us listen particularly: he is God's co-sovereign." CHAPTER ONE 22 would need a masculine or neuter word. Moreover, the definite article would require a weak adjective: "pon sinder-liëan". To overburden the text with an addition like "for pon sinder-lië {an} Drihtnes {fréond-scipe pisses héah-engles}" or "for pon sinder-lië {an}

Drihtnes {myne pisses héah-engles}" will not serve any purpose. Tristram (262) writes: Diese Textstelle ist syntaktisch zweifach interpretierbar : Gehyron we forpon sinderlice drihtnes (Objekt fehlt hier): he is eferui.xiende ... [... ] Gehyron we forpon : Sinderlice drihtnes he is eferui.xiende, oder Gehyron we forpon sinderlice : drihtnes he is efenrixiende aIs Stellungstransformat von he is drihtnes elent1X1enr .. d e. 32 In her first suggestion, she specifies that the missing object could be an equivalent of the Latin "solemnitas". I prefer the second of those, since it gives a sense to the text as it stands. Rushing herself printed: "Gehyren we for pon, sinderlice Drihtnes he is efenrixiende." (Rushing 44i3

Par. 2, Hne 8: Drihtnes hé is efen-rfxïende. (He reigns together with the Lord.)

"Efen-rixïende" is not attested elsewhere, nor is it to be found in the old dictionaries. "Ricsïan" "to govem, to reign", is a very common verb and we know the substantive

"ncsïend" "chief", and the adjective "efen-nce" "equally powerful". The sense of the present

participle "efen-nxïende", from a verb *"efen-tixïan", is then very clearand taken literally in the present context, it is of course heretical. DOE has the de finition: "beon efenrù"Siende 'to be co-regnant with (God gen.)'''. Tristram exclaims: "Dies ist die Spitze der Haresie unseres Textes" (262).34 On this point, Grant's critical note mns so: "efenrixiende is a unique word. I translate 'fellow-ruler' to avoid the heresy of 'equally powerful.' The idea is, I suppose, that

32 "Syntactically, this textual passage can be interpreted in a double manner: Gehyron we forjon sinder/ice drihtnes (an object is missing here): he is efenrixiende ... [... ] Gehyron we forjon : Sinderlice drihtnes he is efenrixiende, or Gehyron we forjon sinderliu : drihtnes he is efenrixiende as a transposition of he is drihtnes efenrixiende."

33 "Let us listen therefore; he is especially the Lord's co-regent."

34 "TItis is the summit of our text's heresy". CHAPTER ONE 23

Michael replaced God as guardian of Israel and the Christian church in the final battle with

Satan." (68) Tristram translates: "Er ist Gottes Mitherrscher" (200).35 Whether we link or not

"efen-rixïende" to "Drihtnes" does not help us much, and "fellow-ruler" is not very different from "co-sovereign" in the whole context. In fact, these two crucial difficulties in ILSM:

"Spa spa God sylfa age" ("As God Himself govems.") and "Drihtnes hé is efen-rixïende" ("He reigns together with the Lord" - lit.: "He is the Lord's co-regent"), shed light on one another and are the proof that there is something odd about this document. What we guess to be the theology of ILSM does not stand to advantage when we compare it to sorne passages in the tripartite Christ.

Nü we hyhtfulle hëëlo gelyfaô

J:mrh pa:::t Word Godes weorodum brungen, pe on frymôe wa:::s Fa:::der a:::1mihtgum

efenëce mid God (119-22; Cook 5/6 Ëala pü halga heofona Dryhten,

pü mid Fa:::der pinne gefym wëëre efenwesende in pam a:::pelan ham.

Na:::s ëënig pa gïet engel geworden (348-51; Cook 14/7 Aelfric likewise insisted on the uniqueness of Christ: "he is ejeneClld and ejenife his Fœdel' (Cook 92). Nowhere outside of ILSlvI do we fmd any of the chief angels described in terms of being "even" with God. ILSM, however, must be more circumspect when it describes Lucifer, "sé de :et frymde middan-gardes ge-sceapen pa:::s ta dam beorhtestan engle" (25.104- 5) ("who, at the origin of the world, was created as the most resplendent angel"). We may compare verses 366-73 from the poem Christ and Satan, composed around 800 (Clubb 23):

Wa:::s pa:::t encgelcyn ~r genemncd Lücifer haten, 'Leohtberende,' on geardagum in Godes tÏce.

35 "He is God's co-sovereign".

36 "Now we, joyftÙ, trust in salvation brought to the mtÙtitudes through the \Vord of God, who was in the begiruùng coetemal with the Almighty Father, with God [... ]"

37 "0 you holy Lord of heaven, you were long ago coexistent with your Father in the glorious home. 111ere was not any angel created as yet [ .. .]" CHAPTER ONE 24

Pâ hë in wuldre wraht onstalde, pa:t hë oferh)da âgan wolde. [Pâ] Sâtânus swearte gepahte pa:t hë wolde on heofonum hëhseld wyrcan

h- 38 uppe 1n1'd l'am E-cano Aelfric writes in his De initio matllrae (Bolton 18): "Pâ wa:s ôa:s tëoôan werodes ealdor swïôe fa:ger and wlitig gesceapen, swâ pa:t hë wa:s gehâten Lëohtberend.,,39 The source of

this tradition is in Isa. 14.12, where the name Lucifer appears, translating the Hebrew '~'D hélil < '~iJ hdlal"to shine" (Brown, Driver and Briggs 237). Isa. 14.12-5 (and Ezek. 28.2-10) are likewise the source for Lucifer's words in ILSM: "le hebbe min héah-setl ta nord-di:le, lC." (25.106-7) ("1 will raise my throne in the north, &c.") We can compare to this passage the treatment of the same theme in the poem Genesis B (Doane 208-9): "ongan him winn up hebban / wiô pone hehstan, heofnes waldend / pe site ô on parn halgan stole." (259-60c)40 feala worda gespa:c se engel ofermodes. pohte purh his anes cr:eft hu he him strenglicran stol geworhte, heahran on heofonum. cw:eô pa:t hine his hige speonne pa:t he west and norô wyrcean ongunne, trymede getimbro. (271_6)41 "[I]c ma:g wesan god swa he" ("1 have power to be God as he is") (283) are the words pronounced by "se ofermoda cyning pe a:r wa:s engla scynost / hwitost on heofne" (338_9)42 in Genesis B. It is echoed in Aelfric' s De initio ,rea!tfrae (Bolton 18-9):

Dâ begann hë ta madigenne for ô~re fa:gemysse pe hë ha:fde, and cwa:ô on his heortan pa:t hë wolde and ëaôe mihte bëon his Scyppende gelic, and sittan on ôâm

38 "TIIat angelic offspring was called formerly Lucifer - named Light-bearer - in days of yore in the kingdom of God. Then he originated strife in heaven, so that he would have his conceit. Then Satan wickedly resolved that he would build a tluone on high in heaven along with the Eternal."

39 "TIIe leader of the tenth legion was then created very fair and beautiful, so that he was named Light-bearer."

40 "He began a strife against the Most High, the ruler ofheaven who sits on the holy throne."

41 "TIIe angel of insolence spoke with much words, he imagined how through his own strength alone he would build for himself a stronger throne, higher in heaven. He said that lùs mind urged lùm to start working in the northwest; he built up structures."

42 "the overbearing king who formerly was the most beautiful of angds, brightest in heaven". CHAPTER ONE 25

norôd~le heofenan nces, and habban andweald and nce ongëan God relmihtigne. [... ]

and cwreô, pret hë mihte bëon pam relmihtigan Gode gelïc [... ]43 Now, in consideration of aIl this angelological tradition so much present m the vemacular texts themselves, it is aIl the more astonishing that fLSN! should be incapable of interpreting the name Michael as signifying more or less "Hpilë is pfm rel-mihtigan Gode ge-lië?" ("Who is like unto the Almighty God?") If 1 insist on these details conceming the faIlen angel, it is to show to what extent Michael's rôle is only defmed by contrast with the personality of Lucifer/Satan. The loyal archangel becomes "Mi-cha-el?" only when Lucifer becomes Satan (ll(W fâ!ân), the adversary. The very perception of these facts invalida tes any understanding of "Mi-cha-el?" other than as an interrogation: "Who is like unto God?". Indeed, Michael's obedience was weIl known, and aIlowcd King Alfred to write in his prayer at the end of his translation of Boethius: Drihten, relmihtiga God, Wyrhta ond Wealdend ealta gesceafta, ie bidde pë, for pïnre

mieelan mildheortnesse ond for p~re halegan rode tacne on for Sancta Marian mregôhade ond for San ete Michaëles gehyrsumnesse ond for ealta pïnra halgana lufan ond heora eamungum, pret pü më gewissige bet ponne ie awyrhte to pë [... ] (Wyatt 64)44

"Mi-cha-el?" lS therefore a rhetorieal question which leads up to a reflection, a deduction, an answer: in short, to a meaning. It situa tes Satan as antithetical to Meaning, exactly as when the philosopher and theologian Lytta Basset states that the eontrary of Evil is not Good, but Meaning (see Basset 120; and also Guillebaud 46). When Lucifer says "1 will be like unto God", he talks nonsense, since there ean be only one supreme being in a created universe: its creator. "Mi-cha-el?", however, restores lvIeaning.45 It would seem that this analysis was something that the person responsible for the production of fLSN! was

~3 "l1len he began to grow proud because of the beauty he had, and he said in rus he art that he wished and easily could be like unto rus Creator, and sit in the northem part of the kingdom of heaven, and have authority and power against God Almighty [... ] and he said, that he could be Iike unto the .-\lmighty God [.. r

44 "Lord, God Almighty, Maker and Ruler of aIl creatures, 1 pray you, on accolUlt of your great mercy and of the sign of the holy Cross and of Saint Mary's virginity and of Saint lvIichael's allegiance and of the love of ail your saints and their merits, that you guide me better than 1 deserve from you [.. r

45 We may wonder if the tide of "signifer" which was frequently given to lvIichael, as for example in the Offertory of the Mass of the Dead, and wruch acknowledged him as dIe bearer of the "signum" of God, was not sometimes perceived as a contrasting rhyme for "Lucifer", the former bearer of a "lm," for whom its pristine signification became lost. CHAPTER ONE 26 incapable of doing, even though he or she could tell us the basic story of Lucifer's Fall in stanza 25.46

Par. 3, 4, 5, &c., lin es 17,20,23, &c. (25 times): Dis is sé halga héah-engel Sanctus

Michaël (This is the holy archangel Saint Michael) More than anything else, it is this repetitive characteristic of a litany that makes fUN! so remarkable and causes it to differ so strikingly from an customary homilies. As a text, it is mosdy a long enumeration of Saint Michael's deeds, each one of them introduced by: "Dis is sé halga héah-engel Sanctus MichaëL .. " ("This is the holy archangel Saint Michael. .. ") This formula is repeated twenty-five times in an, creating an incantatory effect. Apparently, the ultimate source for the formula "Dis is sé halga héah-engel Sanctus Michaël. .. " of fUN! is to be found in the two following responses from the pseudo Gregorian Liber responsalis sive Antiphonarius: "Hic est Michael archangelus princeps milit:ire angelorum, cujus honor prrestat beneficia populorum, et Oratio perducit ad regna cœlorum"

(Migne PL 78 col. 805)47; "Hic est prrepositus paradisi archangelus Michael. Non dimittat

animas, donec assignet eas ante tribunal Christi" (Migne PL 78 col. 806).48 The seminal "Hic est Michael archangelus ... " seems also to underlie the Irish equivalent "Is é Michel" ("It is Michael"), which appears in a poem from as early a date as the second half of the eighth century (Camey 88): Is hé Michél, mil do maie, gébas claideb comairt do chorp Antchrist nad etaI, génathar do m6rphecath.49

46 See Grant 1982 75 for lùs own awareness of the implication of a right etyrnology of lVIichael's narne for the analysis of stanza 25 of ILSM.

47 "TIùs is (or: He is) the archangel :Michael, prince of the angels' arrny, whose honour guarantees the benefits of nations, and whose prayer leads to the kingdorn ofheaven."

48 "TItis is the archangel Michael, prefect of paradise. Let lùm not abandon souls, until he may commit thern to the judgment seat of Christ."

49 "It is :Michael, your son's warrior, who will take a smiting sword to the body of impious Jwti-Christ who shall be bom of a great sin." (Camey 88) CHAPTER ONE 27

We find a similar use of repetitions, but this rime with the word "Ipse" ("He himself'), referring to Saint Michael and repeated nine rimes throughout the etymological introduction to his section in the Legenda tlllrea: Michael interpretatur 'quis ut deus?'. Et quotiens, sicut ait Gregorius, mire uirtutis aliquid agitur Michael rrùtti perhibetur ut ex ipso actu et nomine detur intelligi quod nullus potest facere quod facere preualet deus et idcirco eidem Michaeli muIta que sunt mire uirtutis attribuuntur. Ipse enitn, ut Daniel attestatur, in tempore antichristi consurget et pro electis tamquam defensor et protector astabit. Ipse cum dracone et angelis eius pugnauit et ipsos de celo eiciens uictoriam magnam fecit. Ipse cum dyabolo de Moysi carpore altercatus est ex eo quod dyabolus eius corpus prodere uellet ut ipsum pro deo Iudeorum populus adoraret. Ipse sanctorum anitnas recipit et in paradisum exultationis perducit. 1pse olim fuit princeps synagoge, sed nunc constitutus est a domino in principem ecdesie. Ipse, ut dicitur, plagas Egyptiis intulit, mare rubrum diuisit, populum per desertum duxit et in terram promissionis introdu.xÏt. Ipse inter sanctorum angelorum acies signifer Christi habetur. Ipse ad dotnini imperium antichristum existentem in monte oliueti potenter occidet. In uoce ipsius archangeli Michaelis mortui resurgent. Ipse crucem, dauos, lanceam et coronam spineam in die iudicii presentabit. (Maggioni II 986; boldface mineio Indeed, Tristram considered Jacobus de Varagine's thirteenth-century Latin text enough of an analogue to ILSM to print it on a facing page (Tristram 152-53; and see her remark on 259). A shorter list of Saint Michael's deeds, introduced by the word "Hic" ("He"), may be found in Honorius of Autun's Spwllum E,desiœ (twelfth century):

50 ""1;fichael" is translated "who is like God?". And, like Gregory says, as many rimes as anytlùng of extraordinary value is done, Michael is reported to be sent, so that out of this very deed and out of his name it should be given to understand that none has the power to do that which God has superior power to do, and for that reason many tlùngs which are of extraordinary value are attributed to the selfsame Michael. He himself, indeed, as Daniel confirms, shall rise up at the rime of Antichrist and stand by the elects like a defender and a protector. He himself fought with the dragon and lùs angels and, casting them out from heaven, effected a great victory. He himself wrangled with the devil about the body of Moses, since the devil wished to exhibit his body in order that the people of the Jews might adore it instead of God. He himself receives the souls of the saints and leads them to the Paradise of rejoicing. He himself was formerly the prince of the synagogue, but he is appointed now prince of the Church by the Lord. He himself, as is said, inflicted the plagues on the Egyptians, divided the Red Sea, led the people through the de sert and brought them into the Land of Promise. He himself is made Christ's standard-bearer in the midst of the holy angels' lines of battle. He himself shaH vigorously strike down Antichrist at the Lord's command, as he cornes forth in the ~vIount of Olives. At the call of the selfsame archangel lIIichael shall the dead rise again. He himself shall present the cross, the nails, the lance and the crown of thorns at doomsday." CHAPTER ONE 28

Ideo autem prrecipue hodie sancti Michahelis memoriam recolimus quia ipse dicitur paradysi prrepositus et ad suscipiendas fidelium animas constitutus. Hic etiam archangelus legitur Israheliticre plebis princeps fuisse et cos de lEgypto cum columna ignis vel nubis prrecessisse cunctaque signa Deum per eum in via fecisse. Hic J osue et populo Dei cum hostbius [sic] pugnaturo venit in adjutorium; hic Daniel orante de Babylonico jugo absolvit populum. Hic fertur in monte Gargano fidelibus apparuisse et specum sibi ad solatium nostri pro ecclesia dedicavisse. (Migne PL 172 col. 1012i1 We will look again at other instances of these repetitive formulas in Chapter Two when we consider the Irish and Coptic analogues.

Par. 7, line 33: /JéEt crfstene folc(the Christian people); Par. 8, line 36: canoniéa cinne

... lobes handa (the canons' lineage ... Job's hands)

The manuscript has "be-foran canoniéa cinne" ("before the canons' lineage") and "purh lobes han da" ("through Job's hands"), which are at first sight two meaningless statements as regards Holy Writ, and easily correctible. Grant prints and translates (58-9,66, 69): "beforan Cananisca cinne" ("before the people of Canaan"), and "purh Iosues handa" ("at the hands ofJoshua"). Tristram, in keepingwith her editorial politic (122) leaves the text as it is (155), although she translates it respectively by "vor dem kaanaischen Volke" et "durch Josuas Hand" (201), interpretations which she justifies in her notes and glossary (Tris tram 268, 366). The reference to a race or lineage of canons ("canoniéa cinne") recalls "pret crlstene fole" at 7.33 which, by anachronism or adaptation, seems to be interchangeable with "pret Israëli {t}a fole" at 8.36, while this lineage of canons itself is reminiscent of the tribe of Levi, attached to the service of the Temple of Solomon rather like canons were attached to that of a cathedral or a collegiate church. In Holy Writ, the Canaanites are the adversaries of the chosen people led by Joshua. Our text can be understood logically if the canons' lineage is part of the chosen people led by

51 ".-\.nd therefore, we specially recollect today the memory of Saint ~Iichae!, because he himse!f is said to be the prefect of paradise and to be appointed to receive the souls of the faithful. We read that this archange! was also the prince of the people of Israe! and that he went before them out of Egypt with a pillar of fue or of cloud, and that God performed ail miracles through lilln on the way. He came to the aid of ]oshua and of God's people when they were about to fight with their enemies; he, at the prayer of Daniel, released the people from the Babylonian captivity. He is reported to have appeared to the faithfi.ù on Monte Gargano and to have dedicated a grotto as a church to lillnself for our solace." CHAPTER ONE 29

Job. According to Grant's emendation, Saint Michael has confronted the Canaanites; on the contrary, our text visualizes Saint Michael as the victorious vanguard before the canons' lineage and the chosen people, without mentioning who the enemy is. Nothing in this scenario is more absurd than the other errors of fLSNI, and it is a great dealless so than its aŒrmation to the effect that Saint Michael "reigns together with the Lord" - a consideration which we should not overlook before sanitizing anything in the manuscript .

Par. 9, Hne 39: 5a/amones temp/ (the Temple of Solomon) This is one of the strangest assertions of fLSN!. Compare, however, these words in Cordaro 75: "Il [saint Michel] traçait, comme en étant l'architecte, l'enceinte de la nouvelle Jérusalem, qui devait être bientôt réédifiée par Zorobabel et Néhémie,,52, as well as the following freemasonic legend: "Adam fut reçu Maçon à l'Ordre du Paradis, par le Père Éternel; Dieu le Père et l'archange saint Michel furent les premiers "Grands Maîtres" de la première Loge" (Hutin 39).53 l have been unable to discover the sources for both Cordaro's (a Jesuit) and Hutin's (a Martinist) affirmations. There is nothing even remotely linking the Temple to Saint Michael in Bede's De templo Salomollis (Hurst), or in Home, Macke)', Gutmann (five essays), Rosenau, Busink (a 1611 page study), or Barker 1991. The question whether operative Freemasonery did exist in England at the cime of the copying of fLSM is a serious one. The Regùls NIamwript, the most ancient freemasonic charter in existence, written in lvliddle English about 1390, mentions

~]a propagation de la maçonnerie en Angleterre sous le Roi Athelstan et l'assemblée des Maîtres du métier, seigneurs et notables qu'il réunit pour en élaborer les statuts

(Allusion évidente au Congrès d'York, réuni en 925 par Edwin, flis d'Athelstan). Il est surprenant qu'aucun P.V. de telles assemblées ne nous soit parvenu. Sans doute les délibérations restaient-elles purement orales, peu de gens sachant écrire; le serment tenait lieu d'acte. (Dez 17)54

52 "He [Saint !vIichel] was tracing, as if he were its ardùtect, the walls of the new Jerusalem, wlùch soon wotÙd be rebuilt by Zorobabel and Nehenùah".

53 "Adam was received Mason in the Order of Paradise by the Etemal Father; God the Father and the archangel Saint IvIichael were the first Grand Masters of the first Lodge".

54 "[t]he propagation of Freemasonry in England under King Athelstan and the assembly of the Masters of the Craft, lords and pers ons of standing whom he gathered in order to claborate its statutes (an evident allusion to the York Congress, convoked in 925 by Edwin, son of Athelstan). It is surprising that no minutes from such CHAPTER ONE 30

l wonder if the strange assertion of ILSM, conccmed with so arcane a matter, could not have proceeded from inner traditions belonging ta this guild. According to Naudon, however, it does not seem possible that there were professional guilds in England at the beginning of the tenth century and, for him, the Athelstan masonic legend is posterior to Anglo-Saxon cimes (Naudon 72-3, 217_8).55 Another of the strangenesses of the assertion of ILSlv! about Solomon and his Temple is that this wise man is more famous in apocryphal tradition for his dealings with demons rather than with Michael, as may be seen, for example, in the Middle English and Old French versions of the Life of Saint Margaret and their Latin sources (Mack xxvii-x..xvii.i, 40, 41, 137; Francis 36-9). However, in the Greek Testament of 501omon (ftrst to third century AD), the archangel Michael brings to Solomon a magic ring with a seal that will give him power over demons in order to set them to work at the construction of the Temple (Sparks 738; Charlesworth 962; McCown 10* for the Greek text). In the seventeenth-century English version of the Clavimla 5alomonis, we see again Saint Michael associated with Solomon: The 5th. part [of the Clavimla 5alomonis] is a Booke of cautions and prayers that wize Salomon used upon the Alter in the Temple which is called (the) Artem Novem, the which was Revealed to Salomon by the holy Angel of God, called Michele (Michael); and he aiso Received manye Breefe (brief) Notes written by the fmger of God; which was delivered to him by the Said Angel with Thunder Claps; without which nots (notes) Salomon had never (would never have) obtained to his great knowledge, for by them in (a) short cime he knew all the Arts and Sciences both good and bad; from these Notes it (the book) is called the Notary Art, &c.- -- (White15~ The vessel ("uas (nouum)" , "sarchophagus", "tunne", "feat", "vaissel (d'arain)") in which Solomon is said to have imprisoned demons in the versions of the Life of Saint Margaret is drawn in the English Clavimla 5alomonis (\X1hite 18, 63) where it is tenned a "Brassen V essel" or "brazen um" and where it is also connected with the name and agency of the Archangel Michael (White 59).

meetings have come down to us. Doubtlessly, the deliberations remained entirely oral, few people being litera te; the oath took the place of a record."

55 Certainly, Mackey 108 was mistaken as regards the nature of the "frith-gildan" (sic) established during the reign of King Athelstan; see "frip-gild" ("peace-guild") in Bosworth and Toller 339. Those were associations for the maintenance of the public peace, not trade guilds.

56 See also Peterson 5-6, 161. 11le Ars Notoria has not yet received its full share of attention from scholars and, consequently, its textual traditions are still much of a puzzle; see Fanger 218-9 and Klaassen 14-5. CHAPTER ONE 31

The Babylonian Talmud associates Michael, as a celestial priest, to the Heavenly Jerusalem, Temple and altar (Abrahams 69-70; Cashdan 680). Those stood as archetypes for the terres trial ones; in Zeba~im 62a, a vision of Michael at the timeless altar told the builders of the second Temple where it should stand within the precincts (Freedman 305). l can only conclude, regarding the link drawn by fLSM between Saint Michael and the Temple of Solomon, that this is yet further evidence that the Anglo-Saxons seem to have known some very rare apocryphal lore, and to have preserved it after its disappearance outside of England (see James 1901 577; Mack xxix; Gerould 123).

Par. 10, Une 42: him bi-st6d sé engel (the angeI surrounded them); Par. 22, Iines 87-

8: mid py prygelse déÉre god-cundan ge-fi/l-nesse (by means of the mantle of divine plenitude) Tristram translates "and hé pa him bi-stad sé engel" by "und er stand ihnen bei, er, der Engel" (202) ("and he helped them, he, the angel"), and she gives in her

glossary as definition of "bi-standan", of

which "bi-stad" in our text is the sole occurrence: " dabeistehen, beistehen, helfen" (364) ("to stand near, to help"). "And then the angel stood by them" is the translation of Grant (59). The verb

"be-standan", however, may also signify

"to surround". According to Quirk and TIIe Angel and the TIuee Children in the Fiery Fumace Wrenn 110, the prefi..'{ "be--bi-" is "used on a panel of the .-\rboe Cross (Henry 178). pritnarily [... ] to modify verbs, oftcn CHAPTER ONE 32 adding the sense 'round, over'''. The sense "to stand around, surround" is well attested

(Bosworth and Toller 92; Toller 84; DOE B 1141), but "be-standan" govems the accusative in the examples provided by these dictionaries. It is important to note, nevertheless, that this specifie sentence of ILSM, "hitn bi-st6d sé engel", is not quoted anywhere. Indeed, after having consulted all attested paradigms of "be-standan" and "bi-standan" in OM English

Concordance B009 and B013, l do not see why "hitn bi-st6d sé engel" (B013 320), be it as much isolated as it may, should not find a place in DOE B under definition 2.a., "to surround

(someone)", but without titan and with its complement in the dative. Besides, it is strange to find that no definition or quotation similar to "To stand I!y or nea;' and "Him bestande man adstet quis el' in Bosworth and Toller 92 is present in DOE B. There are two reasons to justify my translation "dle angel surrounded them" rather than "the angel stood ne al' them" or "the angel helped them". My fust argument is supported by the iconography of the Three Children in the Fiery Fumace, as l am about to demonstrate. My second reason is that l believe that the way that ILS/vI depicts this scene should be considered in paraliel with the use of the sentence "mid py prygelse dxre god-cundan ge-fill-nesse" ("by means of the mande of divine plenitude") in lines 87-8, thus evincing one of the most stunning of allthe idiosyncrasies of ILSM - and one that links it with the "loricre" ("breastplates") which also form part of the marginalia of CCCC41. Indeed, Grant once remarked that the selection of marginalia in Corpus 41 is not as random as is normaliy thought but is to a great extent determined by a unity of interest [... ] It is further my contention that the selection of charms included in the marginalia is similarly not random but is of three main types [including] the loricas, that is, the charms for the general protection of the body and soul throughout every phase of this life and the next. Solomon and Satum then falls neady into place as the most cxtended and detailed lorica of that complex manuscript [... ] (Grant 1979 26)

1 believe that what Grant said about the S%mon and Satm'lle J fragment of CCCC41 could be said equally of ILSM. The Biblical story of the Three Children in the Fiery Fumace found in Dan. 3 is carved on some Celtic crosses, among others on a panel of the Arboe Cross, located on the west shore of Lough Neagh in Co. Tyrone in Northem Ireland (reproduced on page 31 above). It CHAPTER ONE 33 clearly shows the intervening angel spreading the protection of his wings in the fashion of a mantle.57 My impression is that the author of ILSM had in mind the kind of image which these Celtic crosses reproduce. The filiation of this imagery brings forth sorne problems which are discussed in Henry 175-6, and which are not without recalling those touching to the filiation of ILSM itself. In the figurations of this scene found in Byzantine Psalters, the angel is also standing above the Children and surrounding them with his wings. Therefore, a Byzantine or Syrian source is surmised for that iconography (porter 36-7). The same story is told in two OE poems copied around the year 1000, Daniel and Azarias, which use a similar iconography. We read in Danie/237-8: Engel in l'one ofn innan becwom pxr hie pxt aglac drugon,

freobeam fxômum bepeahte under l'am fyrenan hrofe. (Krapp 117) 58 But Azarias 158-61 is still more explicit: Forpon us onsende sigora waldend engel to are, se pe us bearg fyr ond feondas, ond mid fiprum bewreah wiô brynebrogan. (Krapp and Dobbie 93)59 Just like the preceding extract, here "se pe us [... j ... ] mid fiprum bewreah j wiô brynebrogan" ("who enveloped us with his wings against the terror of the flame") perfectly evokes the sculptured reliefs which we may still see on sorne Celtic monuments such as the Arboe

Cross.60

Grant translates "and mid py prygelse d:ére god-cundan ge-fill-nesse" of 22.87-8 by

"and under the veil of divine fulfùment". (63) Tristram renders it by: "und mit dem Segel der frommen Erfüllung" (204) ("and with the sail of pious accomplishment"), and defmes thus

57 11us Biblical subject is treated similarly on two other Irish monuments: the Cross of St. Patrick and Columba (also called the Tower Cross) at Kells (Co. Meath), and the West Cross (or Tall Cross) at Monasterboice (Co. Louth).

58 ".c\n ange! came into the fumace where they were suffering that nllscry; he covered with lus embrace the young nobles under the roof of fire."

59 "111erefore the King of victories sent to us an ange! for our benefit. who guarded us against fire and foes, and who enveloped us with his wings against the terror of the flame."

60 1Iaybe there is also sorne influence from Ps. 33.8 in that iconography: "Imnllttet angelus Donllni in circuitu timentium eum, et eripiet eos." ("The ange! of the Lord will encamp rOlmd about those who fear Him, and he will rescue them.") CHAPTER ONE 34

"prygels" in her glossary (424): "Tuch, Schleier; Segel Qetztere Bedeutung nicht in Wbb.)"

("Cloth, veil, sail Qast sense not in dictionaries)"). To be sure, there is the case of Latin "velum", as weIl as that of the Old Irish word "bratt" wruch had both the senses of "mantle" and that of "sail" (DIL 81-2 cols. 164-5), a sense lost in Modem Irish "brat", while conversely, Modem Irish "éadach" signifies "cloth, clothing, sail", but not the Old Irish "étach" (DIL 283 cols. 208-9). We know that Old English borrowed the Celtic word "bratt", because it renders "pallium" in an Anglo-Saxon gloss to Matt. 5.40 (Bosworth and ToIler 121; DOE B 2029-30). On the other han d, there seems to have existed a semantic overlapping between "hrxgl" "garment"-"sail", and "segl" "sail"-"garment" (Roberts, Kay, and Grundy II 1097, 1312; Roberts, Kay, and Grundy 1333, 231) But after having perused aIl attestations of "wrigels-wrygels-wrigils" in DOEC, l saw nothing to prove that this word might have got the sense of "sail", even in the present context. Moreover, there are echoes of the mystic symbolism of the mantle in aIl medievalliteratures, as shown in Appendix 4. The mantle symbolism is ancient and deeply rootcd in Judeo-Christian tradition. The following verses are from an Aramaic liturgical poem composed by the Samaritan poet Markah, who lived in the second half of the fourth century:

nl'm11 ,nnl lnlV 1Jn ln:npy nJlVn NJ pNJ\)lY n"n"T 1:11\):1 1J 'U.J"'T n'JN1 'l\)Y ln "1:1N 1PJ l'Jl :1VY ln 11JNI .'l'pn n':11nl 1mnp1 (Ben-J1ayyïm 130/'

One of the ultimate sources of this mantle symbolism seems to be the common allusion to the protective wings of God in the Psalter, a metaphor based on the image of a mother-bird guarding her young (A. Cohen 1977 41, 180); Pss. 16.8: "Sub umbra alarum tuarum protege me" ("Protect me under the shadc of your wings"); 35.8: "Filii autem hominum in tegmine alarum tuarum sperabunt" ("And the children of men will trust in the

61 "l1ly name is «ffierciful one» and «compassionate one» ; divest us Ilot of thy splendour. 1lIe living are naked, and if thou didst not coyer us with thy goodness, then they would perish suddenly, for they are like tender grass, and the storm of sins is mighty." (Ben-I·.hyyïm 148) CHAPTER ONE 35 shelter of your wings"); 56.2: "Et in umbra alarum tuarum sperabo" ("And 1 will trust in the shade of your wings"); 60.5: "protegar in velamento alamm tuarum" ("1 will be protected in the veil of your wings"); 62.8: "et in velamento alarum tuarum exsultabo" ("and 1 will rejoice in the veil of your wings.,,)62 DOEC quotes two psalters which translate "in velamento alarum tuarum" of Pss. 60.5 and 62.8 by "in1 on wrigelse fiôra ôinra" ("within the mantle of your wings"), wruch recalls the phrase "mid fiprum bewreah" of Azarias 160, since the substantive

"prygels" is related to the verb "préon".63 This lexical consistency seems to point to some frequent usage of the representation. Another likely Biblical source for the mantle symbolism is the spiritual armour.64 There lS an evident kinsrup between the mantle symbolism and that of the armour as a way of visualizing divine protection and favour. The "lorica justitix" ("breastplate of justice"), "scutum fidei" ("srueld of faith") and "galea salutis" ("helmet of salvation") of Eph. 6.14-17 ("lorica fidei et charitatis" ("breastplate of faith and charity"), "galea spes salutis" ("helmet of the hope of salvation") in 1 Thess. 5.8) remind us of Isaiah 61.10: "Gaudens gaudebo in Domino, et exsultabit anima mea in Deo meo, quia induit me vestimentis salutis, et indumento justitix circumdedit me".65 The "scutum fidei" of Saint Paul evokes Ps. 5.13: "Domine, ut scuto bonx voluntatis tux coronasti nos" ("Lord, as with a srueld of your good will you encompassed us"), and Ps. 90.5: "Scuto circumdabit te veritas ejus" ("His truth will surround you with a srueld"), wruch verse is preceded by a reference to the wings symbolism similar to "in velamento alamm tuarum" of Pss. 60.5 and 62.8 that we saw earlier. Ps. 31.10 also relates the general idea: "sperantem autem in Domino misericordia circumdabit" ("and witli rus mercy he will surround him who is trusting in the Lord"). The following verses, from the twelfth century Marryrology if Comtan, provide a later parallel to our text: "Archaingel mor :Nlichél 1 rop sciat[h] dam fri dernna 1 do imdegail m'anma." ("May the great archangel :Nlichael be a buckler to me against devils to protect my soul!") (Stokes 1895 186-7) And the same applies to these

62 This image of the wings is borrowed by the author of Hali Meiilhad: "3ef pu wel wrist te under Godes wengen" (IvIillett 42) ("ifyou shelter yourseIfwell under God's wings") (IvIillett 43). Ha/i Meiilhad was written towards the end of the twelfth cenntry. 6311us verb is the one aiso used in the phrase from Ha/i Meiilhad which we just saw: "3efJm wel wrist te under Godes wengen".

64 It may be of sorne interest to note the existence of an Oid Irish word, "Iumman", which could mean either "cloak, (protecting) mande" or "shieId" (DIL 446 col. 245).

65 "Rejoicing, r will be glad in the Lord, and my soul will take delight in my God, because He clothed me with the vestments of salvation, and surrounded me with the garment of justice". CI-IAPTER ONE 36 from the Book oflvIagcl1Iran (fourteenth century): "M'anum ar eineach a sgéith, / sgiath Michéal bhu mh6ide neamh" (McKenna 113) ("1 entrust my soul to the protection of Michael's shield - it fills Heaven (with souls)") (McKenna 333). In the West, it appears that this symbolism was blended with local beliefs about a magic cloak of invisibility, either Germanic (cf. the Old English "heolop-helm" ("helmet of concealment"), and the Middle High German "hël-kappe" ("concealment-cape"), "tam-kappe"

("secrecy-cape"), or "nëbel-kappe" ("fog-cape"» or Celtic (cf. the Irish "di-chealtair"

("concealment"), "cealtair dhraiochta" ("druidic concealment"), or "féth fiadha" ("a magic mist or veil which renders invisible,,».66 We read in the Stllrlunga Saga an interesting example of trus junction of pagan and Judeo-Christian ideas: "hafôi Kristr of konungs efni hulizhjalm"

(Egilsson 292).67 Egilsson and J6nsson give in Danish the following explanation: "d. v. s.,

Kristus holdt sin hand over kongsremnet (sa at fjendeme ikke fandt ham)".68 Allusions to such a magic cloak in a Christian context also occur in Irish hagiography: in the T riptlrtite LIft of Patrùk (Stokes 188747), and in the Lift ofFin&-hllC/ ofBri-Gobann (Stokes 1890232). Prayers of the kind known in Latin as "loricre" ("breastplates"), or, as they are called in

Irish, "IUireacha" ("breastplates") or "sciath-lUireacha,,69, are prayers intended to ward off evil and are technically termed apotropaic. The compiler of the marginalia of CCCC41 was very familiar with this kind of literature;70 in fact several of rus documents are "loricre", as for example the OE "Joumey Charm" whose verses 26-31 follow (Griffiths 202): Si me ,vuldres hyht,

hand ofer heafod haligra [h]rof,

66 ~-\ similar idea was known to classical antiquity, and was connected with protection from a supemal being; cf. ACllcid 1.412: "Et multo nebtùa: circum dea fudit amictu" (Rat 26) ("And the goddess ["enus] encompassed them [Aeneas and lùs companion Achates] with an ample garment ofmist"),AclI. 1.439,516, 580ff, and several incidents in I-Iomer, as for example the one in Odyssey 7.15, 41-2, 140-43, when ~--\thena renders Odysseus invisible by means of a magical mist, and which inspired the above by Vergil. N arrating the latter episode, the fourteenth-century Irish version of the ACllcid uses the native term "cli-chealtair" as an equivalent of Vergil's "nebula: amictus" (Calder 1907 20, 22, 208).

67 "Christ held an helmet of concealment over the king's matter of discussion"_

68 "11lat is, Christ held lùs hand over dle pretender to the duone (so that the enemies did not fUld lùm)".

69 \V'ith the first part of dIe compOlmd as "sciath", "slùeld", although a wordplay on "sciath", "wing" is also possible from Old Irish cimes.

70 Interestingly enough, a link has been pardy made by Mac Eoin (1962214-17) between dIe enumerative style of the lorica: and dIe enumerative style of the Song of dIe TIuee Clùldren in the Fiery Fumace of Dan. 3_52-90 - the very "Benediëete" which ILSj'vf says :Michael composed in dleir mouth while surrounding them with his protection. CHAPTER ONE 37

sigerofra sceote, soôf;estra engla. Biddu ealle bliùu mode p;et me beo hand ofer heafod Matheus helm, Marcus byme, leoht, lifes rof, Lucos min swurd, scearp and scirecg, scyld Iohannes, wuldre gewlitegod w[i]ga[r] Serafhin.71 The OE charm can be compared with the se lines at the beginning of an orisan in the Book of Cerne (ftrst half of ninth century): In Nomine patris et filii et spiritus sancti • Gabrihel esto mihi lurica . Michahel esta mihi baltheus . Raphahei esto mihi scutum . Urihel esta mihi pro tector . Rumihel esta mihi defensor . Phannihel esto mihi sanitas . et omnes sancti ac martyres depraecor Ut adiuuent mihi apud iustum iudicem Ut demittet Mihi in die iudicü peccata mea in nomine domini nostri

iesu christi . (Kuypers 153) 72

To return to ILSlvfs image of Michael's divine "prygels" protecting the holy dead, we

may compare it to the divinely woven sheet of linen in which the same archangel bears

71 "Let there be for me the hope of saivation, / a hand [i.e. symboi of protection] over my head, a roof of saints, / a ?canopy of heroes, of righteous angels. / l beseech them all with grateful heart / that there be a protection over my head, / Matthew my helmet, Mark my coat of mail, / renowned, famous of life, Luke my sword, / sharp and hright-edged,John my shield, / (and) a wondrously adomed spear the Seraphim." (Criffiths 202) n "In the name of the Father and the Son and the Holy Ghost: Gabriel, be a breastpIate for me; :NIichael, be a belt for me; Raphael, be a shield for me; Urie!, be a protector for me; Rumie!, be a defender for me; Phanie!, be a health for me; and l pray aIl saints and martyrs in order that they ma)' help me in presence of the righteous judge, so that he will forgive me my sins at doomsday. In the name of Jesus Christ, our Lord." A similar charm, termed a "cuairt comgi" ("circle of protection") by its scribe, has been copied in an Irish collection of veIlums of the 15th and 16th centuries: "Gabriai esto milù lorica capitis mei. Micael esto mihi galia spei mei. Palathe! esto milù sanitas. Irafm esto milù claritas. Serafin esto milù comitatus. I[n] nomine dei patris et fili et spiritus sancti in saecula saeculorum. amen."(Best 1952 31)("Gabriel, be for me the armour of m)' head; :NIichael, be for me the helmet of my hope; Palathel, be a health for me; Irafin, be a light for me; Seraphim, be an escort for me. In the name of God the Father and the Son and the Holy Chost for ail eternity. Amen."). In a text written at the monastery of TaIlaght before AD 840, we le am that the Culdee Maeldiduuib used to sing a hymn to Saint :NIichael which he termed dle "cuaird comgi :NIichil" (Cwynn and Purton 137, 168), presumably "Michael's circle of protection". Tlùs may be another indication of dle fluidity of the frontier between what we now calI prayer as opposed to charm. CHAPTER ONE 38

Abraham's soul in the apocryphal Testament of Abraham (Charlesworth 895; Sparks 421).73 Gabriel and Raphael are shown bearing a soul in such a sheet of linen on a Catalan altarpiece of the fifteenth century (Martens, Vanrie and Waha facing p. 113). On a side slab of a late fifteenth-century tomb at Jerpoint Abbey (Co. Kilkenny), Saint Michael is shown as a psychopompus bearing a soul in what Roe terms a "napkin" (Roe 1976 pl. 42, pp. 255,262); it seems to me, however, that the "napkin" is in fact a fold of the archangel's own chasuble, hanging in his lap or bosom. 1bis evokes perfectly the image found in a prayer to Saint Michael, which Johnson has transcribed from the Book of Nunnaminster (composed ca. 800): "[ ... ] Insuper ob[se]cro te prclarum atq decore summre diuinita[tis] ministru, Ut in nouissimo die benigne suscipi[as] anima mea in sinu tuo scissimo, Et per[du]cas ea in locu refrigerii pacis et lucis et qetis

[ .. .]"74 Gohnson 2000 66) Appendix Four contains further examples of the mande symbolism from later periods, thereby attesting to a strong tradition.

Par. 17, lines 66-7: HpéEt sindon pa beorgas de hé péér samnad? (What are the heaps which he gathers there?); Par. 20, lines 79-80: HpéEt is sé mete ... ?(What is the food ... ?) Wright makes the following observation: '''Irish' methods of format and organization [... ] include [... ] a marked preference for the question-and-answer form" (1999 13). Wulfstan also uses such rhetorical inquiry in his S ermo Ltpi ad Ang/oJ: "hwret is renig oôer on eallum pam gelimpum butan Godes yrre ofer pas peode, swutol 7 gesrene?" (Bethnrum 272) (''What else are an these calamities except God's wrath toward the people, clear and unmistakable?" (Bethurum 95». These lines of ILSM, however, may go back to rhetorical questioning in Apoc.

73 Similarly, in a Coptic homily on the Assurnption of the Virgin attributed to Evodius, .-\rchbishop of Rome, Jesus wraps the SOtÙ of the Virgin in heavenly garments of fme linen bcfore entrusting it to 1:Iichael (Elliott 696).

74 "[ ... ] Moreover (I) beseech and entreat very earnestly, servant of the divinity, 50 that in tlle la st day kindly take my sou! in yOUI most holy breast and conduct it to that refreshing peace and quiet [... ]" Gohnson 2000 77) 11us prayer also exists in the Book of Cerne (Kuypers 152-3), as well as in two eleventh-century Anglo Saxon manuscripts: the Eadui and Arundel Psalters. The phrase "in sinu tuo" of tlus prayer recalls the "sinus .\brahre" ("Abraham's bosom") of Luke 16.22-3. An expanded version of tlus prayer, found in later manuscripts from England and the Continent (sorne of them dating from the fifteenth century), still retains the phrase "in sinu tuo" (Wilmart 213). CHAPTER ONE 39

7.13: "Hi qui amicti sunt stolis albis, qui sunt? et unde venerunt?" ("These who are clothed in white robes, who are they? And whence did they come?")

Par. 22, line 85: napend ... frum-/fda ... stfgend (mariner ... shipmaster •.. seafarer) The funerary symbolism of the ship is present in many civilizations; one is instantly reminded of the heavenly boat of the Egyptian god Ra, or of Charon the ferryman in Greek mythology. The burial ship excavated at Sutton Hoo, as weil as lines 26-52 of Beowulf about the dead Scyld Scéfing being set adrift in a boat, show that the Anglo-Saxons made use of a similar symbolism, in practice as in literature. However, although the simile of sea navigation appears frequently in medieval Marian poems, l have never seen this image of Saint Michael the shipmaster elsewhere. One is reminded of Purgatorio 2.10-51 in which "l'Angel di Dio", "il celestial nocchiero" ("the celestial pilot") (Oelsner et al. 16-7), conveys souls to the mountain of purification in a vessel, using his wings as sails to propel it across the sea. Interestingly, in ETPA's "Testimony List" 6, Michael "act[s] as steersman" for Noah's Ark,75 which in Christian symbolism prefigures Saint Peter's Bark, i.e., the Church. The Lorica of Gildas (or of Laidcenn) invokes the "apostolas christes scipes steorran / [... ] apostolos nat/if ,vristi proretaJ' ("apostles, steersmen of Christ's ship") (pollington 2000 206-7) 76

Par. 23, line 92: in Actum Aposta/arum (in the Acts of the Apostles) This reference to the Acts of the Apostles is erroneous, but Grant himself does not dare correct "Apostolorum" to "Sanctorum". 77 If we conserve this false reference, then why emend "canoniëa cinne" to "Cananisca cinne", and "lobes handa" to "Iosues handa" (see 8.36 above)? After ail, these assertions of fUN! are exegeticaily inexact but they make perfect sense, semioticaily. The scribe may weil have had a faulty knowledge as regards the Bible. If, for reasons of meticulousness, we rectify these erroneous afftrmations, what are we going to do with the ones which are downright heretical? Rewriting them would produce a text totaily different in spirit from the one which CCCC41 has preserved.

75 See on page 96 below.

76 111e GE is the gloss on the Latin in the Lacl1unga manuscript; "proretas" is glossed "stioran". with correct lUlgeminated r, in the Book of Cerne version (Kuypers 85).

77 An editor may even feel he has to correct the poor latinity of the bibliographic reference by printing: "in Actibus [... r or "in [Libro] A.ctuum [.. .]". But see Baker 198 for the reasons against doing so. CHAPTER ONE 40

Par. 23, line 93: TréEleg (Traeleg) For Tristram 278, the only toponym akin to this unknown place would he

Tralles~Tralleis~Trallis in Asia Minor, more precisely in Caria, a historical region in southwest Turkey. This is not far from Colossae in ancient Phrygia, where the first Christian shrine dedicated to Saint Michael was situated. Grant 73-4, however, demonstrates that the name of this town (Traeleg) might he a corruption of "Tracla", itself an error possihly born of the blending together of the toponyms Tracia et Heraclea. His arguments are based on the entry for September 29, Consecration of Saint l'vIichael's Church, in the O/d Eng/ish MartYro/agy: On pone nigon ond twentegoan d:eg p:es monôes biô sancte Michahelis cirican gehalgung in T racla p:ere ceastre. in Eracl:e p:ere m:egôe feonda menigo corn to p:ere ceastre and hy ymbs:eton. pa ceasterware purh preora daga f:esten anmodlice b:edon god fultumes and bredon pœt he him pone :etywde purh sancte Michahel. pa py priddan drege stod st/nctfls Michahel ofer prere ceastre gete and hrefde fyren sweord in his honda. pa wreron pa fynd abregede mid py egesan, and hy gewiton onweg. and pa ceasterwara wunedon gesunde. and prer wres getimbred sancte Michaheles cirice, and seo w:es gehalgod on

pone dreg pe we mrersiaô sancte Michaheles gemynd. (Herzfeld 182) 78 Grant writes (74): This is very obviously the same story, and l should like to draw attention to the words

'in Tracla prere ceastre. in Eraclre p:ere m:e3ôe.' CCCC 196 reads 'on traia' and omits 'in

Eracl:e.' On p. 236, Herzfeld offers a note on the name Tracla, 'luoting pseudo-Jerome and Usuard who mention both Thrace (Tracia, Thracia) and Heraclea (Eracla, Eraclia, Heraclere) in the same clause. Compare also the Acta 5andamm for 29 September which lists, along with Michael, 'MM. in Tracia ...... S. Plautus, et forte S. Heraclea' (Ada 55., Septemb. Tom. Oct., 1); a careless scribe could have run Tmda and Heradea together to

pro duce Tmda or Tm/a, the source of [... ] Trœle3.

78 "On the twenty-ninth day of the month is the consecration of St. l\1ichael's church in the town of Tracla. In the district of Eraclea a great number of enemies came to the town and besieged it. The citizens fasting three days tmanimously prayed to God for help and asked that he might reveal it to them by St. Michael. On the tlùrd day St. l\Iichael stood above the town-gate and had a fiery sword in his hane!. The enemies were seized with fear, the)' retreated, and the citizens remained lillhurt. There St. l\fichael's church was built, and it was consecrated on the day when we celebrate the memory of St. l\fichael." (I-Ierzfeld 183) CHAPTER ONE 41

Herzfeld's own original note to the Old English lvItlr(yrology passage reads: Much confusion prevails in this passage. The town that is preserved by the archangel's intervention is Sipontum, not Heraclea, as our text would lead us to believe. [... ] The following may be a possible explanation of this corrupt line. In the Martyrology of Pseudo-Jerome we fmd on the same day the festival of St. Eutychius or Euticus. There it says: Civita te Eracla, Eutici et Plauti: but in some other MSS. 'in Tracia civita te Eraclia Eutici et Plautii.' Again, we read in Usuard: 'In Thracia natalis sanctorum martyrum Eutychii, Plauti et Heraclere.' The compiler of our text must have had similar names before him, and most likely mL'{ed them up with the account of St. Michael's church, which used to be commemorated on the same day. (Herzfeld 236) Johnson adds for comparison the entries in the Hieronymian Martyrology of Ricemarch and in the Martyrology of Hrabanus Maurus, which are respectively: "In Tracia civita te Eraclae natale Eutici et Plauti et dedicatio basilicae beati archange li Michaelis" ("In Thracia the city of Eraclae the birth (into eternallife; i.e., the death) of Eutichus and Plautus and the dedication of the basilica of the holy archange! Michael") (Johnson 2000 7SnS9); "Dedicatio ecclesiae sancti Angeli Michaelis in monte Gargano in Thracia civita te Eraclea natale Eutici [Eutichii] Plautii" ("Dedication of the church of the angel St Michael in Monte Gargano in Thracia in the city of Eraclea the birth (i.e., the death) of Eutichus and Plautus") (Johnson 2000 63, 75n60).79

Gale's trying to identify Traeleg as either Treligga or Treleggan in Cornwall because of Saint Michael's Mount (Gale 47-8, 134) is somewhat dubious.80 In doing so, she disregards completely the reference to the Acts of the Apostles that is reaIly there in the text and which associates this Traeleg with that Biblical book. The scribe may very weIl have thought that such an event which took place in some faraway town abroad was mentioned in the Acts of the Apostles, but how could he possibly have thought that the Acts of the Apostles were describing any event which might have occurred in Cornwall? It seems clear that Traeleg refers to some place weIl outside the scribe's own geography and local history.

79 See also Johnson 1998a 150-51.

80 Neither Treligga nor Treleggan appear on the map "Saint 1'Iichael Dedications in Cornwall" in 1Iichael. Prince of Heaven ... (20-21) CI-IAPTER ONE 42

Par. 23, lin es 95-7: dréora daga f;;esten ... h;;efde him Iftien speord on handa (a fast of tbree days ... be bad a flaming sword in bis band) The events which ILSiVI locates at Traeleg are thcmselves, as Grant remarks (74), an amalgam of two different miracles of Saint Michael: the rescue of Siponto (modem Manfredonia) near Monte Gargano as concems the fast of three days, and the apparition on the Mole of Hadrian at Rome as regards the mention of a sword. l will retum in Chapter Three to the fast of three days preceding Michaelmas and of which King Ethelred II made an edict at some rime between 992 and 1015.81

In the Legenda tlUreCl, the narrative of the apparition on the Mole of Hadrian seen by Gregory the Great makes mention of a sword in Michael's hand, but it is not a flaming weapon: "Tune Gregorius uidit super castrum Crescentii angelum domini qui glaudium cruentatum detergens in uaginam reuocabat; intellexitque Gregorius quod pestis illa cessas set et sic factum est. Vnde et castrum illud castrum angeli deinceps uocatum est." (Maggioni 290)82 In the words of Mercalli (67): "Although probably based on a previous source, datable from sorne rime from between the middle of the Xth century to the middle of the XIlth century, Jacobus de Varagine's account is not to be found in any of the oIder sources on the life of Gregory the Great." In the OT, both Balaam and Joshua encountered an angel bearing an "evaginatus gladius" ("unsheathed sword") (Num. 22.23,31; Josh. 5.13), and whom Church writers were wont to identify with Saint Michael (Cordaro 64, 66).

81 See Appendi.'C 5.

82 "11len Gregory saw on top of the castle of Crescentius the ange! of the Lord who, wiping a bloody sword, was putting it back in its scabbard, and Gregory understood that ilie plague had ceased, and so it was. And that castle was called the i\ngel's Castle after tlùs." 11le preceding account of the vision is taken from Y oragine' s legend of Gregory the Great; but he tells it also in ilie legend of Saint l\IIichael, thus making explicit tlIe Iink to the archange!: "Nam dum idem Gregorius papa propter pestem inguinariam letanias maiores instituisset et deuote pro salute populi exoraret, uidit super castrum quod olim memoria Adriani dicebatur ange!um domini qui gladium cruentatum tergebat et in uaginam mittebat. Ynde sanctus Gregorius intelligens preces a domino exauditas ecclesiam in honorem angelorum ibidem costruxit; unde et castrum iIIud usque nunc sancti angeli uocatur." C\bggioni 989) "For while Pope Gregory on account of the inguinal plague had instituted tlIe greater litanies and was praying devoutly for ilie salvation of ilie people, he saw on top of the castle, which formerly was named in memory of Hadrian, ilie ange! of ilie Lord who was wiping a bloody sword and was putting it in its scabbard. Whereupon, Saint Gregory understanding that his prayers to the Lord had been heard favourably, built a church in honour of the ange!s in that very place, and that castle is called ilie Holy Angel's Castle up to now." Due to the lack of early manuscript evidence, Arnold 250-51 has an unfavourable opinion as regards ilie birth of the story, but 1 would trust Mercalli on the question of its dating, which makes it probable that it was coeval with ILSM. CHAPTER ONE 43

Although there are thunderbolts in the Siponto story, l believe that the ultimate source for the fiery sword in ILSM is Gen. 3.24: "Ejecitque Adam, et collocavit ante paradisum voluptatis Cherubim, et flammeum gladium atque versatilem ad custodiendam viam ligni vitx.,,83 More often than not in the Middle Ages, "cherubim" was not seen as the Hebrew plural of "cherub", but as the proper name of sorne angel ("Cherubim") who was interchangeable with Michael as the guardian of paradise. The Irish Saint Fursa experienced a vision in which he saw an angel armed with a white shield and an "exceedingly lightning charged sword" ("fulgureo nimium gladio") (Carnandet 401). This unnamed ange! protects Saint Fursa against demons. As dragon slayer, Saint Michael is pictured with a fiery sword ("cum gladio ignito") in the Latin text of Anglo-Saxon provenance edited by Cross (1986 33), and a homily from Leabhar Brea,· on a similar account describes "his fiery sword in his hand" ("a chloidem tenntige i n-a hiim") (Dottin 2: 39).

Par. 26,27,28, Iines 113, 120, 127: Mihaë/(Michael) From this point until the end of the homily the name of the archangel always appears under this spelling. The genitive "Mihaheles" is attested in the entry for the year 759 in the Abingdon Chronide, manuscript Cotton Tiberius B. i (DOEC) , a text copied in the eleventh century, and orthographical variations on the nominative "Micha(h)el~ Mihahel" occur in the several copies of the Lorica of Gildas (or of Laidcenn) (DOEC; Bernard and Atkinson l 207; Blume 359, 361). On the eleventh-century Ipswich Stone l are the words: "Her sandvs feht wiô ôane draca" ("Here Saint Michael fought against the dragon") and " mihaeJ" (DOEC; Okasha 58). On the Mortain casket (eighthto ninth century), of Anglo-Saxon origin, there are two angels flanking Christ with the following abbreviations: "SCSMIH" and "SCSGAB" (R.I. Page 162; Okasha 93), which stand for "Sanctus

Mihael ~ Ivlihahel" and "Sanctus Gabriel ~ Gabrihel". Tristram (160-1, 397) and DOEC retain ILSM's graph here and subsequently, but Grant (64, 67) arbitrarily emends it to "Michael" everywhere.

Par. 26, line 116: « Surgite! Surgite! A-rfsaâ! A-rfsaâ! » ("Surgite! Surgite! Arise! Arise!")

83 "And He threw Adam out, and He placed cherubim in front of the paradise of pleasure, and a sword flaming and revolving to guard the way to the tree oflife." CHAPTER ONE 44

At fttst sight, the presence of this Latin word in the text seems to indicate that its nearest original was written in Latin. However, a text translated or adapted in Irish, or into any other language, could have kept it intact as weli as IUM does.84 The source of the Latin wording is apparently the anticipative advice in Saint Jerome's Regula mOnat"htlT7lm: "Semper tuba illa terribilis vestris perstrepat auribus: Surgite, mortui, venite ildjtldùitlm." (.Migne PL 30 col. 417)85 "Surgite" alone appears as the Judgment cali in the twelfth-century Elmidarillm of Honorius of Autun (Lefèvre 454; Migne PL 172 col. 1164). In the "Tidings of the Resurrection" from Lebor

J1tI hUidre ("Book of the Dun Cow", copied c. AD 1100), however, Saint Michael at Doomsday does not speak in Latin, but in the vernacular (Best and Bergin 82 line 2513): "ergid uli a bas" ("Arise you ali from death!").

Par. 28, lin es 128-9: ta jJam Dryhtene de /ifad and rfxad mid Fà!der, 7e. (to the Lord who lives and reigns with the Father, &c.) Tristram has no note on this subject. Grant remarks: "Je is ambiguous: l take it to refer to Michael rather than the lord, since the lord is mentioned in line 149 [my line 128] - mid fœder, etc." (Grant 77) He translates (65): "let us pray the holy archangel St Michael that he be a recipient of our souls and lead them into the heavenly kingdom to the lord, St Michael who lives and rules with the Father and with the Son and with the Holy Ghost for ever and ever". At the end of the homilies, the formula "lifad and rL'Cad", copied on the Latin "vivit et regnat", always refers to God in three pers ons and only to Him. A doxology which would include Michael with the Trinity would be highly heretica1.86 That no angel can be part of the Trinity is clear From Heb. 1.3-4 and 1.13: "[... ] sedet ad dexteram majestatis in excelsis. Tanto melior

84 .\s a late example, we fmd the summons couched in Latin in the mid-seventeenth-century Irish work Parr/bas tlll Allma ("Paradise of the Soul"; a book of religious instruction and devotion): "e. Cionnas as éidir sin do dhéunamh? F. Tré mh6rchumhachdaibh Dé, an tan sinnfidhear an buabhall anbhuaineach ud ar sdoc l\fichil: Surgi/e. mor/ui, veni/e ad iudùium; .i. "Ëirgidh, a mharbha, teagaidh dochun1 an bhreitbeamhnais."" (Geamon 59) "Question: How is it possible to do that [to resurrect]? .\nswer: Through the great powers of God, when will be drawn out that dismaying darion cali on Michael's trumpet: "Arise, dead, come to the judgment", that is, "Arise, 0 dead, come towards the sentence.""

85 "That terrible trumpet should always make much noise in your ears: "Arise, dead, come to the judgment.""

86 Just for the record, a notion verging on such a heresy is seen in a sequence for the Annunciation ascribed to Peter .Abelard: "matremquc faciat 1 secum participem 1 patris imperii" (Gaselee 97), "and he [Christ] made his mother share with him in the power of the father." (\Vamer 326) Early in the eleventh century, Ralph Glaber amused himself with the idea of "Divine Quaternity", but without any heretical intent (Russell 1965 162, 182-3). Indeed, Glaber's Quaternity had to do with the nature of the Creation rather than with that of the Creator (Giet). CHAPTER ONE 45 angelis effectus, quanto differentius prre illis nomen hereditavit"; "Ad quem autem angelorum di'Ùt aliquando: Sede a dextris meis [... )?,,87 Arnold thinks that an invocation to the "Father, Son, Holy Spirit and Michael the commander-in-chief' in the possibly mid-fifth century Greek Mirai/es of St/int MÙ'he/el the An'hangel at Chonae may belong to an earlier stratum in the text and be vestigial of an epoch when the Trinitarian dogma as we know it was not yet established (Arnold 74-77, 124_5).88 However, his comparing it to a papyrine amulet from fifth- or sLxth-century Egypt which bears an invocation to God, Michael and Jesus ("Eloei Adônaei Iaô Sabaôth Michaêl Iesou Christe") (Arnold 67, 77, 96n1) is problematical, since this latter example may only be some kind of magical formula ,vithout any dogma behind it. Lapidge has edited ail ex tant Anglo-Saxon litanies of the saints, fifty-nine in ail, "which vary in date from the late seventh to the late eleventh century and beyond" (Lapidge 2). Only two among those place Saint Michael right after Christ and above the Virgin Mary in the celestial hierarchy (nos. 17 and 26). According to Lapidgc: "This is an early feature, indicating that both prayers were composed before the western explosion of the cult of Mary which soon took her to the head of ail litanies of the saints." (27) Thus, the evidence afforded by fifty seven extant litanies of the saints from the Anglo-Saxon period shows that any attempt to link Saint Michael with the Trinity would have been discordant with what ail people knew by heart about the celestial hierarchy. The same applies, of course, to "Drihtnes hé is efen-rixïende" ("He is the Lord's co-regent"), inasmuch as the Virgin held a commanding position over Michael in these litanies.

87 "[Christ] sits at the right hand of the majesty in the highest, so much better made than the angels, as the name he inherited is more different in comparison with them"; "To whom of the angels did [God] ever sayat any cime: Sit on my right [ ... ]?"

88 11us invocation is found alongside an orthodox one to the "Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, God, through the embassies of Michael the commander-in-chief'. l-Iere are the two sets of invocations as they chronologically appear in the Greek text of the Miracles of Saint Michael the Archangel at Chonae, followed by their renditions within the eleventh-century Latin translation of the same text made at Mount Athos: "TTaTÉpa uiàv Kai aYlov TTVEûjJa KaÎ MIXai;'" TOV apXlaTperrrlVOV" (Bonnet 292), "Pa/rem, Filium et sanctum Spiritum ef imperatorem Mùhaelem" (Bonnet 318); "à TTaTr;p 0 uiàç Kai TO OyIOV TTVEû\Ja, à 9Eàç, ~Ià TWV TTpEa~EI('lV Mlxar;" TOÛ àpXIOTpaTr;you" (Bonnet 292), "0 Pater, Fili et sancle SpiritllJ, Deus, per interassionem Michaelis ClTI'hidu";s" (Bonnet 318); "à TTaTr;p 0 uiàç Kai TO OyIOV TTVEû\Ja, à 9E6ç, ~Ià TWV TTpEO~EIWV Mlxar;" TOÛ apX1aTpaTl'!you" (Bonnet 296), "Pater, Filius et Spiritus salit/us, Deus, per intercessionem MÙ'haelis imperatoris" (Bonnet 319); "TTaTÉpa Kai uiov Kai aylov TTVEû\Ja Kai M1xar;" Tàv apX1OTpaUlYOV" (Bonnet 306), "Patrem et Filium et Spiritum sanc/um et Mùhaelem imperatorem" (Bonnet 322). Chonae is the name Colossae bore during the Middle Ages. CHAPTER ONE 46

It is true that we are inclined to construe Michael as the antecedent of "de", sin ce he holds so much place throughout the homily; but it is possible that "de" simply refers to "pam Dryhtene" ("the Lord"), since such a repetition is perfectly attested elsewhere. We read in

SawleJ' Warde (written towards the end of the twelfth century): "Pet ure Lauerd 3eue us purh rus hali milce, pet wiô pe Feder ant e Sune ant e Hali Gast rixlcô in preohad a buten ende. Amen." (Bennett and Smithers 261)89 The editors comment: "the author (or more probably the scribe) has ignored the fact that he has previously mentioned the second person of the Trinity." (Bennett and Smithers 426) They mention tllat "[t]he same slip" is made somewhere else, in a Middle English sermon on 2 Cor. 11.23: "To pe wiche plente, ioye, and liff brynge vs [he] pat for vs died on pe Rode Tree. Qui cum Ft/Ire et Filio ... ," (Ross 187)90 This rime the editor points out: "The addition of Filio to this conventional conclusion of course makes nonsense of it." (Ross 359) It is therefore highly probable that the doxology concluding ILSM con tains nothing unorthodox, contrary to what is to be found in paragraph 2. But we will probably never know for sure. ------<>

89 "May our Lord give us that [bliss] through rus holy mercy, who rules in trinity with the Father and the Son and the Holy Ghost for ever without end. Amen,"

90 "To wruch plenty, joy, and life may He bring us, who died for us on the Cross. He who with the Father and the Son ... " CHAPTER TWO 47

CHAPTER 2

IN LAUDEM SANCTI MICHAËLIS AND ITS BACKGROUND AND ANALOGUES

The other OE homilies on Saint Michael There are only two other 0 E homilies on Saint Michael: Blickling Homily 17, entitled "TO SANCTAE MICHAHELES MlESSAN" (Morris 197), and one by Aelfric, who was titled "III KALENDAS OCTOBRIS DEDICATIO ECCLESIE SANCTI MICHAHELIS ARCHANGELI" (l'horpe 1: 502; Clemoes 465). Both are mostly conventional Monte Gargano stories, and bear no resemblance whatsoever to ILSM, which, by the way, does not tell the Monte Gargano foundation myth at aIl. 1

East and West; Ireland and England As we are about to examine the Irish and Coptic analogues to ILSlv!, it is worthwhile to survey sorne of the evidence for ancient contacts between the Orient and the British Isles on the one hand, and between Ireland and Anglo-Saxon England on the other. A "Litany of Irish Saints" mentions: "Morfesseor do man"haib Egipt[e] i nDisiurt Uilaig" ("Seven monks of Egypt in Disert Uilaig") (plummer 64, 65), and the editor comments: "If the tradition as to the existence of Egyptian monks in Ireland is trustworthy, it is of great interest and importance. They may have helped to give to early Irish Christianity its strongly ascetic type. [ ... ] Through them also ma)' have come some of those Eastern elements wmch have been traced in Irish Liturgies [... ]" (plummer 118) Since Plummer, Hughes has dated this particular litany to the early ninth century, and she believes the monks of Egypt in question might have reached Ireland from Egypt itself in the wake of the Arabie

1 TIus fundation myth for the first European shrine dedicated to Saint :Michael goes as follows . .A man named Garganus, having lost rus bull in the nearby mountain, goes to its search. Exasperated by the stray bull, he shoots an arrow at it when he finds it about to enter a cave . .A supematural blast of wind coming from the entrance of the gratto turns the arrow back on Garganus. The local bishop decrees a general fast of three days in order that dIe people be instructed by God as to what this eyent signifies. Saint IvIichael appears to the bishop and tells lllm that it was he who manifested lllmse!f by way of the nliraculous wind so that it should be revealed that the mountain gratto had been excavated by lllmself as a place sacred to rus cult. The archange! subsequently defends the nearby town of Siponto (modern Manfredonia) with thunderbolts against invading enenlies, in answer to another duee-day fast on the part of its besieged inhabitants. TIIen, after a trurd duee-da)' fast by the locals who were in doubt whether tlIey nlight enter the mountain gratto, Ivlichael makes known that tlIey may and tlIat tlIere is no need for the bishop to consecrate it as a chapel since he already has done so lumself, having left in there lus footprints impressed in stone together with his red cloak. TIIese, as weil as the whole gratto itself, remain henceforth as contact relics of the incorporeal being. CHAPTER TWO 48 conquest of that land in 641-2 (Hughes 310, 325).2 It is a well-known fact that Irish manuscript illumination is indebted to Coptic art (for a summary of this topic, see Ritner 70- S). Porter lists some examples of specific Egyptian iconography which migrated to Ireland and to Northumbria. Among the "many indications of Egyptian influence in the early sculpture and illumination of Ireland", this author draws our attention to the challenging facts that "the St. Matthew of the Book of Durrow wears an Egyptian wig [and that] the Christs of Irish sculptures and manuscripts with crossed arms and a cross and a sceptre are closely analogous to ancient Egyptian representations of Osiris" (porter 31n14). There is also a dead Christ at Clonmacnois whose "body is represented as an Egyptian mummy with strap wrappings in the Fayoum manner. The feet stick up and the face is expressed precisely as in late mummy cases." (porter 33) It has recendy been alleged that even the Celtic cross itself may descend from an Egyptian model. (Horn et al. 88-97) Of course, the Copts and the Irish probably first came into contact at some middle point, as for example southern Gaul,3 or simply as pilgrims to the Holy Land. As regards exchanges between Anglo-Saxon England and the East, we have the familiar case of Theodore, a native of Tarsus in present-day Turkey, who was sent by Pope Vitalian to be archbishop of Canterbury until his death there in 690. Theodore, however, was not only Romanized, but according to Bede's E,desÎaJfù-a1 History of the English People, his companion Hadrian, though himself of African origin, was to watch over his orthodoxy: "et ut ei doctrinae cooperator existens diligenter adtenderet, ne quid ille contrarium ueritati fidci

Graecorum more in ecclesiam cui pracesset introduceret" (Colgravc and Mynors 330).4 As it happened, Theodore was one of the three Church leaders who put into effect the decisions taken at the synod of Whitby, thereby contributing to the supremacy of the Roman Church over the Irish one in England. Lapidge has demonstrated, however, how Theodore is likely to have brought some Greek books with him to England (Lapidge 20-24) About two de cades ago, Daly studied some Latin prayers and charms in an English manuscript of the second half of the eighth century which contain bits of magic formulae in

2 .:\ccording to Schlauch, howcver, if such an emigration did occur, it must have fallen before the ~~rabic conquest, due to persecution of the Egyptian Monophysites by the Byzantine Church; the advent of Islam itself proved more favorable to the Coptic Church (Sclùauch 165~6).

3 See Schlauch 163.

4 "also, being a fellow labourer in his teaching work, he would take great care to prevent Theodore from introducing into the church over which he presided any Greek customs which might be contrary to the true faith". (Colgrave and Mynors 331) CHAPTER TWO 49

Greek. This has caused him to wonder if other Greeks could have come to England at the time of Theodore with strange texts in their baggage (Daly 97).5 There is one manuscript which exhibits vivid proof of cross-cultural exchanges between the Irish and the Anglo-Saxons during the high Middle Ages. According to Iindsay: [... ] we may notice one codex which stands on the borderline bet\Veen English and Irish, as is shewn by the presence of English glosses (of the N orthumbrian dialect) as \Vell as Irish. That bOth sets of glosses are copied from an original is suggested by their being included in the text (not placed ab ove the line or in the margin) and distinguished from it by apices. We must suppose the original to have been written in some Irish monastery in Northumbria [... ] It is a Psalter, with commentary, now in the Palatine collection (n°. 68) in the Vatican Library [ ...] Experts declare the Northumbrian glosses to be not later than the early part of the eighth cenrury [... ] The script and abbreviations [... ] of the transcript point to the eighth cenrury, or, at latest, the beginning of the ninth. (Lindsay 1971 67-8) Moreover, as regards Anglo-Saxon borrowing from documents m the Irish language, Meroney has shown to what extent it has sometimes occurred verbatim in the case of medico-magical formulae. On the other hand, it is known that Irish monks studied in England during the tenth and eleventh centuries and they may have taken English books back to Ireland (Tris tram 1995 18-9).

The Liber jlavus Fergusiorum tract on Saint Michael (LFFT) The Liber fitivuS Fergtlsiomm (Yellow Book of the Ferguses) is a vellum manuscript that in ail likekihood originated at Roscommon. It is bound in t\Vo volumes, the fÏrst one of which bears the date 1437, while in the second is writtcn the date 1440. Therc cxist descriptions of the contents of LFF by Gwynn, as well as by Wulff and Mulchrone. !...FrT has been copicd twice, fÏrst on folio 1 verso, where it has now almost totally disappeared, and then on folio 34 verso, where the text is, according to the opinion of Wulff and Mulchrone, "very illegible" ("Liber Plavus Fergusiorum." 1270). Wlùff and Mulchrone transcribed the

beginning thus: "Is e Mù-hel rohairmitnetldha tI nnimh 7 tI ttl/mtlin". Gwynn copied only the fÏrst threc words and the last one: "IS e Michel", "abcolipsi" (Gwynn 36) This repeated text on

5 For Howlett (1998 65), the chanu in question is "an Insular composition, not a copy of an ancient 1Iediterranean text". As a genuine Greek palindrome, however, it is still grist to my miII. CHAPTER TWO 50 folio 34 verso fills up a slip of vellum wruch had heen sewn on the gutter side to the folio to make up for its otherwise incomplete size. Due to the cramped space, the scribe made use of many more abbreviations in this case than he did when he wrote the fust copy; it is thus a pity that the text on folio 1 verso has faded away. Wright was the ftrst to attempt a deeipherment of the text (see 1999 262n 167), but he had to give up the effort due to the poor quality of rus mieroftlm and photostats. The Irish text of LFFT is tentatively edited and translated for the fust time in Appendix Two to the present work. LFF itself is an interesting miseellany. Herbert and MeNamara (xxiv) list twenty-two Apoerypha or apoeryphal pieces "[s]eattered throughout the Liber FlavlIs, and \vithout any particular order being apparent"; LFFT is not considered one of those. Aceording to Herbert and McNamara (xxiv), the form of some of the apocryphal texts LFF carries is "demonstrably 0Id.,,6 As far as l can judge, LFFT seems linguistieally late;7 in any ease there is not a single occurrence of an inftxed pronoun, at least in what has been decipherable of its text.8 But the language may have been modernized to a considerable extent. For example, there is in LFF (folios 48 recto-50 verso of the second volume) a version of the Transitlls lvlanœ whose form has been dated to c. 700 and probably descends "from the ftfth-century Syriac form of the work" (Herbert and McNamara 184). This would make of it a link between the primitive story and certain early Latin and Greek versions (Donahue v). LFF also contains on folio 20 verso of its second volume an account of the seven heavens based on a lost apocryphon. It has been edited by Mac Niocaill, but without an English translation. A summary of its contents may be found in Seymour (20-21), who implies that the text might date from the thirteenth century (20). Seymour notes that the LEF version of the Seven Heaven Apoeryphon is fuller than those found in either the Vision ifAdamnan or The Ever-New Tongue (21).

The encomium by Theodosius Patriarch of Alexandria on Saint Michael (ETPA)

6 .-\s regards the Vision of the Two Deaths (folio 25 recto of the first volume), l\1arstrander "points to linguistic signs of "considerable age" for its first composition" (Schlauch 159n21).

7 The preverbs "ra·" and "do·" are interchangeable throughout UFT, and the ending of the adjectival dative pl. is "·a" in "co cosuib tinna" (UFT7).

8 l wonder though if "do-r-anacht" (LFFT 5) could not be a miscopying for "*do-s-anacht" or

"*do-n-anacht", with infL'Ced 3rd pl. pronOlUl. In the Inslùar pointed script, the letters [l, rand n may get confused if badly shaped or blurred. CI-IAPTER TWO 51

The OED de fines "encomium" as: "A formaI or high-flown expression of praise; a eulogy, panegyric." Theodosius I was a "saint and thirty-third patriarch of the See of Saint Mark [i.e., Alexandria] (535-567)" (Hardy 2241); it was under his pontificate that the Egyptian Monophysitic Church finally reached its distinctiveness (Amann col. 327). Amann (col. 327) sees no problem in assigning the authorship of ETPA to him, noting that it was "traduit en copte", thus implying that it must have been originally written in Greek. Most of Theodosius l's patriarchate was spent in exile at Constantinople. Since Grant was the first to mention ETPA as an analogue to fLSM (Grant 1982 SO- 1,54-5)9, and since he referred to the edition of ETPA in Saint Michael the Archangel. Three Encomiums ... , aIl subsequent scholars discussing these two texts have similarly relied on Budge's Fust edition of the Coptic one aohnson 1998a 235-6; 1998b 87-8; Gale 23). This first edition by Budge was from manuscript BL Oriental 8784, which dates from the early thirteenth century.10 Twenty-one years later, however, Budge edited an older and longer version of ETPA in his Miscellaneous Coptic Texts in the Dialect of Upper Egypt, this rime from manuscript BL Oriental 7021, supplemented by EL Oriental 6781, which both date from the end of the tenth century. BL Oriental 7021 is made of paper, and [t]he copying of the manuscript was finished on the ..... day of the mon th Epêp of the ..... Indiction of the year 703 of the Era of the Martyrs, i.e. A.D. 987. The Colophon states that the production of the manuscript was paid for by Sirê, the son of the blessed Phêu, who lived in a village called Kourosê, or Pkourosê, and who was a member of the guard (?) of the city of Asna or Esna in Upper Egypt. He gave the volume to the shrine of Saint Michael the Archangel, in the district of Edfû [ ... ] (Budge 1915 liii) BL Oriental 6781 is made of veIlum, and its colophon

9 Grant wrote at dIe cime: "1 am grateful to Dr. E.R. Hardy of 12 St Mark's Court, Cambridge, for bringing this sermon to my attention." (Grant 1982 54n31)

JO "Bound up with the l\IIS., at the end, is a leaf which belongs to another book which seems to have been written about me same period, and by me same scribe." (Budge 1894 x) The colophon of this leaf bears me date: "The seventh day of Paôni, [June I] in dIe nine hundred and twenty-sLxm year of the Era of ilie Martyrs (i e., .c\.D. 1210)" (Budge 1894 xiv), and says iliat this oilier book was given to dIe holy church of ilie hol)" .-\rchangell\lIiehael at Râs el-Khalîj, that is to dIe south of Old Cairo (Budge 1894 xii). At the cime when Budge eonsulted it, the manuseript, which is paper bound in a modern binding, was "the property of Lord Zouehe, and was brought from Cairo by Curzon, dIe famous auilior of Visits to JWollasteries in the Levant, London, 1849" (Budge 1894 LX). BL Oriental 8784 is now in the British Library, where it is part of the Coptie additions aequired after 1905 (see Orlandi 1976 331, wlùeh specifies that R. Curzon bought it in 1844). CHAPTER TWO 52

states that the manuscript was copied by Mark the deacon, who finished his work on the 8th day of the month Meshir in the 699th year of the Era of the Martyrs, i.e. A.D. 983, wmch is here equated with the 371st year of the Hijrah, i.e. A.D. 981. The cost of copying the manuscript was defrayed by the God-Ioving sis ter Kountite (?), the daughter of the blessed ..... of the town of Ermont (Armant), and the volume was 11 given by her to the shrine of Saint Michael [... ] (Budge 1915 lvi) In ms 1931 Egyptian Tales and Romances, Budge used ms edition of BL Oriental 7021 from Miscellaneous Coptic Texts ... , for Christian Tales nos. 4 and 12, wmch are excerpted from ETPA, wmch proves that he considered this manuscript the better one (Budge 2002 218, 292). Therefore, it is also this version that l have chosen, though l give some variants from BL Oriental 8784 when they may be useful. EIPA is a long and complex text, and a great part of it is made up by the slightly digressive Story of Dorotheos and Theopisthe; therefore, reproducing the whole thing would not serve the purpose of comparing it to ILSM. As regards Budge's books themselves, the Department of Ancient Egypt and Sudan at the British Museum says: "Today, University students are strongly advised not to use them, because of their basic errors of fact and methodology.,,12 But in the case of EIPA, the choice is not bet:ween old, neglectful, outdated Budge and some new, accurate and reliable scholar, but between Budge or nothing, and we have to bear in mind that what is said ab ove concems the study of the Pharaonic period proper. Indeed, it is a fact that some Copts in Egypt itself, as for example those at the Convent of Abi Seifein in Old Cairo, still acknowledge Budge's Miscellaneous Coptic Texts in the Dialect of Upper Egypt as a reliable source for ancient Christian texts (The Life of the Great Martyr Saint Philopater Mercurius 17,69).'3

Il See Orlandi 1976 328 and 330, who says that both manuseripts originate from Edfou (modem Idfu). One should note that Budge's edition of ETPA from the manuseripts BL Or. 7021 and BL Or. 6781 is not listed in Peeters's Bibliotheca hagiographiea orientalis since it was published five years after it.

11 Sec "\Vhy are there no books by Budge here?" in Bibliography.

13 Beside Arabie, present-day Copts still use as one of their liturgieallanguages the Bohairie dialeet of Coptie, whereas medieval texts sueh as ETPA are written in the Sahidie dialeet. CHAPTER TWO 53

The enumerative style Sims-Williams (1990 315-18) discusses a few texts, mostly liturgical, of Gallican and Irish influence showing the repetitive formulas "Ipse est ... " and, especially, "Tu es ... " referring to God. The enumerative style is most common in Irish religious literature; for example, in the epilogue of the Nlarryrology of Dengus the Ct/Idee, the formula "Rom-soerae, a issu" ("Mayst Thou save me, 0 Jesus") is repeated no less than thirty cimes (Stokes 1905 284-8). A hornily on Saint Michael in the LeaMar Bretle exhibits at two points little enumerations of the archangel's deeds introduced by "is c ... " (Atkinson 216, 219). Coptic texts have a predilection for repetition, as only a cursory look at EIPA will show. The Coptic homily "Saint Michael and the Good Thief" repeats eleven cimes the introductory formula "Through the prayers of Michael", 14 and the Coptic Antiphonarium for the Feast of the Archangel Michael in usage today is still couched in an enumerative style, repeating many cimes the formula: "Hail Michael the Archangel" (Aziz, "The A ntlp. h onanum... . ") . 15 O'Loughlin has made two pertinent observations about this enumerative style: "the cumulative effect of listing, litany-fashion, thirty attributes is greater than the sum of its parts" (O'Loughlin 71); "We may fmd this repetitive, but we have to imagine this being used with an almost wholly illiterate congregation where these [ ... ] statements are like nuggets for the memory." (O'Loughlin 128)

The assertions of LFFT, ETPA and ILSM about Saint Michael: an evaluation of their respective heterodoxy The chart on page 59 below shows the rarest assertions to be found about Saint Michael. The selection may be a little subjective, but eleven years of personal interest in the cult of Saint Michael during the Middle Ages may valida te my choices. It allows us to see at once that LFFT, ETPA and ILSNI are not related to one another, that points of contact occur more often between ETPA and ILSNI, and that ILSM bears the palm as by far the strangest of the lot.

1481TeNNeNTWB8 MMIXAHA bitellllentobb emmÙ"baél (Simon ns 3 235-6).

15 xepe MIXAHA : nlÀPXHArreAOC : cbere micbaé/ pi'art·beaggelos Œhe Antiphonarium Coptic-Arabic \n). CHAPTER TWO 54

Some aŒnnations about Saint Michael may secm heterodox at first glance, which were in fact common belief in the Middle Ages, as for example when LFrl says at line 18:

"Is tria Michel do-foillsigeadh eis-éirghi Meic Dé marbuibh" ("It is through Michael that was revealed the Resurrection of the Son of God from the dead"). ETPA says as much ("Testimony List" 22), as well as the Coptic homily "Saint Michael and the Good Thief" (Simon ns 4 227). In the West, Saint Michael was fonnally identified as the angel of the Resurrection during the Easter liturgical drarnas (G. Cohen 47; Steiner 53, 247-57, 262). Gospel readings mentioning the angel of the Resurrection figure as versicle and offertory of the mass for May 8 (one of the feasts of Saint Michael) in an early thirteenth-century missal from Mont-Saint-Michel (Smith 277). As late as 1874, a Roman Catholic author writing on Saint Michael could daim that it was he who proclaimed Christ's Resurrection to the three Marys (Cordaro 77), and the Coptic Church still believes the same today, as is reflected in its Easter liturgy (Shenouda III 8; The Coptic Liturgy of St. Basil 158-9), as well as in "psalis" (spiritual songs) perfonned at the Feast of the Holy Archangel Michael (Aziz).

Sorne strange etymology of the name "Michael" ETPA says that "Michael" signifies "strength of ÊI". As for another unusual etymology of "Michael", there is one in Pantaleon's NtI1Tc1tio miramlomm maximi An'hangeli lvIùhaelis when he writes: "Hic ergo vir desideriorum Daniel, sanctissimum archangeli nomen nobis ostendit, quod vocaretur Ivlichael, id est, dux Dei exmittfs, ut qui hoc mysterium acceperit ab alio angelo." (Migne PG 140 col. 585)16 These etymologies are rather innocuous when compared to the one in ILSj\IJ., which makes him coequal with the triune God. 17

Saint Michael slew a group of God's chosen people

16 "TIlen on this occasion [on his being saved by lVIichael from the Den of Lions], Daniel the man of yeamings disclosed to us, as soon as he received tlùs secret knowledge from another ange!, the most holy name of the archangel, which name tlÙght be called .Michael, that is, 'the leader of God's host'." :Migne only prints a Latin version of tlùs Greek sermon which Pantaleon, a deacon of Hagia Sophia, wrote in the latter half of the ninth century.

17 Tbe Archange! MÙ'hael's Cantide, a Coptic magic al text with Gnostic overtones from the second half of the tenth century, has the following oddity: ANAK n8 MiXAHA : iiAPAN = nNOYT8 : El PWM8 = anak pe mÙ'baël paran pnoufe hi rome ("1 am lVIichael. My name is: God and hrunan being") (Kropp 15). Ths must have originated from a tlÙsunderstanding of '~.:;!'Y,l mÎ!:"d'el. CHAPTER TWO 55

It is traditional to attribute to Saint Michael the supernatural slaying of Egyptians or i\ssyrians in the Scriptures. Pantaleon, in his NatTa/io mirtlt"tllomm mtlximi ArdJangeli MÙ"haelis, credits Michael with the destruction of Sennacherib's Assyrian host (Migne PG 140 col. 583). The Legenda Clurea attributes to Saint Michael the Ten Plagues (see on page 27 above), and the Catalan friar Françesc Eiximenis (c. 1327-1409) writes: "sent Miquel plagà a Faraho per les deu plagues qui son en Exodo, e per moltes d'altres [ ... 1 ell negà Faraho ab tots los seus."

(Eiximenis 59)18 But when LFFf 12 says: "Is tria Michel ro-marbh Dia tliath Ibul" ("It is through Michael that God slew the nation of the Jews"), it departs from the norm in enumerative Michaelian lore; as well, it apparently descends to the level of anti-Sernitism. 1 believe, however, on the basis of the chronology of its narrative, that this utterance of LFf'T refers to the conclusion of the episode of the golden calf in Exod. 32. At verse 28 in the Vulgate, it is said that three thousand and twenty Israelites were slain by Moses and the Levites in penalty for their idolatry; but verse 35 says: "Percussit ergo Dominus populum pro reatu vituli, quem fecerat Aaron." ("Then the Lord struck down the people on account of the crime of the calf, which Aaron had made.") As God Himself mentions His angel ("angelus tneus") in the preceding verse, it is certainly possible to envision Saint Michael as the executioner of the divine judgement in which no specific number of dead is given. It is nonetheless highly unusual to link the archangel to any aspect of that Biblical event. 19 We should note that Abaddon, the angel of death' does not appear this rime, possibly because here the death sentence imposed on some of the Israelites is consequential to the close relationship between thetn and God. In the internaI logic of the LFJ

There is also an "angelus Domini" armed with a sword in 1 Chrono 21 20 whose mission is to destroy the Israelites just after seventy thousand of thetn have been killed by a plague sent by God, and UR may likewise refer to that event. But then, as the angel's sword was stayed by God at the last motnent, one will have to attribute the preceding plague to this

18 "Saint :NIichael scourged Pharaoh with the Ten Plagues which arc in Exodus, and with many others [... ] he drowned Pharaoh with ail his people."

19 It should be a little less surprising to have IvIichael kill a group of God's chosen people, however, whell we read in the early collection of miracles written around 1060 at Mont-Saint-:NIichel that he could also treat individual Christians that way if he felt they deserved it (Smitll 188, 192, 194, 196).

10 1 Chrono is Liber primus Paralipomenon in tlIe Vulgate. CHAPTER TWO 56 intermediary ange!. This Biblical event was first told in 2 Sam. 24.15-17, a much earlier work than 1 Chron., but there the "angelus Domini" wields no weapon other than his own hand.

Saint Michaellinked to the Temple of Solomon ETPA's "Testimony List" 15 and "Intercession List" also link Michael with the building of the Temple, but in a very indirect manner when compared to ILSM 9.

Christ's Incarnation took place through Saint Michael's prayer It is with this notion that the Coptic text shows an extravagance somewhat akin to that of ILSM. It is expressed more unequivocaliy in the version of the "Intercession List" of manuscript BL Oriental 8784 (see page 102 below). This notion is also the only strange detail in ETPA which has no counterpart in ILSM.

Saint Michael indited some part of the Scriptures Whereas ILSM 10 states that Michael "indited [ ... ] the holy Benedicite", LFFT 19 says: "Is tria Michel do-rigneadh Abcolipsi" ("It is through Michael that was indited the Book of Revelation") A Biblical authority is easier to find for the latter assertion. Since Apoc. 1.1-5 was the Epistle for the September 29 Mass (the main feast of Saint Michael in the West), the foliowing could easily be understood as referring to Saint Michael: "In diebus illis: Significavit Deus qure oportet fieri cito, mittens per Angelum suum servo suo J oanni, qui testimonium perhibuit verbo Dei, et testimonium Jesu Christi, qurecumque vidit." (Babin 1264)21

Saint Michael shields the faithful with some covering

l consider what l cali the "Lorica Passage" of ETPA a paraliel to the "prygeIs" of Saint Michael in ILSM, in the measure that in manuscripts BL Oriental 7021 and 6781 it is the archangel himself who puts upon the faithful the "armour of light" (see page 103 below).

Saint Michael as shipmaster ferrying the dead

~l "In those days God made known the tlùugs which are to happen soon, sending them through His angel to John His servant, who bore witness to tlle word of God, and of Jesus Christ, as to whatever that he saw." For the antiquity of tlus lection, see Arnold 191-2, 215n176. CHAPTER TWO 57

In ETPA's "Testimony List" 6, IvlichaeI "act[s] as steersman" for Noah's Ark. In the Middle Ages, it was very common to have NlichaeI associated with the waters, but rather unusual to have him navigate in any kind of vessel. The list of synonyms in ILSM ("no pend" ,

"fmm-lida", "stigend") makes it clear that Michael is not pictured as a "fiscere"

("fishennan"), so that Grant's linking ILSN! 22 to Matt. 13.47-50 (where the kingdom of heaven is likened to a net cast into the sea) is probably a faise trail (Grant 1982 73).

Saint Michael as the Lord's vineyardist and shepherd Michael teaches agriculture to Adam and Eve in apocryphalliterature, a scene known to Anglo-Saxon iconography Gohnson 1998a 269, 274, 287), but the symbolic activities which he assumes in IUM are generally used to describc Christ Himself, the "pastor bonus" (Good Shepherd). It is very rare that Michael is being explicitly called a "shepherd", but one such occurrence is found in a hymn tentativeIy ascribed to MieI-Ruain (t 792), founder of Tallaght monastery (see Johnson 2005 114-15): "Deus dedit MichaeIem / principalem pastorem, / Deus ilium ordinavit / hominum protectorem." (Blume 333) ("God appointed Michael as the fIrst shepherd; God established him as the protector of men.")

Sorne uncornrnon angel narned beside Saint Michael Professo! Anthony Harvey has suggested that "Abadon" in Lr1'T is the angel of death described in Apoc. 9.11 as the overlord of the locusts brought about by the blast of the fifth trumpet?2 "et habebant super se regem angelum abyssi, cui nomen hebraice Abaddon, grrece autem Apollyon, latine habens nomen Exterminans.,,23 The name is not discussed in

Barton. Abaddon (l"l-"T.l~ 'tI!zaddôn) was originally the name of a place in Sheoi (see Brown,

Driver and Briggs 2; Olyan 74-5), not of an angel, but LFFf is of course trusting the authority of Saint John, as weIl as evincing yet again the well-known fondness of the medieval Irish for angelological lore. Yet maybe this is the one clue to sorne Eastern

influence within LFf-

22 Persona! communication made at the RIA, 28 October 2004.

23 "And they had the ange! of the abyss as a king over them, whose name in Hebrew is Abaddon, and Apollyon in Greek, that is to say, 'Exterminating'." For the ange! Abaddon in genera!, see Davidson 1-2. CHAPTER TWO 58 present?4 It was not said of him, however, that he was the one responsible for the ten plagues, as is stated in Lf1:

Mouriël (MOYPIHJ\), but nothing is said about him concerning the ten plagues.25

------<)

~4 See Orlandi 1991, and especially Müller 1959 75-6, 273-6, 282-3. ~5 Nowadays, the Coptic Church does not seem to have much to say about Abaddon or about the ange! of death any more (at least, see Shenouda III 15 where the existence of an "ange! of death named Azarae!" is refuted; this must be Azrae! in Davidson's dictionary). CHAPTER TWO 59

The rarest nuggets in enumerative ETPA ILSM LFFT Michaelian lore

Some strange etymology of the name "Michael" + + -

Saint Michael is coequal with the triune God - + -

Saint Michael slew a group of God's chosen people -- +

Saint Michaellinked to the Temple of Solomon + + -

Christ's Incarnation took place through Saint Michael's prayer + --

Saint Michael indited sorne part of the Scnptures - + +

Saint Michael shields the faithful with some covering + + -

Saint Michael as shipmaster ferrying the dead - + -

Saint Michael as the Lord's vineyardist and shepherd - + -

Some uncommon angel named beside Saint Michael -- + CHAPTER THREE 60

CHAPTER 3

IN LAUDEM SANCTI MICHAËLIS AND ITS ANGLO-SAXON CONTEXT

CCCC41 's marginalia: archivai intent and evidence for thematic compilation Keefer has suggested that CCCC41 acted as a kind of "arcruve" (148) or "file copy" (151) for the liturgical marginalia it con tains. "Thus, it may have been a useful and important book; its permanence would have been an added attraction to copying addenda within its margins." (I<:'eefer 151) She concludes, however: "1 am not persuaded that there is any connection between the main text of the Old English Bede and the marginal addenda: l consider the format of CCCC41, as opposed to its content, the main attraction for the marginalia scribe." (I<:'eefer 166) On the contrary, l would argue that CCCC41 was more than just a valuable book in a large format; it was the E,desiastic(/l History of the English People, and its author was respected universally. Thus, its marginalia could act as a gloss on the concept of "ecclesiastical rustory of the English people" itself, while the renown of Bede guaranteed the

safety of the gloss. 1 As said earlier, although it is not itself recorded in the three extant copies of the list

of Leofric's donations (Forster 11-12), CCCC41 is one of only nine manuscripts wruch have come down to us with the inscription: "Hune librum dedit Leofricus [etc.]/Das boc gef Leofric [etc.]" ("Leofric gave this book [etc.]"). When bis hop Leofric died in 1072, he bequeathed to rus Cathedral at Exeter "a library of no fewer than sixty-si.x manuscripts; an astonishingly large collection to have been in the hands of a single person in the eleventh century, even when that single person happened to be a bishop." (Lloyd 32) As it came to pass, the importance of Leofric rumself as bis hop in English ecclesiastical rustory is due in part to the fact that "he was one of those who helped to carry the Old English tradition through the Norman Conquest" (Barlow 6). For Lloyd, "it is abundandy clear that he was a

1 l discovcrcd sorne time after having writtcn the above that both Rowley and TIlOmpson have hit upon the same idea in their 2004 essays: "Reconsidering the marginal texts in the context of the Otherworldly joumeys of Fursa and Dryhthelm recounted by Bede, however, makes the marginal texts seem less wild." (Rowley 30) "11lere, next to Bede's account of the successful progress of Christianity in England, the scribe recorded the S %moll alld S aturll, in which the Pater Noster wins out over pagan leaming." (Thompson 64) 11le vision of Dryhthelm the Northumbrian, who retumed to life after having been dead for the space of a night, is related in E"desiastù'a/ His/ory 5.12. In CCCC41, this dIapter begins towards the very IlÙddle of ILSM, as the latter stands parallel to it in the manuscript, more precisely facing lines 19.73-4 of the present edition. CHAPTER THREE 61 man of scholarly habits, devoted to the Church of which he was such a distinguished omament, and keenly interested in any matter which touched on its history" (Lloyd 40). We have seen in Chapter One 32 that Grant once believed that the selection of marginalia in CCCC41 "was determined by a unity of interest" in "the general protection of the body and soul throughout every phase of this life and the next." Grant added (1979 26): "Solomon and Satum then falls neatly into place as the most extended and detailed lorica of that complex manuscript" This was overlooking ILSM, which he had not yet edited, and which is, 1 would argue, the super-Iorica enthroned within the whole marginalia. Grant has noted since that CCCC41 contains "the third-Iargest charm-collection in any A-S manuscript" (2003 1). Thus, ILSM and most of the singular marginalia of CCCC41 appear to be linked by a major theme. Such a programma tic mode of compilation would not be an isolated case. Brown has argued that a thematic unity presided over the choice of texts culled in the Book of Ceme; in that case the topical binder would have been meditation upon the "communio sanctorum" ("Communion of Saints") (Brown 148-51, 183-4). Prior to Brown, Robinson had remarked, while discussing the contextual purport of the metrical epilogue to the main text of CCCC41, that "medieval books often constituted composite artifacts in which each component text depended on its environment for part of its meaning." (Robinson 1980 11) Robinson detected one example of "organizational principle" at work in sorne OE manuscripts: "a strong tendency to anthologize lists" (26-7), as weil as "a shared concem \Vith time" thematically uniting sorne OE texts neighbouring each other (28). He failed, however, to see the marginalia of CCCC41 otherwise than as fortuitous additions making of the codex a "grab-bag" (28). Johnson has recently refined Grant's original idea about tllesc marginalia: "it is likely that the selection of charms, loricas, and the portion of Solomon and Saturn \Vas further detcrmined by a prevailing interest in texts which offer protection, both material and spirituaL It is in this larger context of protection that St. Michael finds his place." (Johnson 1998b 67) "[p]rotection secms to have played a role in the choice of charms and loricas for inclusion in this manuscript [ ... ] Although he is not mentioned explicitly in these charms, St. Michael's prominence in this manuscript has to do with the overall tenor of the choices the compiler made in putting this commonplace book together. Michael is the protector par exœllen,·e [... ]" (Johnson 1998b 68) As Johnson has aptly noted (1998b 69), the compiler CHAPTER THREE 62 chose to copy the part of the poetical Solomon and St/fum which is concemed with the protective powers of the Pater Noster "letter by letter." Johnson has also perceived that this concern with the magical uses of the alphabet is reminiscent of a Latin charm found elsewhere in CCCC41 and which includes the SATOR-ROTAS formula, better known as a 2 magic word-square. Thus, the Solomon and Safllm passage must join the charms and lorica!, and 1 am convinced that ILSi';! also must join them. We have seen already how Saint

Michael's protective "prygels" fits with the general the me of the marginalia: supematural apotropaic protection.

Where "supernatural apotropaic protection" possibly meets "ecclesiastical history of the English people" In the century preceding the copying of CCCC41, the English nation had had much to suffer from the depredations of the Danes. CCCC41's liturgical marginalia contains a "votive mass for divine help against the pagans" ("missa contra paganos") (Grant 1979 107; 2003 23) which is of course anachronistic at this date. Perhaps ILSM 23 was composed at a time when the fate of some English towns resembled that of Traeleg. Two details of the circumstances attending Traeleg's rescue from the heathens in ILSlv! (a fast of three days and the flaming sword of Michael) may have fed in their time a wishful desire on the part of the Anglo-Saxons to invoke the martial protection of Saint Michael himself against the Danes. Such a preponderance of spiritual measures over militalY ones is known to have occurred, and Saint Michael happens to be linked to the event. Code 7 from the laws of King Ethelred II is preserved in a Latin and an OE version. It prescribes a fast of three days before Michaelmas.3 Robertson analyzes it thus: Code VII Îs preserved in the Quadripartitus and in an Anglo-Saxon copy. In spite of differences in arrangement these point back to a common ancestor-an edict issued at Bath in a year of invasion when Michaelmas feU sometime between Thursday and

Sunday [ ... ]. The years possible, as Liebermann points out, are 992-5, 998-1000, 1004-6, 1009-11 and 1015. The absence of refercnce to the approaching end of the

world dreaded in the year 1000 [ ... ] suggests that the edict belongs to a later date,

2 This charm has been edited in Grant 1979 18.

3 See Appendi.'C 5. CHAPTER THREE 63

while the heading of the Anglo-Saxon version recaIls se tmgemetlim Imfriohere ["the

immense hostile army"] wmch began its ravages on the south and east of England in

August 1009 [ ... ]. There is no clue however to the exact date. The occasion obviously was one of great national stress owing to the attacks of the Danes, and the purpose of the edict was to enforce the observance of Christian duties and to appoint certain special days in that year for fasting and prayer. It is particularly interesting for the light it sheds on the terror inspired by the invaders, and also notable for its entire lack of reference to practical measures of defence. (Robertson 49-50) The year 1009 is considered now as the most likely date, while the differences between the Latin and OE versions are thought to be due to different local needs (Whitelock et al. 373-4). Wulfstan is pointed out as the possible author of the OE text: "The English version is in Wulfstan's style, including Scandinavian loan-words such as blinda and j;rcel favoured by him, and it sUlv1ves in a manuscript of ms writings and materials." (Whitelock et al. 374) The significance that King Ethelred II gave to Michaelmas is manifest when we compare it to the relative importance it had during the whole of the Middle Ages. Bériou (217) draws attention to the fact that, as regards thirteenth-century France, Michaelmas was not everywhere a general holiday on wmch aIl work ceased ("une fête chômée"). King Ethelred II's Code 7 reminds one of a possible context for ILSkI 23, in wmch case the homily could have functioned as an apotropaic prayer for an entire communit:y.

Heterodox homilies versus orthodox ODes "It is reasonably, if not absolutely, clear that JElfric had in mind the vemacular homiliaries when he remarked that he undertook to prepare the First Series of the CatholÙ" Homilies 'forpan pe ic geseah and gehyrde mycel gedwyld on manegum Engliscum bocum, pe ungelxrede menn purh heora bilewitnysse to micclum wisdome tealdon.'" (Gatch 8)4 Gatch has observed that "the work of h:lfric in particular, but also of Wulfstan, may legitimately be seen as a step in the direction of the more rigorous ordcring of theological materials which was a necessary prolegomenon to the work of the twelfth-century theologians." (127) Aelfric says in his homily on the Assumption: "Witodlice ge ncadiaô me pxt ic eow recce hu seo

4 "Recause 1 have seen and heard of much error in many English books, which unIeamed men, through their simplicity, have esteemed as great wisdom" (Gatch 170, who is quoting Thorpe 1: 2-3). CHAPTER THREE 64

eadige Maria, on ôisum d~gôerlicum d~ge to heofonlicere wununge genumen w~s [... ] pyl~s pe eow on hand becume seo lease gesetnys ôe purh gedwolmen wide tosawen is, and ge ponne pa gehiwedan leasunge for soôre race underfon." (Iborpe 1: 436,438)5 Aelfric denounces "ôa leasan gesetnysse, ôe hi hataô Paulus gesihôe" ("the false composition, which they cali the vision of Paul" ThOlpe 2: 332-3) in his homily on the Greater Litany, and he castigates apocryphal accounts of the Assumption in another of his homilies:

Gif we mare secgaô be ôisum symbel-d~ge ponne we on ôam halgum bocum r~daô,

pe ôurh Godes dihte gesette w~ron, ponne beo we ôam dwolmannum gelice, pe be heora agenum dihte, oôôe be swefnum, fela lease gesetnyssa awriton [... ] Sind swa

âeah gyt âa dwollican bée, ~gâer ge on Leden gc on Englisc, and hi r~daà ungerade

menn. [... ] L~te gehwa aweg âa dwollican leasunga, àe àa unw:eran to forwyrde

l~daô, and r~de gehwa, oàâe hlyste, p~re halgan lare, âe us to heofenan nce gewissaô, gifwe hi gehyran wyliaâ. (Thorpe 2: 444)6 In his homily on the Feast-Day of Holy Virgins, Aelfric condemns an unorthodox account of the intercessory powers of the Virgin which happens to have been preserved in Vercelli Homily 15 and, of ali places, the CCCC41 marginalia (see Godden 2000 660):

Sume gedwolmen cw~don p~t seo halige Maria cris tes modor. and sume oâre halgan

sceolon hergian ~fter ôam dome ôa synfullan of ôam deofle. ~lc his d~l. Ac pis gedwyld asprang of pam mannum. pe on heora fl:esclicum lustum symle licgan

woldon. and noldon mid earfoônyssum p~t ece lif geearnian; Ne hopige nan man to

ôyssere leasunge. Nele seo eadige Maria ne nan oâer halga l~dan âa fulan. and ôa

manfullan. and ôa arleasan. pe ~fre on synnum purhwunodon. and on synnum

geendodon. into âam cl:enan huse heofenan rices myrhôe. (Godden 1979 333) 7

5 "Vecly ye compel me to relate to you how the blessed Mary, on this present day was taken to the heavenly dwelling [... ]Iest the false account should come to your hand which has been widely disseminated by heretics, and ye then receive the feigned leasing [lie] for a true narrative." (IllOrpe 1: 437,439)

6 "If we say more of this feast-day than we read in the holy books that have been composed by the inspiration of God, then should we be like unto those heretics, who from their own imagination, or from dreams, have recorded many false traditions [... ] These heretical books, nevertheless, yet exist, both in Latin and in English, and ignorant men read them. [... ] Let every one cast away the hereticalleasings [lies] that lead the unwary to perdition, and let every one read, or listen to, the holy lore, which directs us to the kingdom of heaven, if we will hear it." (IllOrpe 2: 445)

7 "Sorne heretics say that the holy Mary, the mother of Christ, and some other saints are bound to ravish the sinful from the devil after the [final] Judgement; each [saint] his part [of the sinful]. But this heresy originated CHAPTER THREE 65

Gatch remarks that "the fact that lElfric and Wulfstan left no worthy successors may indicate that the reformers never completely succeeded in purifying the intellectuailife of the church." (Gatch 121) "[T]he manuscripts testify that, despite the continuing popularity of their writing, lElfric and Wulfstan did not succeed in suppressing the older tradition and that their work was not generally distinguished from that of the anonymous homilists by their contemporaries." (Gatch 123) Similarly, Tristram points out that the tendency to qualify the heterodox homilies as earlier than the orthodox ones is "mere conjecture", and that "many eleventh-century manuscripts make no distinction bet:ween the two strands and contain both heterodox and orthodox sermons." (Tris tram 1995 5n7) Certainly, Aelfric and Wulfstan's reform does fit into the general evolution summarized by Stock: An obvious consequence of the rise in generallevels of literacy was the new appeal of a systematic, reflective theology, which gradually emerged as the most cohesive intellectuai force of the eleventh century. The ideal of a higher religious culture was thereby extended beyond a small group of professionals, effectively expressing confidence in indigenous achievement but militating against the preservation of the local, the particular, and the unwriUen. (Stock 523) The impression le ft by Gatch's analysis is therefore that most Anglo-Saxons of the eleventh century were not perceptive of the endeavours of Aelfric and Wulfstan. But another explanation for the mitigating response of the Anglo-Saxon scribes of that period to Aelfric and Wulfstan's reform is perhaps that they simply did not want to forsake their cultural past so drasticaIly. As regards so marginal a text as ILSM, part of the problem is to as certain to what extent it could be used "to provide solidarity against the outside world" (Stock 90), if indeed it was anyone's purpose to use it in an overtly dissenting way. The following remarks by Stock concerning heretical texts can be read while keeping in mind the difficulties raised by ILSNI: "The text itself, whether it consisted of a few maxims or an elaborate programme, was often re-performed orally. lndeed, one of the clearest signs that a group had passed the threshold of literacy was the lack of necessity for the organizing text to be spelt out, interpreted, or reiterated. The members aIl knew what it was." (Stock 91)

from those men who would always yield to their fleshly appetites, and care not to earn eternal life with any efforts. Let no man have hope in this lie. Neither the blessed Mary, nor any other saint, willlead into the pure dwelling of the joy of the kingdom of heaven the impure, and the wicked, and the impious, who always persisted in sins, and who died in sins." CHAPTER THREE 66

It seems clear that ILSM, as the product of an undoubtedly litera te culture, does not fit the preceding pattern, since the question is left open whether it was still read as a homily to some congregation, or whether its intended readership would really have known what it was. l suggest that much of the evidence points to the scribe who copied ILSNI as one who would have been somehow distanced from it. What is not readily realized is that medieval scribes could experience at times a tremendous degree of distantiation from what they were copying.8 At the end of the Irish epic TJin Ba Cllailnge in the Book of Leinster (middle of twelfth century), the scribe adds the following postscript: "Sed ego qui scripsi hanc historiam aut uerius fabulam quibusdam fidem in hac historia aut fabula non accommodo. Quaedam enim ibi sunt praestrigia [sic] demonum, quaedam autem figmenta poetica, quaedam similia uero, quaedam non, quaedam ad delectationem stultorum." (O'Rahilly 136)9 And yet, he who wrote that comment transcribed the whole thing faithfully: about fifty folios and a half, a hundred and one pages in ail. So why did he do it? Or rather, why was he commissioned to do it? Somehow, it is possible that the answer lies in his final appreciation itself. Marianne E. Kalinke has recently argued that The Book of ReykjahOlar, a legenda1J' produced in Iceland during the 1530s on the eve of the country's adoption of Lutheranism, was a project similar in intent to Snorri Sturluson's compilation of the Prose Edda, that is, a collection of myths about to vanish and which the author gathered for preservation "not because he believed in them but because they represented a part of his culture and enabled his contemporaries - and succeeding generations - to understand better ancient texts" (Kalinke 247). Some marginal glosses made by its readers in The Book of ReykjahOlar indicate that its contents were often judged to be "heretical" from the point of view of a Protestant, or should at least be read simply as entertaining fictions (see Kalinke 79, 241). Kalinke 244 wrote: "The question remains why Bjorn Porleifsson [the author of The Book of ReyijahOlaij concentrated his literary activity on the production of sacred texts so obviously connected with the Roman church at a time when the teachings of the Reformation were beginning to take cffect in Iceland." Similarly, we may ask ourselves why the authors of CCCC41 's

8 .-\11 the more so may we expeet the readers to have been able to position themselves at a eritieal distance from the [mal product they were reading.

9 "But 1 who have written this story, or rather this fable, give no credence to the various incidents related in it. For sorne things in it are the deeeptions of demons, others poetie figments; sorne are probable, others improbable; while still others are intended for the delectation of foolish men." (O'Rahilly 272) CHAPTER THREE 67 marginalia concentrated their literary activity on the production of texts so obviously connected with the insular love of Apocrypha and out-of-the-way learning at a rime wh en standardizing influences from the Continent were taking more and more effect in England. Maybe part of their motivation was the same that Kalinke ascribes to Bjom Porleifsson: "the expression of a historian's regard for the past and a collector's search for the unfamiliar and rare" (Kalinke 246).

------0 CONCLUSION 68

CONCLUSION

W AS IN L4UDEM SANCTI MICHAËLIS AN 'ESOTERIC' TEXT?

For lack of a better word, l use the adjective "esoteric" in a sense more extended than the OED has it.! What l mean by "esoteric" with respect to lLSlvI is "affording unheard-of, out-of-the-mainstream, pedantically titillating, preciously bought, secret or forbidden knowledge about something." l believe lUi\!I was esoteric in that sense. The question remains whether its intended readership was thought of as capable of discriminating between useful or plausible knowledge on the one hand, and vapid information or heretical ideas on the other. 1 am inclined to think that the author or translator of lUM himself could not really discriminate along those lines, and that his sole concern was to salvage something unusual for posterity, as long as its general meaning did suit a certain plan which he had for most of CCCC41 's marginalia. Tristram has still today the following remark to offer about lUM: It is not only a heterodox text, but also a heretical text [... ] since it replaces God's mtues by those of the archangel. l checked the matter of orthodoxy with a professor of Catholic theology at Freiburg university (prof. Schneyer), who was one of the leading patricists in those days. He judged it very clearly as a heretical text, at least as far as Catholic teaching goes. (Tris tram 2005) As a heretical text, lUlvI fits within the following case among Russell's six major categories of medieval religious dissent: "Many medieval people, like many people today, held ignorant or chao tic views, ea'entrù' heresies that, if overtIy expressed, would have been considered unorthodox by the authorities." (Russell 1971 5) Most of the heresies from that category, in which Russell also situates occult doctrines, were the brainchilds of people who '''vere inarticulate and left no records." Hence the intrinsic importance of lUM, but also the difficulty in determining to what kind of literature it belongs. In a more recent work, Russell expresses his wish for "a continued search for new documents relative to dissent; a review of aIready-known documents with an eye to seeing new implications for dissent; a use of new conceptual approaches to an understanding of dissent" (Russell 1992 119). These are

1 See under deftnition 1: "Of philosophical doctrines, treatises, modes of speech, etc.: Designed for, or appropriate to, an inner circle of advanced or privileged disciples; communicated to, or intelligible by, the initiated exclusively." CONCLUSION 69 desiderata which we cannot ignore when dealing with IUM, whatever might be the conclusions we arrive at. Moreover, Russell's central position to the effect that "dissent and order are part of the same story" (Russell 1992 119) and that the tension between the two is creative and helps to defme truth (Russell 1992 101-02) is interesting as a lens through which we can look at the figure of Saint Michael in IUM. Of course, whatever zeal they may have instigated for their preservation, and whatever antiquarian curiosity they will keep on fueling, the heretical statements of IUM will always remain just that: plain heresy. But we have seen at length in Chapter One how we may come to a right understanding of Michael's name by contrasting a logical view of it to IUlvI's erroneous one.

A Case in Point: Nomina ange/orum barbara ("barbarous names of angels") Fortunately, there exists a case of censorship as regards angelology, spread practically aIl over Christian history, and against which both Egypt and the British Isles have been most resistant: the use of names of angels not to be found in the Bible. Chapter Two above has dealt with the unusual interest in Abaddon, the New Testament angel of death, displayed by both the Medieval Copts and LFN. In addition, the Irish seem to have been the only ones to have identified the guardian angel of their own post-Biblical nation during the Middle Ages; he is the "Victor" who plays an important role in the life of Saint Patrick. A gloss in the Irish Liber Hymnorum says of Victor: "Is e robu anam-chara do oms is é robo aingel

coitcend na riGoedel: sicut est Michel Iudeorum ita Uictor Scotorum" (Bernard and

Atkinson 1: 102).2 A list of seven archangel names, including four unconvcntional ones, is still used in

Coptic churches today: "Michael" (MIXAH/\), "Gabriel" (rABPIH/\), "Rafael" (PAAH/\),

"Souriel" (COYPIH/\), "Sedakiel" (C8~AKIH/\), "Sarathiel" (CAPA0IH/\), "Ananiel"

(ANANIH/\) (The Annual Holy Psalmody 106, \ .1). My informant, Deacon Mina Aziz, tells

me that these are the "true names", and it is a fact that this list do es not conform to any of

~ "He was his [i.e., Patrick's] sOlù-friend, and he is the common ange! of the Gae!s; sicut est 1-lichae! Iudaeonun, ita Victor Scotonun ["just as i'vIichae! is [the common angel] of the Jews, thus is Victor [the common ange!] of the Irish"]" (Bernard and I\tkinson 2: 184) .•-\notller gloss in the same work says: "Uictor .i. ange! communis Scottica: gentis sein: quia Michael ange!us Ebreica~ gentis, ita Uictor Scottonun; ideo curauit eos per Patricium" (Bernard and Atkinson 1: 98) ("Victor, that is, the common ange! of that Irish nation; because Michae! is the ange! of the I-Iebrew nation, thus Victor ris the ange!] of the Irish, therefore he took care of them through Patrick""). CONCLUSION 70 the nine lists of seven archangels in Davidson 338-9. Of course, any sincere user of a similar list in the Middle Ages would probably have made the same daim.3 However, when the eighth-century heretic Aldebert,4 with whom Saint Boniface had to deal in Frankland, was reported to use the following prayer: "Praecor vos et coniuro vos et supplico me ad vos, angelus Uriel, angelus Raguel, angelus Tubuel, angelus Michael, angelus A dinus , angelus Tubuas, angelus Sabaoc, angelus Simiel,,5 (Rau 408), the Roman synod of 745 responded: Quia octo nomma angelorum, quae in sua oratione Aldebertus invocavit, non angelorum praeterquam Michaelis, sed magis demones in sua oratione sibi ad prestandum auxilium invocavit. Nos autem, ut a vestro sancto apostolatu edocemur et divina tradit auctoritas, non plus quam trium angelorum nomina cognoscimus, id est Michael, Gabriel, Raphael. Vel siquidem istc sub obtentu angelorum, demonum nomina introduxit. (Rau 410)6 As Russell says, "[t]he most sensible explanation for Aldebert's angels is that he picked them up uncritically from contemporary liturgies and other such sources, which in

turn had equally uncritically compiled them from a tradition that confused acceptable Christian angels with disreputable gnostic ones." (Russell 1964 238) Charlemagne made the point dear again concerning the "trium angelorum nomina" in his Admonitio generalis of 789: "Omnibus. Item in eodem concilio, ut ignota angelorum nomina nec fingantur nec nominentur, nisi illos quos habemus in auctoritate, id sunt Michahel, Gabrihel, Rafahel.,,7

3 On the other hand, dus group of archangels accompanying l\Iichael matches perfectly, even in the sequence of the names, a list of six in a Coptic magical text with Gnostic ovcrtones from the second half of the tenth century, The An-hange! Mit'hael's Cantù!e: "Gabriel, Raphael, Souriel, Setekiel, Salatlllel, Anael" (rABPIHA PAct>AHA COYPIHA C8T8KIHA CMA81HA ANAHA) (Kropp 44, 45; in the Coptic text, these names are emphasized by way of a line above every single letter).

4 On Aldebert, see Russell 1964; and 1965 102-07.

5 "1 pray you and conjure you and supplicate you, angel Uriel, [etc.)"

6 "TInt tlIe eight names of angels which .i\ldebert invoked in his prayer are not, except for that of Michael, names of angels at aIl, but rather demons which he invoked in lus prayer for securing their aid. We, however, as we are clearly taught by your holy papacy and as divine authority hands it down, do not recognize more than the names of three angels, that is, l\Iichael, Gabriel, Raphael. But he, indeed, introduced the names of demons under a pretense of their being angels."

7 "For aIl. Also in tlIe same council, that strange names of angels should neitlIer be invented nor mentioned, except those which we have from authority, that is, Michael, Gabriel, Raphael." CONCLUSION 71

(Boretius 55) This was the enforcement of a canon going back to the fourth-century synod of Laoclicea, and wruch had very frequently been transgrcssed.8 It is true that at the beginning of the fifteenth century, Uriel is still invoked along with the three canonical angels in the very orthodox Libellus de tlngelis et hominibtls written at Mont-Saint-Michel (Faure 2003175-7); but then Uriel had always remained at hand in the list of archangels provided by Isidore of Seville's Erymologies (Migne PL 82 col. 273).9 The reason for this is that it figures in the apocryphal Liber quartus Esdrre: at 4.1 ("angelus [ ... ] cui nomen Urie!" "the ange! [... ] whose name is Uriel") , 5.20 and 10.28 ("Uriel angelus"). The following cases are of really uncanonical angels. Anglo-Saxonists are familiar with Saint Cuthbert's coffin (AD 698), wruch bears the names "[S]CS MICH[Aj]L", "[SeS G]ABR[1].!.EL", "RAPHAEL", "scs VRIA[EL]", "scs [R]V'm'IA[EL]", beside a couple of others which have been lost (Dickins 305; James 1910 569-70). Similarly, the lid of abbot Mellebaude's sarcophagus at Poitiers (c. AD 680-690) shows the names "Rafael" and "Raguel" (Faure 1988 37, 46). The names of Raphael, Raguel and Uriel appear on a seventh-century fragment of a paten's mould from Gémigny (Loiret) (Faure 1988 45). The Bobbio Missal (c. AD 700) invokes "ffi angelus mica el ffi angelus gabriel angelus

oriel angelus racoel angelus paracoel angelus oriel angelus rafael" (Lowe 153). An eighth-century litany from Soissons names "Michael, Gabriel, Raphael, Uriel, Raguel, and Tobiel" (Russell 1964 237). There exists a Mass of the Dead in a manuscript from Saint-Denis, added to it in a Merovingian script of the eighth century, and in wruch can be read the following prayer: "Acipi, domine, anima famili tui illi, adsistant ei angeli tui septem: Rafael estu ei sanitas, Racuel estu ei aiutur hab omnibus artefecis gabole ne timiat,

:Nlihr c lai! estu ei clepius iur s lticia, Rumiel estu ei aiutur, Saltyel esta ei protectur, Danail estu

(e)i sanitas." (Mohlberg 97)10 The ullldes RegiCl' found in the manuscript Montpellier,

S'Ille Coptic Church also knew this trend; John of ParaUos (end of sLxth century) claimed that there were only lYIichael, Gabriel and Raphael whose names were known (Lantschoot 324-25).

9 Uriel is found beside the three canonical angels in a Latin conjuration From the fifteenth century quoted in Schwab 12.

10 The spelling and grammar are decadent. De Bruyne first edited it thus: ".\cipi domine anima famili tui illi, adsistant ei angeli tui septem: rafael estu ei sanitas, raeuel estu ei aiutur hab omnibus artefeeis gabole ne timiat, rnihcail estu ei clepius iu'ticia, rurniel estu ei aiutur, saltyel esto ei proteetur, danail estu i sanitas." (156) There is a translation in Sims-\Villiams 1990286: "Aecept, Lord, the sou! of this thy servant N. May thy seven angels CONCLUSION 72

Bibliothèque de médecine 409 (c. AD 783-792) mention, along with the three canonical angels, "Orihel", "Raguhel" and "Tobihel" (Faure 1988 38n45). When such lists vanished from the continent under the pressure of censorship, the)' nevertheless remained part of a living tradition in the British Isles. A catalogue of no less than twenty-four angels appears in the Hibernian SaI/air na Rann ("Book of the Quatrains"), a Biblical paraphrase possibly written in the year 988: Gabriel, Michael, Raphael, Panache l, Babichel, Raguel, Nlirachel, Rumiel, Fafigial, Sumsagial, Sarmichiel, Sarachel, Uriel, Hermichel, Sarachel, Barachel, Lihigiel, Darachel, Segiel, Sariel, Lonachel, Arachel, Stichiel and Gallichiel (Carey 123). The Middle Irish dialogue Duan in ChOù-a/ Ces/ ("The Poem of the Fifty Questions") lists the seven archangels: "lvlùhae!. Panahe!. &tphae!. <nllé!. Sin/asllé!. Gabriél. Uin"e!' (Tris tram 1985 285), as weIl as a group of five in relation to the elements: "Urié!', "SC/rié!', "Panahé!', "&tptlel", "Mkhael" (286). A Middle Irish poem entitled "Imchl6d Aingel" ("The Turning of the Angels") allots each day bf the week to one of seven archangels, whose names: "Michél", "Raphial", "Urial", "Sanal", "Rumial", "Panuhél" and "Gabriel", have suffered from scribal corruption in some of the copies (O'Nolan 254-5). Ua Nuall:iin (92) edits a similar list from a manuscript in the RIA where the Saturday angel appears as "Panchel". An angel "Panchihel-Panchiel-Panachihel" is invoked in blessings of crops in a Durham manuscript of the ninth century Oames 1910570). An early twelfth-century text from Rochester states: "Hec sunt nomina septem archangelorum, Michael, Gabrihel, Raphael, Urihel, Barachiel, Raguhel, Pantasaron" Oames 1910571).11 Swan ton has discovered with the aid of ultra-violet light a list of invocations which had been systematically erased from a fifteenth-century manuscript, in which it once stood as a marginalia, and which names: "Oriell", "Ragwell", "Barachiell", "Pantalion", "Tubiell" and "Rachyell" (Swan ton 259). M.R. James saw a similar li st in a near-contemporary English book of devotions, now lost: "Uriel, Barachiel, Raguel, Thobiel, and, in this instance, "Pantecessor."" (Swanton 260)

stand by him. May Raphael be health to him. lvIay Racuel be a helpcr to him. From all the arts of the devil may he be unafraid. May Ivlichael be a shield of justice to him. May Rumiel be a helper to him. May Saltyel be a protector to him. May Danai! be health to him."

Il See also the names of angels in the orison from the Book of Cerlle quoted on page 37 above. CONCLUSION 73

In short, nomina angelomm barbara regularly appear in late antiquity on magical papyri, tablets and amulets of ]ewish, Christian and Pagan provenance.12 Then, we notice over the whole of Europe a steady dip in their occurrence, reaching a nadir about the year 1000, followed by a recrudescence as we proceed towards the Renaissance. An early sixteenth century English translation of the magical work called the Liber illratus openly sports illustrations of angels bearing such names as: Samahel, Satyhel, Yturahyhel, Amabyhel, Raphael, Cashael, Dardyhel, Haurathaphel, Hanahel, Raquyel, Salguyel (Sophie Page 46-7).13 At such a late date as the end of the Middle Ages, the adjective "unorthodox" should perhaps cede its place to "esoteric" when qualifying the se lists of unapproved angels. In a like fashion, it may be argued that if ILSM had been preserved in a Latin garb within a Renaissance manuscript instead of within an eleventh-century OE one, its strange statements concerning Saint Michael would have been labelled "esoteric". In fact, on page 326 of CCCC41 itself "we have the names of Fandorohel, Sanicl (bad angels), and Dormiel (a good angel), mentioned in charms" crames 1910 571; see 1909 84 for the whole texts of the charms).14 Interestingly, there is an angel Dormiel in the ]ewish work Ozar lvlidmshim (Davidson 97),15 and an angel Doremiel from the sixteenth-century Hepttlmeron, sm elementa magÙ"a by Peter de Abano (Davidson 97), so that we may again wonder whence the compiler of CCCC41's marginalia got some of his materials. As regards nomina ange/omm barbara, Rouche 551-4 and Arnold 319-24 have only considered one half of the problem, interpreting their decrease in the West in relation to the growth of the cult of Saint Michael as the angel par excellence. They ignore - understandably, since it is outside the scope of their analyses - the meaning of the resurgence of nomina angelomm barbara in the later Middle Ages as a symptom of dwindling Catholic authority .

• 2 See .\rnold 40-1; Stuckenbruck 194-u; Fauth throughout; Meyer and Smith throughout; and for examples drawn from severallvIiddle Eastern cultures at various epochs: Budgc 197843,180,203,228,277-8,298,375.

13 Arnold 172 fumishes one Graeco-Sicilian example from the late fifteenth or si:'!:teenth century which invokes the archangels "Meer, Sisthiel, Bitheem, Gabriel, Uriel, Raphael and ;\Iichael".

14 Johnson 1998b u8, with the aid of Timothy Graham, brings evidcnce that what James read as "Sanielem" in CCCC41 is in fact "Lanielum".

15 See Eisenstein, whose two volumes, unfortunately, contain no English translations. CONCLUSION 74

It must be borne in mind that, as a heretical text on Saint Michael, ILSM stands as an anomaly during the very height of a long-lived and univers al censorship related to the question of angel worship.

Esoterica as a substitute to poetry Several motives may have concurred to preserve ILSM. For one thing it is a fact that, apart from verse 178 of the Menologium (Dobbie 54), the very name of the prince of angels is notoriously absent from the corpus of OE poetry. It has been for some an astonishing experience not to discover him within the poems where one expects him most: Genesis A and B, Christ and Satan, The Desœnt into Hell, the tripartite Chri.rt, flldgment Dt!) 1 and 2, SOIlI and Boc!Y 1 and 2. 16 It has been underlined by others apart From myself how ILSlvI as a genre stands between poetry and prose. Could one of its possible functions have been to furnish the emotions that an epic about Saint Michael would have raised? It is to be hoped that further research will elucidate this question as well as the many others which ILSAtJ has generated since its discovery. At least, the present work has attempted to darify its problematical readings by means of a new edition and translation, and to offer some dues as to the reason for its conservation in the fust place by presenting it alongside its known analogues and situating it in the context of Anglo-Saxon England in the decades prior to 1066. l suggest that as an extraordinary text salvaged from the past for the use of eleventh-century readers of the English vemacular, ILSlvI should make an appeal to the twenty-fust-century medievalist's concem over the production, diffusion and effects of meaning rather than frustrate an)' concern over sources which, in this case, seem. to be irrecoverably lost.

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16 See Johnson 1998a 188-9. Johnson offers two contradictory hypotheses: lVIichael is too complex a character to depaint; lVIichael is a stock character. APPENDIX ONE 75

ApPENDIX 1

THE OLD ENGLISH HOMILY IN LAUDEM SANCTI MICHAËLIS

Prefatory Note

In this eclition of ILSM, 1 have chosen to retain the manuscript form of the rune 11!)'nn

("p") instead of transmogrifying it into a dOl/ble Il ("w"); the argumentation for such a choice is set forth in Rumble 42. The Anglo-Saxons supplemented the Roman alphabet with letters from their ancient runic one in much the same way that the Copts added characters from the Egyptian demotic script to the Greek alphabet to meet new needs, and the failure to fully recognize the ingenuity of the former reminds one, in reverse, of the attitude of the early French missionaries in New France, who would rather employ an incongruous symbol ("8")

than allow the Protestant-Iooking dOllble Il to be put into use for writing down Amerinclian words, thus preferring "8ananiche" to "wananiche". Due to Anglo-Saxon influence, OE , 11!)'nn was used in some Old High German documents, under various shapes (" j>" or" t>")

(Bischoff 95), and for the same reason, it also found its way in Old Cornish, under its regular

bookhand form (pryce 14). Conversely, instead of 11!)'nn, "u", CCv" and "uu" were used in Early OE. Scribal choices between clifferent letters should be faithfully reproduced in a printed text,l or else, let us be consistent and drop thorn and crossed d as well, replacing both

of them by "th". Given the present state of word processing, the rejection of JJ:')'nn may reflect either prejucliced aesthetical notions or blind habit, but certainly not any logical planning.2 1 also am of the opinion that lower-case crossed d ("d") should not be of a shape typographically clifferent from lower-case uncrossed d. The original text of ILSN! profits by being read aloud in order to ascertain its incantatory or poetical effects. With a view to facilitate the task of less experienced readers of

1 Note that l am not considering choice between different shapes of a same letter here, but between altogether different letters, coming from different alphabets.

2 It is as an ex-printer who has been concemed with the problem of "specialletters" for a quarter of a century that l address this question. But see :Mitchell and Irvine 1-30 for a similar fight conducted this tÏme over the punctuation of OE poetry by one of the leading Anglo-Saxonists of our tÏme, who does not refrain from exclaiming: "Perhaps we are mad" (Mitchell and Irvine 5), before wishing that such madness could spread. APPENDIX ONE 76

3 OE, palatalization of " and g as well as vowel length are therefore indicated throughout. However, vowellengthenings occurring in late OE before sorne consonant clusters are not noted, since it is unsure whether ng (as in "engel", a fairly common word in fLSN!) was one of those clusters.4 As regards compound words in this edition, their parts are separated by a hyphen for the sake of clarity, except in the case of the words "fra:ten", "fultum", "hittéop",

"pildéor", which seem to have been no longer easily analyzed by the Anglo-Saxon speakers themselves as "for-reten", "full-téam", "hid-péop" and "pild-déor".5

, In doing this, one could object that, this rime, it is 1 who is not respecting the manuscript tradition. But "è" and "is" are not supemumerary letters; they are common letters plus a diacritical mark over them (as a Francophone daily apt to use "a, à, â, e, è, é, ê, ë, i, î, ï, 0, Ô, u, ù, û, ü", 1 should know this very well). In an edited text, diacritics are modem devices just as are expanded contractions, capitalization, quotation marks, punctuation, word and paragraph division, and there is no need to do away with them.

4 1 print "enger' rather than "engel", as sorne Anglo-Saxonists do, on the basis of Orm's spelling "enn3ell" (c. AD 1200), where his phone tic symbol "3" unambiguously transcribes a velar.

5 111e same can be said of "hlaford" < "hlaf-peard" as well as of - to a greater extant - "bûtan" < "be-ûtan", "hpilè" < "hpa-Ik", "nymde" < "ne-emne-de", "spilce" < "spa-lice". "Féoper(-)ti" also belongs to that class. Compound words and proper nouns of Latin, Greek or Hebrew origin in ILS Mare never hyphenated, even in the case of those (Bene(-)dkete, Anta(-)crist) which could be analFed in sorne way by leamed Anglo-Saxons. Following the same logic, the pronunciation of aH foreign words is presumed to be anglo-saxonized. APPENDIX ONE 77

{ l } Men da léofestan, us is t6 pordïanne and t6 méérsïanne séo

ge-mind pc:es halgan héah-engles Sancte Michaëles sé pc:es pundor-lië

éérend-raca dc:es c:el-mihtigan Dryhtenes. Éac spilëe nu t6-dc:ege pam

ge-trfpum folce hé pc:es in-Ifhted and ge-birhted.

5 {2} For don donne, men da léofestan, blissïon pé and ge-féon in

pisne simbel-nisse dc:eg pc:es halgan héah-engles Sancte Michaëles sé is

on hefenum ge-cpeden: «Spa spa God sylfa age.» Ce-hyron pé for pon

sinder-Ifëe. Drihtnes* hé is efen-rfxïende. Hé is spfde mihtig pam

héah-englum pa standad dc:eges and nihtes be-foran prym-setle

10 Dryhtnes; sé is eallra haligra fultum and hé is reëëend eallra haligra

saula and hé is nergende Godes folces and hé is strong on ge-feohte pid

dane miëlan drocan. Spa hit sagad hér on Pocalipsis péére béë. Blissïon

pé on heofonas and on da pe on heofnum sint, for don de Sanctus

Michaël hé is strong feohtend pid pone miëlan dracan, pc:et is donne pid

15 dam a-pyrgedum gééstum. On pisne héah-engel pé sculon ge-IYfan and

biddan us on fultom on éége-hpilëere* fréëen-nesse pam crfstenum folce.

{ 3 } Dis is sé halga héah-engel Sanctus Michaël sé pc:es and-fengo

Âbeles saule pc:es éérestan martires done his br6dor Caïn for c:efstum

of-sI6h.

20 {4} Dis is sé halga héah-engel Sanctus Michaël sé is hc:eleda

healdend and Dryhtne fultummendum hira feorh hé ge-nerede, pc:et pc:es

ponne Noë and his suna pry and hira féoper pif in pam miëelan fl6de.

8 .-\ space ofha1f a margina1line following Drihtllcs has been1eft b1ank after scriba1 correction. 16 The ·c- of œgc- is svarabhaktic. APPENDIX ONE 78

{ 5 } Dis is sé halga héah-engel Sancte Michaël pëeS ge-mynd' pé*

nu t6-dëege, sé pëeS Abrahames an-Iysend pëeS héah-fëederes ofer Caldëa

2S péode cumende fultumendum, and hé pëeS lattéop pam drym

héah-fëederum, Abrahame and fsace and lac6be, purh da ëel-dydigan land

and da un-cudan pegas; hé pëeS him simle on-peard fultum on

ëég-hpilëere fréëyd-nesse.

{ 6 } pis is sé halga héah-engel Sancte Michaël sé pëeS férende on

30 Éastron purh Israëla hus and Egypta frum-bearn hé of-sl6h and Israëla

bearn hé ge-frydode.

{ 7 } pis is sé halga héah-engel Sancte Michaël sé de Drihtne

fultummendum pëet crfstene folc mid his ge-scyl-nisse* in pam péstene

féopertf pintra hé hit ferede and fédde.

3S {8 } Dis is sé héilga héah-engel Sancte Michaël sé ge-sige-fëested

st6d be-foran canoniëa cinne and purh lobes handa Pëet Israëli{t}a foie

he ge-lëédde t6 pam ge-hat-Iande Pëet is fl6pende hun{e and meolce.

{ 9 } pis is sé halga héah-engel Sancte Michaël and sé ëepela

fore-stihtend in pëéra crëeftena handa pe Salam6nes templ timbredon.

23 pœs ge-mynd' pé [< ge-myndi' pel "whom we commemorate," following a conjecture by Tristram 266. See Sievers §360n3. Grant inserts poraïap "[we] honour" after to-dœge (56,66), takingge-mynd as a substantive ("memory").

33 As in !TIS., which has not 3ery/lIisse as Grant 66 tnisprints it in his critical apparatus.

36 Ms.: lf)1aeLlca Tristram: israelita; Grant: lsrae/ha. 111e ethnic name lsraèlitas is unattested elsewhere in OE, but native oblique cases from Latin J.rmaèlita do exist in the plural, as do the derivative lsra(h)elitiu beside lsma(h)clitise. In order to retain israeliea, one would have - in addition to dealing with the declensional confusion betwcen final a and e - to posttùate an unlikely adjective * lsraéïit' < * lsraëï-/ù' showing the loss of double consonant as seen in cngelù: < engel-lié, or odlerwise to suppose that the scribe forgot ta write part of the digraph u in the reguIar adjectival ending for this kind ofword (-ise). APPENDIX ONE 79

40 {1 0 } ~is is sé halga héah-engel Sancte Michaël sé péES strong

scyldend pam prym cnihtum pa pëéron sende in ofen birnendes tires and

hé pa him bi-stod sé engel and snitera gast hé dihtode in hira mud PéEt

péES ponne sé halga Benedlëete.

{ 11 } ~is is sé halga héah-engel Sancte Michaël and sé éEpela

45 scyldend pid déofles spipor-nesse spa sé pltega séEgde PéEt PéEt déofol

pohte PéEt hé sceolde* ge-lëéran PéEt folc PéEt hl pordodon Moyses

lIè-haman for God for his féEger-nesse. fla cpéEd him to sé halga engel:

«Iè dé béode mid mines Drihtnes porde PéEt du péEge prlst-nesse ne

ge-do PéEt du his foie ne ge-scildige.»

50 {1 2 } ~is is sé halga héah-engel Sancte Michaël sé de a on-peard

fultum purh-punode and Drihtnes pltigan mid him in ëég-hpilëere stope.

{ 13 } ~is is sé halga héah-engel Sancte Michaël pam Dryhten

be-féEste Sancta Marïan saule éEfter hire ford-fore and Hé hl him be-béad.

{ 14 } ~is is sé halga héah-engel Sancte Michaël sé de onra

55 ge-hpilces sod-féEstes mannes saule ge-lëéded purh pa gatu péES éèan

lifes to hefena r1ëe.

{ 1 5 } ~is is sé halga héah-engel Sancte Michaël sé de anra

ge-hpilces haliges mannes béne ge-lëéted in Dryhtnes ge-syde and Hé his

hlredes ge-pyrht mid frofre Hé him eft to-for-lëéted. *

46 As in ms. Tristram misprints: scolde, but records the right spelling in her glossary (406). 59 tdjor-Mtd, following Grant 60. Tristram edits: he hi!!L eft to [= to him]forla'teo (157). But see 1vlitchell 1978 §§29, 31, 32, 38, 43, 48-52. For another uncommon compound verb with -fœ/ail, cf. ge-rum -Itétea at line 125. APPENDIX ONE 80

60 {16} pis is sé halga héah-engel Sanctus Michaël and sé snotora

dihtend déér{a} cyne-Ieëra husa and hé is sé ge-tréopa hierde déére

halgan heofon-licon ceastre.

{ 1 7 } pis is sé halga héah-engel Sanctus Michaël and sé gléapa

lo{n}d-bi-gena déES cyne-lican pfn-gerdes sé de disne ge-tréopne ge-déd

65 and pa berïan hé ge-samnad and da pi{n}estran hé ut a-pirpd and dane

péEstm péES godan pfn-gerdes hé a-gifed his hlaforde. HpéEt sindon pa

beorgas de hé péér samnad? PéEt sindon haligra manna and s6d-féEstra

saula.

{ 1 8 } pis is sé halga héah-engel Sanctus Michaël sé goda hirde

70 déES dryhten-lican éopdes sé de ne lééted pulf ne déof n'ane-puht*

ge-pirdan on his hlafordes heorde.

{ 1 9 } pis is sé halga héah-engel Sanctus Michaël and sé

ge-sund-fulla sapend Crfstes éEcera and sé péEs{tm}-berenda riftere dééra

hpftra déod-Ianda sé his hlafordes bernas ge-felled mid py cléénestan

61 Ms.: oœpe Tristram & Grant: iJœre. The Ms. shows initially the same mistake at line 42 but

scribe 1 corrected it in that first instance: pœ r ~. This second instance is from scribe 2 . • 64 Ms.: 3Leapa Lo&bl3ena Tristram: g/cawamod ("weise" "wise") bigcna ("Besteller" "cultivator"); Grant: 3leapa londbi3cn3a. See note for line 91.

65 Ms.: plLef1'pan Tristram: wincstran; Grant: pirrcstall ("corrupt ones").

70 11Ie -e- of n 'dnc- is svarabhaktic.

73 Ms.: pœrm1'be pe n &a Tristram: wœstmbercnda; Grant: pœstmbercnda. APPENDIX ONE 81

75 hp~te and da egelan and da ful-nesse ut a-porped, nymde dëet sindon da

sod-fëestan de hé a-scad~t* fram dam sin-fullum saulum.

{ 20 } I:>is is sé halga héah-engel Sanctus Michaël and sé ge-tréopa

péop pane Dryhten ge-sette ofer ealne hfp-scipe Pëet hé him mete sealde

on da rihtan tfd. Hpëet is sé mete, nymde dëet hé sceal on domes-dëege

80 anra ge-hpelëum men his d~da ed-Iéan for-gildan?

{ 21 } I:>is is sé halga héah-engel Sanctus Michaël and Pëet beorhte

tungel péEt bid a-scfnende déEges and nihtes on hefonum be-tpexh da{m}

g~ste-liëum tunglum be-foran dam god-cundan Cyninge.

{ 22 } I:>is is sé halga héah-engel Sanctus Michaël and sé ëedela

85 nopend and sé gléapa frum-Ifda and sé panc-pirdesta stfgend sé de his

scip ge-felled and mid heofon-liëum pëelum hit ge-fylled, Pëet is donne

mid pam halgum saulum, and mid py prygelse d~re god-cundan

ge-fill-nesse ofer PéES s~s yde hé hit ge-I~ded, péEt is danne ofer disses

middan-geardes fréëen-nesse, and pa halegan saula ge-I~ded té p~re

90 yde déES heofon-cundan Iffes.

{ 23 } I:>is is sé halga héah-engel Sanctus Michaël sé de com on

fultum pam crystenon spa hit séEgd in Âctum Apostolorum pëet on

sumere ëeastere* d~re nama péES TréEleg and ~g-hpelëe géare h~den

here a-yddon da ëeaster-pare. fla ge-cp~don da ëeaster-pare him

76 Ms.: arca&œT Tristram: ascadœt where -œf = -ep (Tristram 275); Grant: ascadœf without commentary. Probably \Vest Saxon a-Setét and Anglian a-scadep have been rolled into one. See Trudgill 62-3 for the concept of interrualect fOrills.

82 Ms.: ôa Tristram & Grant: oam. Assuming that the scribe forgot to write the abbreviating tilde here as weil as for héahstal1 at line 116 renders probable that he did so Iikewise for IOlld-bi-gella at line 70. 93 As in ms. Tristram misprints: aastre, but records the right spelling in her glossary (366). APPENDIX ONE 82

95 be-tpéonum dréora daga fiEsten and pa piEt fiEsten ge-endod piES da

cam him ta Sanctus Michaël and hé piES ta ge-feohte gearu; da stad hé

ofer diES ëeasteres buru-gate and hiEfde him IIgen speord on handa and

hé a-flfmde da el-déodigan sana piEt hl flugon on ader déod-Iand and hl

n'éÉfre ma déÉr od-éopdon.

100 {24} pis is sé halga héah-engel Sanctus Michaël and sé myëila

mund-bora sé nu ta-diEg his stape iEt-ypde on eordan piEt men sceolden

hl déÉre diEg-hpam-lIëe Dryhten peordïan.

{ 25 } pis is sé halga héah-engel Sanctus Michaël sé de éÉr pisse

porulde ende of-slihd pone ealdan féond piEt is sé miëla draca sé de iEt

105 frymde middan-gardes ge-sceapen piES ta dam beorhtestan engle ac hé

selfa hit for-porhte mid dl hé cpiEd: «Ië hebbe min héah-setl ta nord-déÉle

and ië béo ge-lIë pam héahsta{n} Cyninge.» And pa ge-féol hé and

ge-hréas mid his perode on nipul-nesse grund, efene sé illca Antacrist sé

éÉr disse porlde ende cymed on disne middan-geard ta dam piEt sceal

110 ge-samnïan da de his sindon; panne cymed Sanctus Michaël and hine

of-slihd for don de hé hit éÉfre ge-dahte piEt hé scolde ge-Ifë béon dan

héahstan Cyninge.

{ 26 } pis is sé halga héah-engel Sanctus Mihaël sé de on pam

néahstan diEge porulde ende and iEt pam eges-fullan dame hé donne da

115 déadan a-peëed mid Dryhtenes héÉse; beoruhtere stefene hé clipad and

pus cpid: «Surgite! Surgite! A-rfsad! A-rlsad!» And ponne a-rlsad ealle da

107 Ms.: heahfTa Tristram&Grantheahstan. APPENDIX ONE 83

déadan de eorde for-spealg odde séé be-scente odde ffr for-bëernde odde

pildéor a-biton odde fuglas on lande ta-bééren odde pirmas on eordan

frééten.

120 {27} ~is is sé halga héah-engel Sanctus Mihaël sé de da gadan ta

IIfe ge-Iadad and ge-lééded and pa yfelan on déad be-scented and ponne

pa halgan saula ta heofona rfte hé ge-lééded and pa géomrïendan hé

blisad and pa pan-halan hé ge-Iacnad and pa el-déodegan hé a-fréfred

and pam pinnendum hé rëeste for-gifd, lëernerum ge-féan hé on-tyned

125 and pam léérrendum on-git hé ge-rum-lééted. *

{ 28 } Uton ponne nu, men da léofestan, biddan pé pone halgan

héah-engel Sanctus Mihaël Pëet ura saula sfe an-fenge and hf ge-lééde on

heofon-cund rfëe ta pam Dryhtene de lifad and rfxad mid Fëeder and mid

Suna and mid pam Halgan Caste in ealra porla porld a butan ende.

130 Amen.

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125 .Ms.: he 3epÜ LœTeCl 1 follow Grant (64,77), who surrruses a verbge·nÎm·/œ/all, meaning "to widen," "to extend." For another compound verb in which the modifying element is a substantive, cf. gc·sigcjœstcd at line 35, and for another uncommon compound verb with -ffi/an, cf. tâjor-/œteil (line 59). Tristram edits: he gerufL [= gearpe] fœteo (161), and translates geru{: "bereitwillig" "readily" (206). APPENDIX ONE 84

{ 1 } Most beloved people, it behoves us to honour and to celebrate the memory of the holy archangel Saint Michael, who was the marvellous messenger of the almighty Lord. Moreover, he was on this very day proclaimed and glorified for the faithful people. { 2 } Therefore, most beloved people, let us rejoice and exult on this day of the feast of the holy archangel Saint Michael, who is called in heaven: "As God Himself governs." Consequently, let us listen especially. He reigns together with the Lord. He is extremely powerful among the archangels who stand day and night before the Lord's throne; he is the support of all saints, and he is the leader of all holy souls, and he is the saviour of God's people, and he is mighty in the fight against the great dragon. So it says here in the Book of Revelation. Let us rejoice in harmony with heaven and with those who are in heaven, for Saint Michael, he is a mighty warnor against the great dragon, that is to say, therefore, against the accursed spirits. We must believe in this archangel and pray to him for help at the rime of any danger regarding the Christian people. { 3 } This is the holy archangel Saint Michael who was the one who received the soul of Abel the first martyr whom his brother Cain killed out of env)'. { 4 } This is the holy archangel Saint Michael who is the heroes' guardian; and, the Lord helping, he saved their lives, that is to say, then, Noah and his three sons and their four wives during the great flood. { 5 } This is the holy archangel Saint Michael whom we commemora te on this very day, who was the liberator of Abraham the patriarch who was departing with his supporters beyond the country of the Chaldeans, and he was a guide for the three patriarchs Abraham and Isaac and Jacob across the exotic lands and the unexplored roads; he continually was to them a ready help at the rime of each and every danger. { 6 } This is the holy archangel Saint Michael who was going through the houses of the Israelites during the Passover; and he killed the fust-borns of the Egyptians, and he protected the children of the Israelites. { 7 } This is the holy archangel Saint Michael who, the Lord helping, led and fed the Christian people forry years in the desert with bis protection. { 8 } This is the holy archangel Saint Michael who, strong in his victot)" stood before the canons' lineage, and through Job's hands he led the people of the Israelites toward the Promised Land which is flowing with milk and honey. APPENDIX ONE 85

{ 9 } This is the holy archangel Saint Michael and the outstanding arcrutect at work within the hands of the craftsmen who built the Temple of Solomon. { 10 } This is the holy archangel Saint Michael who was a mighty protector for the three young men who were sent into the fiery furnace. And then he, the angel, surrounded them and, an intelligent spirit, he indited in their mouths that wruch was therefore the holy Benedicite. { 11 } This is the holy archange1 Saint Michael and the noble protector against the Devil's insidiousness, just as the wise man said, that the Devil thought that he would incite the people to worsrup Moses's corpse instead of God on account of its beauty. Then the holy angel said to him: "1 command you, by order of my Lord, not to commit this effrontel)', in order that you make not His people guilty." { 12 } Trus is the holy archangel Saint Michael who remained unceasingly as an available help close by the Lord's prophets everywhere. { 13 } Trus is the holy archangel Saint Michael to whom the Lord committed Saint Mary's soul after her decease, and He entrusted her to rum. { 14 } This is the holy archangel Saint Michael who leads the soul of each and every just man through the gates of the eternallife to the kingdom of heaven. { 15 } This is the holy archangel Saint Michael who delivers the prayer of each and every holy man in the company of the Lord, and He afterward acquits him with pleasure from the punishment deserved by rus family. { 16 } This is the holy archangel Saint Michael and the wise govemor of the kingly houses; and he is the trustworthy guardian of the holy celestial city. { 17 } Trus is the holy archangel Saint Michael and the skillful cultivator of the kingly vineyard, he who keeps it in a state of faithfulness; and he gathers the berries, and he throws out those wruch are on the left, and he returns to rus mas ter the fruit of the good vineyard. What are the heaps wruch he gathers there? They are the souls of the holy and just men. { 18 } This is the holy archangcl Saint Michael, the good shephcrd of the flock belonging to the Lord, he who does not let by no me ans any wolf nor thief injure rus master's flock. { 19 } Trus is the holy archangel Saint Michael and the prosperous sower of Christ's fields, and the productive reaper of the fair regions, who fills up rus master's barns with the APPENDIX ONE 86

purest wheat, and he throws out the grain's awns and the waste, except that they are the just souls which he separates from the guilty ones. { 20 } This is the holy archangel Saint NIichael and the loyal servant whom the Lord appointed over aIl His household, in order that he should give food to it at the proper rime. What is the food, unless it be that he shall pay back to each and every man his deeds' reward on doomsday? { 21 } This is the holy archangel Saint Michael and the bright star which is shining day and night in heaven among the spiritual stars before the divine King. {22 } This is the holy archangel Saint Michael and the illustrious mariner and the skillful shipmaster and the seafarer most worthy of gratitude, he who fills up his ship and fùls it with the pure dead, that is to say, therefore, with the holy sOuls; and by means of the mantle of divine plenitude he leads it beyond the sea's sweIls, that is to say, therefore, beyond this world's dangers, and he leads the holy souls to the celestiallife's ocean. {23 } This is the holy archangel Saint Michael who came to the Christians' help, as it says in the Acts of the Apostles, that each year a pagan army was harrying the population in some town whose name was Traeleg. Then the citizens agreed among themselves to observe a fast of three days, and when the fast was ended, then Saint Michael came to them, and he was ready for the fight. Then he stood above the fortified town-gate, and he had a flaming sword in his hand, and he put the barbarians to flight straightaway, so that they fled to another region and nevermore showed themselves there. { 24 } This is the holy archangel Saint Michael and the great protector who revealed on this very day his holy place on earth in order that men should be bound to daily worship the Lord there. { 25 } This is the holy archangel Saint Michael who, before the end of this world, will strike down the ancient adversary who is the great dragon who, at the origin of the world, was created as the most resplendent angel; but he himself forfeited this privilege when he declared: "1 will raise my throne in the north and l will be like unto the Most High King." And thcn hc fcH, and hc sank with his lcgion into the b( >ttom of the abyss: cxactly the same Antichrist who, before the end of this world, will come on this Earth with the intention of gathering those who are his. Then Saint Michael will come and strike him down, because he ever thought that he should be like unto the Most High King. APPENDIX ONE 87

{ 26 } This is the holy archangel Saint Michael who, on the last day of the world's ending and at the terrible judgrnent, will then awaken the dead with the command of the Lord; with a clear voice he will cali out and say thus: "Surgite! Surgite! Arise! Arise!" And then will arise ali the dead whom the ground swaliowed up, or else whom the sea submerged, or else whom the fire consumed, or else whom the beasts of prey tore to pieces, or else whom the birds may have scattered upon the earth, or else whom the worms may have devoured \vithin the ground. { 27 } This is the holy archangel Saint 1tIichael who will invite and lead the virtuous to life, and cause the wicked to be engulfed in death; and then he willlead the holy souls to the kingdom of heaven, and he will gladden those who mourn, and he will heal the sickly, and he will comfort the pilgrims, and he will grant rest to those who toil; for those who study he will disclose joy and for those who teach he will carry their understanding farther and farther. { 28 } Therefore, most beloved people, let us pray now the holy archangel Saint 1tIichael in order that he be the one who receives our sOuls and that he may lead them into the celestial kingdom to the Lord who lives and reigns with the Pather and \vith the Son and with the Holy Ghost for ali eternity. Amen .

.------<) APPENDIX TWO 88

ApPENDIX 2

THE LIBER FLA vus FERGUSIORUM TRACT ON SAINT MICHAEL

Prefatory Note l consider myself privileged to have had a direct acccss to Lr-'F. Nothing compares with the real manuscript, on which, depending on the angle you look at it, you can sec nuances and delicate lines which are lost in reproduction - it is a three-dimensional artifact after aIl. That being said, l have to make clear that l am no specialist in the Irish language, wh ether Old, Middle, or Modem. l just did what l felt 1 had to do under the circumstanccs, and l assume aIl the risks. As regards this edition and translation of U1--T, cime will tell where l erred and where l did not. In the meantime, neither Dr. Anthony Harvey nor Dr. Charles D. Wright should be held responsible for its shortcomings. Folios 1v and 34v from the Liber FIt/VilS Fer;gllsiomm are reproduced between pp. 88 and 89 of the present work.

APPENDIX TWO 89

Is é Michel ro-hairmitneadh a nnimh ocus a talmain o-n ëen Dia,

Athair uile-comhachtach.

Is é Michel ro-cométh, d'foirithin, Habraham ocus Isacc ocus lacob

o Dia.

5 Is é Michel do-r-anacht maccu n-Israelitigh as a daire Egiptaigh far

Abadon ocus far fennedh do acht ar tus Egibhti 0 dheich plaghuibh.

Is é Michel tuc popul Dé dar Muir Rabhuir, ed on, co cosuib tirma.

Is é Michel rO-SiEr maccu n-Israel fri ré cethrachat mblladhan ocus

foirid farum 0 gorta ocus 0 taim ocus 0 fuacht no co riacht a dul co tfre

10 géri, ocus at-berad aroile comhadh tria Michel do-Iobrad Dia fri ha

chomha.

Is tria Michel ro-marbh Dia tuath fbut.

ro-hairmitneadha with ungrammatical final-a expunctuated ( ~). Folio Iva: o-n œn written in full.

5 do-r-anacht; see under the verb aillgid in DIL. See also Chapter Two SOn8 above. maccu n-Israelitigh has an incorrect nasalisation, as does maccu n-Israel at line 8 below.

6 acht; see under the verb aigid in DIL.

7 Folio Iva: tug pobul written in full.

& cethrachat, or da fhichet 'of two score', the alterna te nwneral for expressing '40'. l.Is.: • Xt.

9 foirid farum;or foiridin rUC'broughtrelief?Ms.: j!Jbl{?}pU

riacht; see under the verb ro-saig in DIL.

a dul; the nasalisation is unwritten, as in a daire at linc 5. Ms.: ar 10 Folio Iva: Michel do-Iobrad written in full; Dia clearly. 12ff. Is tria Michel; after folio Iva.

12 Folio Iva: ro-marbh written in full. Ms.: po fi) b

tuath [bul; Dr. Wright suggests that this might be an error for tuath fdul ("the nation of the idolators"), "referring either to the idolators of Ex. 32 [... ] or to one of the gentile tribes destroyed by the Israelites." (Wright 2005) APPENDIX TWO 90

Is tria Michel do-Iobrad Dia fri a in-aisi ocus do beith rath m6rdo

ar gach ni da slraide. Do-geibedh ris gaich neth do-bail léned na faidhe

15 tar a n-éisi.

Is tria Michel do-thaifes d6ibh {? .. ?} {?eil?} fa féil {?acmac?} {? ...

?} n-a ndiaidh, uair is é Michel {? ... ?} ecailsi chraidi aesa tri raighuibh.

Is tria Michel do-foillsigeadh eis-éirghi Meic Dé marbuibh.

Is tria Michel do-rigneadh Abcolipsi. Finid.

<)------<)

13 Folio Iva: do-Iobrad written in full; Dia clearly. in-âisi 'fit to be a people', is unrecorded in DIL; see under 3 in-, formation (a). Here, the substantive is in the genitive case after the prefi..x, as in .Modem Irish. 14 neth for nech; see Dottin §12.

16 do-thaifes clearly written. 1 take it to be a variant of do-thaebhes. Dr. Wright tells me: "After "do-thaifes d6ibh" 1 thought 1 could read another capitalized "IS"." (Wright 2005) My own notes taken at the RIA sayat this particular place: "illegible - p-h a 3", although 1 transcribed the corresponding passage on folio Iva: "ISI". See next. Folio Iva seems to have another reading at this point: {?Is i afea?} fa féil eigmach {? ... ?} maisa {?mig?} '{? ... ?} at the feast-day crying out {? ... ?} comeliness {?.?}'?

17 Folio Iva: uair written in ftùl. TIle reading of folio Iva seems different at this point: Cristi ac fead-brabaib 'of Christ among supremacies of honour'?

ecailsi; ms.: f] Q1LrJ TIIe abbreviation f] for ec (on the basis of f] = Latin heu) is attested elsewhere in LFF. 1 take ecailsi to be the verbal of necessity or the past participle of as-g/einn. Or is ecailsi 'the Church'?

18 Folio Iva: do-foillsigeadh clearly. Folio Iva: marbaib.

19 do-rigneadh; after folio Iva: do-rinneadh. Ms.: 00 il l3 {-?}

Folio Iva: Apcolibsi.

Finid; written in ftùl many cimes throughout LFF. Ms.: /p/l/ On folio Iva, the close of the St.

Michael tract is indicated by: 0 0 0 APPENDIX TWO 91

It is Michael who was honoured in heaven and on earth by the one God, the Father almighty. It is Nlichacl who watched over Abraham and Isaac and Jacob on God's behalf, in order to give them assistance. It is Michael who saved the sons of Israel from their Egyptian captivity, after Abaddon and his flaying had ftrst impelled the Egyptians ,vith the ten plagues. It is Michael who brought the people of God across the Red Sea, that is, dry-footed. It is Michael who saved the sons of Israel during a period of forty years and then relieved them from hunger, disease and cold, until their going to harsh lands came to an end, and until God ordered another guardianship through Michael which He uttered under His terms. It is through Michael that God slew the nation of the Jews. It is through Michael that God was speaking to those worthy of being His people, that there should be a great bestowal with regard to everything which is good and etemal. He will receive the tidings of everything unlucky that injures the prophets after their departure. 1 It is through Michael that He approaches them {? ... ?} at the feast-day {? ... ?} after them, because it is Michael who {?.?} the heart of the people should be examined by

') means ofbursts of anger.- It is through Michael that was revealed the Resurrection of the Son of God from the dead. It is through Michael that was indited the Book of Revelation. The end.

------<)

1 The text of t1ùs stanza is very illegible and the sense is unclear.

2 TIùs stanza is in an even worse condition than the preceding one. APPENDIX THREE 92

ApPENDIX 3

EXCERPTS FROM THE ENCOMIUM BY THEODOSIUS ON SAINT MICHAEL

Prefatory Note ETPA is a long and complex text, the truly inventive nucleus of which is as follows. Theodosius imagines that he is a guest at the banquet given in heaven in honour of Saint

Michael on his feast day. He then addresses and hears in turn all the heavenly denizens whom he fmds banqueting there. The titles given to the following excerpts, such as the "Who is it?" List, or the Etymology Passage, are encirely my own and have been coined only for convenience's sake. Reproducing the encire encomium would not serve the purpose of comparing it to ILSl\II. It con tains in its midst the somewhat digressive Story of Dorotheos and Theopisthe, used to illustrate by way of an anecdote "[t]he relations that exist between Michael and the faithful, and the means which the archangel employs to render assistance to those who keep his festivals" (Budge 1915 cxxxviii). This tale describing the wonders which Saint Michael, in the form of the local Egyptian goveroor, performed for Dorotheos and his wife Theopisthe "must influence every God-Ioving man, and convince him how important it is to give gifts to God on St. Michael's day." (Budge 1915 cxliii) Only the "1 am :tYlichael" List has been extracted from this story; those interestcd in rcading its wholc narrative will easily [md an abridged translation of it in Budge 2002 218-25. APPENDIX THREE 93

THE "WHO IS IT?" LIST Ms. British Lib. Oriental 7021 folios 5b-6b (Budge 1915 897-98): And who is this being who is clothed with such great honours as these, and with the gloties that are never-ending? Hearken, and 1 will tell you. It is Michael, the great archangel of the King of ail the denizens of heaven, and of aIl the beings of earth, and aIl virtues befit him, that is to say, Michael, the archangel of the hosts of heaven. And who is this being on whom the King of kings bestoweth such majestic rank and royal dignities as these? It is Michael, the govemor of the kingdom. And who is this being to whom the Great King giveth such great glories, and such splendid consolations as these? He hath girded him with a girdle set with precious stones of great priee, and hath arrayed him in a glorious mantle, of the measure of the majesty of which no man can describe, for it is immeasurably superior to anything which man can compare with it. It is Michael who contended against and seized the Enemy who opposed his Lord, and chastised him. And who is this with whom ail the ranks of heaven rejoiee when they have crowned themselves with crowns? It is Michael the archangel whom God hath this day established to be the govemor over aIl His kingdom. And who is this being who giveth commands unto the heavens, and they obey him? It is Michael the archangel, who obeyed the word of his King, and cast out the Accuser who worked evil round about him. And who is this being for whose sake the whole world standeth idle, and

THE "WHO IS IT?" LIST Ms. British Lib. Oriental 8784 (Budge 1894 7*-8*): Who then is this that is clothed with such great honour and glory? Hearken, it is Michael the mighty Archangel of the hosts of heaven. Who is this whose festival aIl ranks of beings celebra te? It is Michael the ruler of the kingdom of heavcn. Who is this being whom the King hath made to bear such a mighty sceptre, who is filled with majestic glory, who is robed with rich raiment, and who is girt about with a golden girdle set with precious stones, the like of which existeth not? It is Michael the mighty and exalted Archangel. Who is this in whum the angels and the armies of the heavens have hope, and whose festival the)' eelebrate with him this day? It is Michael, whom God hath appointed to be ruler over aIl His kingdom. Who is this who giveth [his] commands tu aIl the armies of heaven, and the)' obey him? It is Michael the Archangel, who was obedient to the command of God, and who cast out from Him the evil slanderer and rebel. \V'ho is this, for whose sake aIl APPENDIX THREE 94

(BL Or. 7021 continued) every handicraftsman ceaseth work in order that they may celebrate rus festival with great honour? It is Michael the archangel, the comforter of the denizens of the heavens, and he delivereth those who are on the earth, and bringeth them to our God the Creator, in rus love towards us wruch is very great.

(BL Or. 8784 continued) handicraftsmen in the world cease from their labours, and whose festival they celebrate this day? It is Michael the Archangel, who hath ordered the denizens of heaven and redeemed the peoples of the earth, and who, by reason of rus great love for us, maketh mention of us before God our Creator.

THE ETYMOLOGY PASSAGE Ms. BL Or. 7021 folio 14a (Budge 1915 906 - absent from ms. BL Or. 8784): And the Good God cried out unto Michael when He saw the archangel's good will and compassion towards His clay, and said unto him as he stood in the midst of aU the hosts

of the heavens, "Michael" [now the interpretation of this name is] the 'strength of Êl',l "come, 0 My holy general Michael.

THE TESTIMONY LIST Ms. BL Or. 7021 folios 16b-21b (Budge 1915 908-14):

Variant from ms. BL Or. 8784 (Budge 1894 10*): 2 {1} 'Yeah, l am Adam, and it is for me to invite aU men to this festival this day. But l rejoice more than they aU, for when l had angered God, and He had brought me out from Paradise, because l had transgressed His command by reason of my helpmeet Eve making

1 MIXA[HA] ne T150M HA • 8WWtl ne nNOYTe mit-hail pe !t'om il hoof pe Plloute; EL Or. 6781 has:

MIXA~ eTe netlOYW8Mne (marginal gloss: MIXAHA ne T150M M nNOYTe) T150M H-A 8WWtl ne nNOYTe mùhael ete pefouohem pc (mùhael pe Nom em pl1oute) t{om il /loof pc plloute (Budge 1915 339).

2 In EL Or. 7021, Theodosius begins by questioning .Adam as to his identity and his reason for being at Saint NIichael's banquet, and the latter answers with a long discourse on Satan's FaU and NIichael's Enthronement, which for our purposes here is better replaced by BL Or. 8784's shorter text. APPENDIX THREE 95

me to eat of the fruit of the tree, concerning wruch He commanded me not to eat, it was Michael who prayed to God for me until He forgave me my sin; for this reason l rejoice at rus festival this day.'

{2} And thou, 0 Abel, the righteous man, the little sinless child, l entreat thee also [to tell me why thou art rejoicing] at this great festival this day, wruch is the festival of the holy Archangel Michael. Abel saith, '1 rejoice because he whose festival we celebrate this day was [the angel] who made supplication [to God] on behalf of my father and my mother, and God forgave them their transgressions, and it was he who took my gifts up to God, Who received my sacrifice from me, and Who paid not attention [to that of my brother, because he brought it not] with a right heart. Therefore do 1 rejoice this day.' {3} And l see thee, Seth, this day, and l see that thou art rejoicing at the festival of the holy Archangel Michael. [Why dost thou rejoice?] Seth saith, '1 am rejoicing because, when Kaein (Cain) had slain Abel my brother, God gave me as a gift to my parents. And my mother could not find milk to suckle me, for she had ceased to produce any on account of her grief for my brother Abel. But the holy Archangel Michael gave me every kind of spiritual food from heaven. Therefore do l rejoice this day.' {4} 0 Enoch, thou righteous man whom God removed from [the earth], wherefore art thou present at this great festival this day, wruch is the festival of the holy Archangel Michael? The righteous man saith, '1 am rejoicing because it is l who write with my own hands in the register the sins, and the wickednesses, and the good deeds wruch are committed in the whole world. And the holy Archangel Michael taketh them into the presence of God, and presenteth unto Him the good deeds, and for the bad deeds he maketh supplication unto Him, and He forgiveth those who belong to my race. For this reason l rejoice this day.' {5} 0 Methuselah, thou righteous old man, who didst wax exceedingly old in days, is not thy joy this day genuine, for 1 see that thou art very glorious in the midst of this banquet this day? Mcthuselah saith, 'Whcrcforc should 1 not rejoicc? 1 am the cighth from Adam. The Archangel Michael took my prayer up to God, and He bestowed upon me so long a life that my age and my years exceeded those of our father Adam by thirty-nine years. Therefore do l rejoice this day.' · APPENDIX THREE 96

{6} 0 Noah, thou righteous man, l see that thou art rejoicing this day. Noah saith, cHearken, wherefore should l not rejoice and be glad? For when God was wro th , [and wished] to destroy the world, He put me, and my wife, and my children, and ail the creatures that move on the earth, into the Ark, and shut the do or of the Ark. And the cataracts of the heavens and of the earth were opened, and they surrounded us for forty days and forty nights, and we saw neither sun, nor moon, nor star. But the holy Archangel Michael acted as

Variant from ms. BL Or. 8784 (Budge 189411*): C[ ... ] but Michael guided and directed us [ ...r

steersman for us and the Ark,3 and he continued to make supplication to God until the waters diminished, and [the land] that was dry appeared, and land those who were with me were delivered. Therfore do l rejoice this day.' {7} And dost thou, 0 thou patriarch Abraham, rejoice this day at the festival of the holy Archangel Michael? 'Yea,' saith Abraham, '1 do rejoice this day; for l am the first man with whom Michael, and my Lord, and his feilow Archangel Gabriel became friends. And Michael made supplication to God on my behalf, and He gave me my son Isaac. And l ate with him-would that l had been worthy!-under the tree of Mabrê (Mamre). Therefore do l rejoice this day.' {8} And thou, Isaac, thou righteous man, thou son of a holy promise, the holy sacrifice which was accepted by the living God, why art thou so splendidly arrayed at the festival of the holy Archangel Michael? Isaac saith, '1 am arrayed thus gloriously because l was the only son of my father and my mother. My mother was a barren woman, and she had no child except myself, neither did she give birth to any child after me. My father bound my hands and my feet, and offered me up on a stone [which was set] upon a desert mountain. l saw with my eyes the sacrificial knife in the hand of my father as he was about to drive it into me, when straightway the Archangel Michael came, and snatched the sacrificial knife From the

3 MAA MIXAHA nAPXArrE:AOC E:T OYMB P 8WE: WON· MN TKOIBW60C al/a mùhaël parchaggelos

et ouaab cr hemme emmon men tkoibodos; BL Or. 6781 has: MAA MIXAHA nAPXArrE:AOC E:T OYMB AtlP

8MME:-- M MON MN- TKIBW60C alla mùhaël parchaggelos et ouaab afer hemme emmoll men tkibodos (Budge 1915347). APPENDIX THREE 97 hand of my father, and he provided a sheep for the offering in my stead, and my sacrifice was completed. Therefore do 1 rejoice this day.' {9} And thou, 0 patriarch Jacob, who prevailedst with God, and wast a mighty one with men, dost thou also rejoice this day at the festival of the Archangel Michael? Jacob saith, '1 rejoice exceedingly this day, because when my brother Esau pursued me to slay me 1 departed to Mesopotamia of Syria to the feet of Laban. And Michael came to me, and apportioned to me [my wages from the cattle], and blessed me, and my children, and my wives, and because of this Israel took the name from me. Therefore do 1 rejoice this day.' {lO} And thou, 0 Joseph, thou righteous man, thou man of understanding, who wast envied [by thy brethren], what art thou doing in this place this day? Dost thou rejoice at the festival of the Archangel Michael? Joseph the righteous man saith, CVerily 1 am right in rejoicing this day. For when my brethren, who were envious of me, sold me into a strange land, and when 1 became a miserable outcast, and was without friends in my great tribulations, the Archangel Michael came to me, and delivered me, and made me king. Therefore do 1 rejoice this day.' {11} 0 Moses, and Aaron, and J oshua, the son of Nun, why do ye rejoice so greatly at the festival of the Archangel Michael? The saints say, 'The festival assuredly belongeth unto us, and we rejoice therein, for it was Michael who walked with us and with his people, and who captured our enemies, and guided us into the land of promise. Therfore do we rejoice this day.' {12} And thee also, 0 Gideon, do 1 see rejoicing at the banquet of Michael? Gideon saith, '1 rejoice this day because it was Michael who came to me, and filled me with his power, and went and crushed Midian, and delivered my people.' {13} 0 Manoah, and Anna thy wife, how great is your joy this day! And the judges say, 'Because we were barren from our youth, and had no children, we continued to pray and to offer up offerings to God, that they might be a memorial for us; and God gave us Samson, the strong man, and our son also rejoiceth with us this day.' {14} And thcc, 0 David, thou father of the Christ according to the flesh, thou righteous king, do 1 see this day striking a ten-stringed harp of the spirit at the banquet of Michael? David saith, 'Yea, 1 do rejoice, and 1 am arrayed in rich apparel, because aU the verses of the words of God and His Words are [inscribed] upon the tablet of my heart, and the verse APPENDIX THREE 98 which is appropria te to this festival is this: The angel of God campeth round about those who fear Him and delivereth them. Therefore do l rejoice this day.' {15} Solomon, thou wise man, dost not thou rejoice this day in the joy of the holy Archangel Michael? Solomon saith, 'Yea, l do rejoice this day, for it was Michael the archangel who stood by my side from my youth up, and he made peace to be in my days, and he took my prayer up to God, and l builded His house.'

Variant from ms. BL Or. 8784 (Budge 1894 14*): '[ ... ] and he entreated God, Who commanded me to build a house for Him.'

{16} Hezekiah, thou righteous king, dost thou rejoice this day at the festival of Michael, the Commander-in-Chief? Hezekiah saith, 'Yea, l do rejoice, for when the Assyrians camped round about me and my people, Michael the archangel went and crushed them by night. And their number amounted to eighteen and a half rimes ten thousand men, and l and my people were delivered. Therefore do l rejoice this day.' {17} 0 1saiah, thou great Prophet, hast thou occasion for rejoicing at the festival of the Archangel Michael? 1saiah saith, 'This is the occasion of my joy: Through all the revilings and abuse which were heaped upon me by Manasseh and those who were with him, it was Michael who stood by my side, and it was he who gave me strength to endure even up to the point when they sawed me down in twain with a woodsaw. Therefore do l rejoice this day, 0 my holy father.' {18} And do l see thee also this day, 0 thou holy man Jeremiah, with thy great lamp of light, rejoicing at the festival of the Archangel Michael? Jeremiah saith, 'Yea, l do rejoice greatly this day, because l passed seven years in captivity ,vith my people, and the holy Archangel Michael made supplication [on my behalf] unto Him that liveth for ever, and He put mercy into the hearts of the Babylonian men, and they set me free, and l returned to Jerusalem with my people. Therefore do l rejoice this day.' {19} Come, Ezekiel the Prophct, and shcw us what Îs the reason that thou dost leap with joy and boldness at the festival this day of the holy Archangel Michael. Ezekiel saith, '1 leap and l rejoice [this day] because it was Michael, the great archangel, who brought unto me the roll of the books, and he commanded me, and l ate it, and the prophecies were revealed unto me. Therefore do l rejoice this day.' APPENDIX THREE 99

{20} And, 0 Ananias, Azarias, and Misael, peradventure ye are rejoicing this day at the festival of the holy Archangel Michael? 'Yea,' say the three holy saints, 'we rejoice and are glad because it was he, whose festival we are celebrating this day, who came into the midst of the blazing fiery fumace and quenched the flames for us, and he made the king to believe in God. Our martyrdom was completed, and we rejoice this day at this great festival.' {21} [And thou Daniel,] 1 think that thou art rejoicing exceedingly, and what kind of joy is thine? Daniel saith, 'Neither once is it, nor twice, that 1 have seen Michael, who is the govemor in very truth. And at the moment when 1 was cast into the den of lions, it was the Commander-in-Chief, Michael, who came to us, and shut the mouths of the lions. Therefore do 1 rejoice this day.' {22} 0 ye Twelve Apostles, do ye rejoice this day at this great festival, and are ye rejoicing greatly? They say, We do rejoice, for after the great sorrow which came upon us at the rime when they crucified our Lord Jesus the Christ, and we hid ourselves through fear of the J ews, Mary the Virgin came and informed us, saying, 1 and those who were with me went to see the tomb at the break of day on the first day of the week, and we found the holy Archangel Michael. He had roiled away the stone, and was sitting upon it, and he gave us the good news, "The Lord hath risen." Therefore do we rejoice this day.' {23} And thou, 0 holy priest Zacharias, and John thy son, do ye rejoice at the festival of the holy Archangel Michael? The holy men say, We rejoice because the holy archangel was appointed to be Commander-in-Chief, and 1 am priest unto him, and my son John is the son of Elisabeth the kinswoman of Mary; and the mother of Jesus is my kinswoman, according to the flesh. Therefore do 1 rejoice this day.' {24} And thou Stephen, thou archdeacon and protomartyr, dost thou rejoice this day at the festival of the Archangel Michael? Stephen saith, 'Yea, my joy is great. For when the)' were stoning me, 1 lifted up mine eyes unto heaven, and 1 saw the heavens open, and 1 saw the Archangel Michael and ail his angels, and they were making supplication on my behalf. And 1 saw Jesus standing by the right hand of God the Father. Therefore do 1 rejoice this day.' {25} 0 ail ye Martyrs and Righteous, do ye rejoice at the festival of Michael this day? The saints say, 'Yea, verily, we do rejoice this day because in ail the tribulations that came upon us, and in ail the tortures which they inflicted upon us, it was the Archangel Michael who APPENDIX THREE 100 gave us strength, and we bore them until at length we completed our strife; and we received great honours because of him. Therefore do we rejoice this day.' {26} 0 ail ye orders of angels who are in the heavens, do ye rejoice this day with us at the festival of the holy Archangel Michael? They say, cyea, ail joy is ours because on the day when our Creator rebuked the Proud One, He set us at the feet of the Humble One, the great and holy Archangel Michael. Therefore do we rejoice this day.'

THE "1 AM MICHAEL" LIST Ms. BL Or. 7021 folios 38b-39b (Budge 1915 935-36): 1 am Michael,4 the govemor of the beings of heaven and the beings of the earth. 1 am Michael, the Commander-in-Chief of the hosts of heaven. 1 am Michael, the archangel of the worlds of light. 1 am Michael, the victorious warrior in battle before his King. 1 am Michael, the comforter and the object of boasting of the denizens of heaven and of the beings on the earth. 1 am Michael, in whose face is placed the loving-kindness of God. 1 am Michael, the archangel of the world of light, and the steward of the kingdom of heaven. 1 am Michael, and 1 receive the sacrifices and the supplications of men, and present them unto God, the King in truth, Jesus the Christ, our Saviour. 1 am Michael, who walk with ail the men whose hope is in God. 1 am Michael, the archangel who ministereth unto ail mankind with joy [ ... ] 1 am

THE "1 AM MICHAEL" LIST Ms. BL Or. 8784 (Budge 1894 40*): 1 am Michael, the govemor of the denizens of heaven and of the peoples of the earth. 1 am Michael, the chief captain of the powers of heaven. 1 am Michael, the ruler of the worlds of light. 1 am Michael, who decide ail batdes before the King. 1 am Michael, the glory of ail beings in heaven and in earth. 1 am Michael, the mighty one, by whom ail the mercy of God hath taken place. 1 am Michael, the steward of the kingdom of heaven. 1 am Michael, the Archangel, who stand by the hands of God. 1 am Michael, who bring in the gifts and offerings of men to God my King. 1 am Michael, who walk with those men whose trust is in God. 1 am Michael the Archangel, who minister unto ail mankind in uprightness [ ... ]

4 ANOK ne MIXAHA an ok pe michaël (Budge 1915 397 ff.). BL Or. 6781 has the same wording. APPENDIX THREE 101

(BL Or. 7021 continued) Michael the archangel whom ye have appointed to be your protector before God. 1 am NIichael, who take your prayers, and your sacrifices, and your tithes up to God, even as 1 did for Cornelius in olden rime. And also, as regards Cornelius, 1 went to him, and 1 taught him the way of salvation, that is to say, baptism, which he put on through Peter.

THE INTERCESSION LIST Ms. BL Or. 7021 folios 43a-44b (Budge 1915 940-41): o my beloved, my brethren, let us cali upon God, and let us take care and be diligent to love charity on the day of the Archangel Michael, for we know that he is an efficient being, and that he entereth into the presence of God at ali rimes, and that he giveth unto every man according to his works. Let us foliow after love, 0 my beloved, for love is from God, and God is love. It was love which God shewed to our father Adam, and to Eve, and He accepted their repentance through the supplication of Michael, and forgave them

Same in ms. BL Or. 8784 (Budge 1894 45*): [... ] and He accepted their repentance, and forgave them their transgressions through the prayer of Michael. their transgression. It was love which He shewed to Abel, the righteous man, when He accepted his sacrifice from him through the supplication of MichaeLS It was love which God shewed to Enoch, [when] He removed him and did not let him see death, through the supplication of Michael. It was love which God shew~d to Noah, [when] He made him an ark, and kept him and ali his house safe amid the waters of the Flood, through the supplication of Michael and his angelic hosts. It was love which God shewed to our father Abraham, [for] He established a covenant with him, and He bestowed upon him Isaac, through the supplication of Michael and his hosts. And it was love which God shewed to Isaac, [for] He accepted bis sacrifice, and took a sheep in bis stead, through the supplication of Michael. [And it was] love which God shewed to Jacob, for He gave him favour in the sight of Esau his brother, through the supplication of Michael and his hosts. It was love

5 EITN - -l'Concn - -M MIXAHA hi/en ensopsep em mÙ"haël (Budge 1915407 ff.). BL Or. 6781 has the same. APPENDIX THREE 102 wbich God shewed to Joseph, [for] He delivered him from the hands of bis brethren, and out of the hand of the Egyptian woman, through the prayer of Michael and bis supplication. Ir was love wbich God shewed unto Moses the Prophct, [for] He delivered him from the servitude of Pharaoh, and filled him with more grace than any other man, through the supplication of Michael and bis hosto Ir was love wbich God shewed unto Joshua [the son] of Nun, [wh en] He made the sun to stand still in Gabaôn (Gibeon), and Joshua destroyed aU bis enemies by the prayer of Michael and aU bis hosto And it was love wbich God shewed to Moses [when] He gave unto him His Law, and Moses gave it unto the children of Israel. It was also love wbich God shewed unto King David, [when] He chose him from among bis brethren, and set him to be king over Israel, through the supplication of Michael and bis hosto And it was also love wbich God shewed unto David's son Solomon, when He commanded him to build a house to the Lord, through the supplication of

Same in ms. BL Or. 8784 (Budge 1894 46*): [... ] and corrunanded him to build the temple of God, through the prayers of Michael.

Michael, the holy archangel. And it was also love wbich God shewed unto Hezekiah, the righteous king, [when] He added fifteen years to the years of bis life, through the supplication of Michael, the greatest of the govemors, and of bis hosto It is love also wbich God shewed unto the race of Adam when He esteemed it to be worthy for Him to invite us to this great festival this day with Him Who took flesh in the holy Virgin Mary,

Variant from ms. BL Or. 8784 (Budge 1894 46*): He [God] hath shewed mercy unto the whole race of Adam, and our God hath wrought exceeding grace with them, for He bowed the heavens, and came down upon earth, and took flesh in the holy Virgin, and gave His own souI as a redemption for us, to deliver us from Amenti,6 through the prayers of Michael.

and when He gave Him for us aU so that He might withdraw us from Amente6 and forgive us our sins, through the supplication of Michael and aU his hosto And it was also love wbich God shewed unto our Fathers the Apostles, whom He chose from the whole world, and

6 Hell. APPENDIX THREE 103 through whose preaching we aIl have come into the knowledge of the truth, through the supplication of Michael, the great and holy archangel.

THE LORICA PASSAGE Ms. BL Or. 7021 folio 45a (Budge 1915 942): Let us then cast behind us the works of darkness this day at the festival of the Archangel Michael, in order that he may put upon us the armour of light. 7

Variant from ms. BL Or. 8784 (Budge 1894 47*): [... ] thatwe may array ourselves in the apparel oflight.

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7 XE; KAC . 8WW<.j E;<.jE;t 8ïwWN N N 80nl\ON M nOYOE;INI je kas boof efeti biooll ell ellbop/oll em pouoeilli; BL Or. 6781 has: XE; KAC 8WW<.j E;<.jE;TBsON • N4t 81WWN • N N80nI\ON M nOYOE;IN je kas hoof efetebboll lIefti hiooll ell cllhop/oll em pouoeill (Budge 1915 411). From Rom. 13.12. APPENDIX FOUR 104

ApPENDIX 4

THE MYSTIC SYMBOLISM OF THE MANTLE

IN MEDIEVAL LITERA TURE

It must be underscored that the following examples, wmch illustrate several aspects of the mystic symbolism of the mantle in medievalliterature, are later in date than ILSA1. In her Revelation of Love composed according to the visions wmch she received on 8 May 1373, the English mystic Julian of Norwich describes thus her perception of God: [... ] our good lord shewed a gostly sight of ms homely louyng. l saw that he is to vs aH thing that is good and comfortable to our helpe. He is oure clothing, that for loue wrappeth vs and wyndeth vs, haIs eth vs 1 and aH becloseth vs, hangeth about vs for tender loue, pat he may never le eue vs. And so in this sight 1 saw that he is aIl thing that is good, as to my vnderstanding. (Colledge and Walsh 299) The Klostemeuburg Lorica (eleventh or twelfth century) has the following lines: "Fobrut muri dam [ ... ] / [ ... ] fochochlan mubi." (Stokes 1873-75 113) ("1 am under the mantle of Mary [ ... ] under the cowl of Mobi.") There is a medieval Welsh poem wmch says: Kyntaw geir a dywedaw y bore ban kyuodaw:

'croes Crist in wissc ymdanaw'. (Sims-Williams 1990 284i We read in the Libro de Btten Amor of Juan Ruiz, Archpriest of Hita, who was writing in the fust half of the fourteenth century: Dyos padre, dios fijo, dios spiritu santo, el que nasçio de la virgen, esfuerçe nos de tanto que sienpre 10 loemos en prosa E en canto; sea de nue stras aImas cobertura E manto. (Macdonald 12)3 In a text in Old Occitan from the middle of the fourteenth century, Lo tradelt dels noms de lei mtryre de Die,,:

l "embraces us".

2 "TIle first word 1 say in the moming when 1 rise lis] "Christ's Cross lis] a garment (/olim?) around me"." (Sims-Williams 1990 2841150)

3 "God the Father, God the Son and God the Holy Ghost, / may rie bom of the Yiq,>in give us the strength / ta praise Him always in verse and song; / may He be the caver and mantle of our souls." (Macdonald 13) APPENDIX FOUR 105

Verges, tu hiest ciutat e forsa e castel, En la crestiandat Dieu sent mot fort e bel; L'ennemi nos combat e nos tray manh cayrel,

Mas tu, verges, nos salvas cobrens ab to mante!. (Meyer civ)4

In Das guldein ab,' des mellU1JZ by the anonymous Monk of Salzburg (end of fourteenth century), a poem addressed to the Virgin: Wend vns ewigs achen, 1er vns swachen vestikleich wachen, daz wir icht erkrachen in dem rachen des fewreinn trachen

e aIs dy durren spachen! jn den sachen solt du frid machen,

daz wir frf>lich werden lachen vnder deines mantels vachen! (Kiepe 155)5 Gougaud 280 quotes the foilowing Middle High German example: "Die hailig dryfaeltigkait sy mir ain mantel fur ail min fiend" ("May the holy Trinity be to me a mantle against ail my enemies"). We have seen with the preceding quotation and the text of Juan Ruiz that the mystical mantle may come from God Himself, but most of the rime it is linked with the Virgin Mary, and it is known as an iconographical image under several names: ''Virgin of Mercy" in English, "Madonna della Misericordia" in Italian, "Vierge au manteau" in French, "Schutzmantelmadonna" in German. It seems to be in tlle Germanie world that this image first appears in litterature; in the Dialoglls miraatlorom, the work of the Cistercian Caesarius of Heisterbach (h. c. 1170 - te. 1240) (Distinctio seprima de sancta Maria, capitulum LIX): De mOnCl'1JO, qlli ordinem Cistmiensem sllb eimptlllio vidit in regno coe/omm. Monachus quidam ordinis nostri Dominam nostram plurinlum diligens, ante paucos annos mente cxccdcns, ad contemplatiunem gloriae coelestis deductus est.

4 "0 Virgin, you are a city, you are a stronghold and a castle - in Christendom, you are a saint of God very powerftù and very beautiful. TIIe Ennemy fights against us and shoots many a crossbow arrow at us, but you save us, 0 Virgin, covering us with your mantle."

5 "Rescind that we must etemally lament; teach us, weak ones, ta be awake and steadfast, in order tlIat we do not get smashed like dry firewood in the jaws of the fiery dragon! In this combat, you shaH reestablish peace, so that we, cheerful, will be laughing under the folds of your mande!" APPENDIX FOUR 106

Ubi dum diversos Ecclesiae triumphantis ordines videret, Angelorum videlicet,

Patriarcharum, Prophetarum, Apostolorum, Martyrum, Confessorum, et eosdem certis caracteribus distinctos, id est in Canonicos, Regulares, Praemonstratenses, sive Cluniacenses, de suo ordine sollicitus, cum staret et circumspiceret, nec aliquam de illo personam in illa gloria reperiret, ad beatam Dei Genitricem cum gemitu respiciens, ait: Quid est sanctissima Domina, quod de ordine Cisterciensi neminem hic video? Quare famuli tui tibi tam devote servientes, a consortio tantae beatitudinis excluduntur? Videns eum turbatum Regina coeli, respondit: Ita mihi dilecti ac familiares sunt hi qui de ordine Cisterciensi sunt, ut eos etiam sub ulnis meis foveam. Aperiensque pallium suum quo amicta videbatur, quod mirae erat latitudinis, innumerabilem multitudinem monachorum, conversorum, sanctimonialium illi ostendit. Qui nimis exultans et gratias referens, ad corpus rediit, et quid viderit, quidve audierit Abbati suo narravit. Ille vero in sequenti Capitulo haec referens Abbatibus, omnes laetificavit, ad ampliorem sanctae Dei Genitricis amorem illos

accendens. (Strange 79-80)6 Wamer, resuming Perdrizet, observes that this mantling gesture '\vas "natural" because, aithough no antecedents warrant it in the Bible, it was common in legal custom and rituaI: a Iegitimized or adopted child was wrapped in a cloak, and the suzerain draped his mande over his vassal as a symbol of his protection" (Wamer 394). Perdrizet himself wonders if there may exist some link between the iconography of the ''Virgin of Mercy" as it originates in Caesarius of Heisterbach and a dream of Saint Oswald, king of Northumbria, in which he saw Saint Colum Cille standing gigantically over his encamped army and covering it under the pleats of his mande (perdrizet 24). There may be a link, however, between Saint

6 'Concerning a monk, who saw the Cistercian order under her cloak in the Kingdom of the I-Ieavens . .\ certain monk of our order very much loving Our Lady, departing in spirit a few years ago, was led unto the contemplation of the celestial reward of the saints. In which place, while he saw the different orders of the Church Triumphant, to wit: those of Angels, Patriarchs, Prophets, Apostles, Martyrs, Confessors, and those same adorned with certain spiritual emblems, that is, for Canons, Regulars, for Premonstratensians or for Cluniacs, anxious about his order, - since he stood and looked arolmd, and did not f1l1d any person from it in that glory, -looking with sorrow at the blessed Mother of God, said: "Why is it, most holy Lady, that 1 see no one here from the Cistercian order? Wherefore are your servants, so devoutly doing service to you, excluded from tlIe feIlowship of such bliss?" The Queen of Heaven, seeing him perturbe d, answered: "So highly esteemed and intimate to me are they who belong to the Cistercian order, that 1 even cherish them under m}' arms." And uncovering her cloak witll which she appeared clothed, that was of an extraordinary breadth, she showed him a countless multitude of monks, lay broiliers, and mms. He, very much rejoicing and yielding thanks, came back to his body, and he related to his abbot what he saw and what he heard. He, in fact, telling these things to the abbots at the foIlowing chapter, gladdened aIl, inflaming iliem to a greater love of the Hol)' Mother of God." APPENDIX FOUR 107

Michael's "prygels" in ILSM and this early seventh-century vision of Saint Oswald as related in Adomnan's Lift of Columba: Nam cum idem Ossualdus rex esset in procinctu belli castrametatus qua dam die in sua papillione supra pulvillum dormiens sanctum Columbam in visu videt forma coruscantem angelica cujus alta proceritas vertice nubes tangere videbatur. Qui scilicet vit beatus suum regi proprium revelans nomen in medio castrorum stans eadem castra, excepta quadam parva extremitate, sui protegebat fulgida veste. (Anderson and Anderson 198) 7 Nowadays, nowhere else can we discover so many instances of the mystic symbolism of the mantle as there are to be found in the prayers gathered in volumes 1 and 3 of the Scottish Carmina Cadelit'a, and which have been written down recently. Only a few examples will suffice for my purpose: A Mhicheil nan aingeal Is nam Brean am flathas, Cuir dionadh air m'an am Le faileas do sgéith; Cuir ruonadh air m'anam Air thalamh 's air nèamh; Bho nàimhdean air thalamh, Bho nàimhdean fo thalamh, Bho nàimhdean am falach Comhn agus caimir M'anam fo d' sgéith, o m'anam le faileas do sgéith! (Carmichael1940 148)8

Bho is tu is Buachaill thar an treuid Iomain fein sinn do chleidh 's do chaimir,

7 "One day when king Oswald was eneamped in readiness for battle, sleeping on his pillow in his tent he saw in a vision Saint Columba, radiant in angelie form, whose lofty height seemed with its head to toueh the douds. 11le blessed man revealed his own name to the king, and standing in the midst of the eamp he eovered it with his shining rainlent, aIl but a smaIl remote part [.]" (Anderson and .c\nderson 199)

8 "0 wIiehael of the angels / And the righteous in heaven, / Shield thou my soul / \Vith the shade of thy wing; / Shield thou my soul / On earth and in heaven; / From foes upon earth, / From foes beneath earth, / From foes in eoncealment / Proteet and eneirde / My soul 'neath thy wing, / Oh my soul with the shade of thy wing!" (Carmiehael1940 149) APPENDIX FOUR 108

Seun sinn fo do bhrot riomhach reidh; A Sgeith dhidinn, dion ri 'r mairionn. [ ... ] M' anam an urrachd an Ard Righ, Micheil murrach an comhdhail m' anama. (Carmichael 1928 36)9 Tha sgiath Mhicheil umad Tha sgàth Chriosda tharad, Tha lùireach chaol Chaluim Chille

Dha do dmon 0 na saigheada sith. (Carmichael1940 196)10

Mac Eoin has drawn attention to the Icelandic "brynju-brenir" ("corslet-prayers"), which, though preserved in nineteenth-centuty collections of folklore, seem to be of pre Reformation date and of Scottish origin. One of thosc has interesting lines in that they equate clothing symbolism with armour symbolism: "Be, 0 Lord, my veil and armour" (Mac Eoin 1963 145); "May the wounds and hurts / of my sweet Lord / be my robe / and shield and armour" (Mac Eoin 1963 146). Although modem in date, the following formulac from Syriac prayers in manuscripts transcribed around 1800 in Turkish Kurdistan seem to attest to a similar tradition of mantle symbolism: "1 am wrapped with the Son" (Gollancz 1976 xxvü); "1 clothed myself in secret with the Father, and openly 1 am wrapped with the Son" (lxxii); "may he [ ... ] be clothed in the garments of victory and salvation" (lxxiii). The existence of these formulae is all the more challenging since they occur alongside other ones that strongly recall the medieval Irish "loricre": "Gabriel (being) on his right and Michael on his left, 1 Am That 1 Am, Almighty God, Adonai (being) above his head, the Cherubim in front of him, and the Seraphim behind him: nor will he fear the man of wickedness"; "So may the ange! Gabriel be on my right, the Cherubim on my lcft, and hovering over me and protecting me be the name 1 Am That 1 Am, Almighty God, Adonai, Lord of Hosts" (Gollancz 1976 xxix). There exists within a Coptic portfolio of spells dating from about the year 600 a prayer which con tains these lines:

9 ".-\5 TIlOU art the Shepherd over the flock / Tend TIlOU us to the cot and the fold, / Sain [bless] us beneath TIune own glorious mantle; / TIlOu Slueld of protection, guard us for ever. / [ ... ] / Be my soul in the tmstance of the High King, / Be :NIichael the powerful meeting my soul." (Carmichael 1928 37)

10 "l'vEchael's shield is about thee, / Christ's shelter is over thee, / '111e fine-wrought breastplate of Columba / Preserves thee from the fairy shafts." (Carmichael 1940 197) APPENDIX FOUR 109

Let Michael stand at my right, let Gabriel stand at my left, let Uriel sound the trompet [before] me, let Raphael set a crown upon my head, let Uriel grant favor to my face, let Anael wait upon my heart, let [Sara]phael bring grace upon me (Meyer and Smith 287).11 This angelic protection charm compares both with the ones from the Book tif Cerne and Merovingian Gaul quoted on pages 37 and 71 above and with the following verses from the renowned eighth-century lorica spuriously credited to Saint Patrick: "Crist limm, Crist reum, Crist im degaid / Crist indium, Crist lssum, Crist uassum / Crist dessum, Crist tUathum" (Greene and O'Connor 30).12 In a way, this so-called "Hymn of Saint Patrick" brings us back full circle to Julian of Norwich whose perception of the Divinity as a "clothing" has been compared by some of her editors to a periapt in manuscript BL Harley 2445: "Dominus Jhesus Christus apud me sit ... circa me sit, ut (me) conseruet, ante me sit, ut me de ducat, post me sit, (ut) me iustificet, supra me sit, vt me benedicat" (Colledge and Walsh 299).13

0,------<>

Il From manuscript BL Oriental 6796. Ths section paralle1s a more damaged one earlier in the prayer: "[Let 1:Ii]chael be on my right side, / [Gabriel at] my le ft [side], / let Suriel [sound the trumpet before] me, / ~et] Raphael [remain in] my heart, / let Raguel [crown] my head, / let Asuel give [power] and grace to me, / let Saraphue1 give [honor and] glory and grace to me." (Meyer and Smith 284-5)

12 "Christ with me, Christ before me, Christ behind me, Christ in me, Christ under me, Christ over me, Christ ta the right of me, [Christ ta the le ft of me)" (Greene and O'Connor 31).

13 "May the Lord Jesus Christ be with me ... around me, so that he may protect me; before me, so that he may 1ead me; behind me, sa that he may make me righteous; over me, sa that he may b1ess me." Gougaud 108 quo tes two similar Latin examp1es from the twelfth and fifteenth centuries which replace the na me of Christ with that of His Cross, as weIl as this l\Iidd1e High Gennan one: "Das heilic criuze sî obe dir, daz heilic criuze sî ze dîner zeswen hant und ze dîner winstem hant und müeze dir ein schirm und ein schilt sîn für allez ungelücke." ("May the ho1y Cross be over you, may the ho1y Cross be to your right and to your 1eft, and may it be ta you a protection and a shield against all misfortunes.") APPENDIX FIVE 110

ApPENDIX 5

CODE SEVEN FROM THE LAWS OF KING ETHELRED II

LATIN VERSION OF CODE 7 FROM THE LAws OF KING ETHELRED II (Robertson 108, 110,112): Hoc instituerunt lEpelredus rex et sapientes eius apud Badam. 1. Inprimis, ut unus Deus super omnia diligatur et honoretur, et ut omnes regi suo pareant, sicut antecessores sui melius fecerunt, et cum eo pariter defendant regnum suum. § 1. Et constitueront inprimis Dei misericordiam et auxilium invocare ieiuniis, elemosinis, confessione et abstinentia a malefactis et iniustitia. § 2. Hoc est ut detur de omni carruca denarius vel denarü valens. § 3. Et omnis qui familiam habet efficiat, ut omnis hyremannus suus det unum denarium. Qui si non habeat, det dominus eius pro eo; et omnis tainus decimet totum quicquid hab et. 2. Et instituimus, ut omnis Christianus qui aetatem habet ieiunet tribus diebus in pane et aqua et herbis crudis. § 1. Et omnis homo ad confessionem vadat et nudis pedibus ad ecclesiam et peccatis omnibus abrenuntiet emendando, cessando. § 2. Et eat omnis presbiter cum populo suo ad processionem tribus diebus nudis pedibus.

§ 2a. Et super hoc cantet omnis presbiter XXX missas et omnis diaconus et clericus XXX psalmos.

§ 2b. Et apparetur III diebus corredium uniuscuiusque sine came; in cibo et potu, sicut idem comedere deberet, (et) dividatur hoc totum pauperibus. § 3. Et sit omnis servus liber ab opere illis tribus dicbus, quo melius lelUnare possit, et operetur sibimet quod vult. § 3(/. Hü sunt illi tres dies - dies Lunae, dies Martis et dies Mercurii proximi ante festum sancti MÏchaelis.

§ 4. Si quis ieiunium suum infringat, servus corio sua componat, liber pauper reddat XXX denarios et tainus regis exx sol.; ct dividatur haec pecunia pauperibus. § 5. Et sciat omnis presbiter et tungravius et decimalcs homines, ut haec elemosina et ieiuruum proveruat, sicut in sanctis iurare poterunt. 3. Et praecipimus, ut in omni congregatione cantetur cotidie communiter pro rege et omni populo suo una missa ad matutinalem missam quae inscripta est 'contra paganos.' APPENDIX FIVE 111

§ 1. Et ad singulas horas decantet totus conventus extensis membris in terra psalmum ilium: "Domine, quid multiplicati sunt," et collectam contra paganos; et hoc fiat quamdiu necessitas ista nobis est in manibus.

§ 2. Et in omni cenobio et conventu monachorum celebret omnis presbiter singulatim XXX missas pro rege et omni populo, et omnis monacus XXX psalteria. 4. Et praecipimus, ut omnis homo super dileccionem Dei et omruum sanctorum det cyricsceattum et rectam decimam suam, sicut in diebus antecessorum nostrorum stetit, quando melius stetit - hoc est sicut aratrum peragrabit per decimam acram. § 1. Et omnis consuetudo reddatur super amicitiam Dei ad matrem ecclesiam cui adiacet. § 2. Et nemo auferat Deo quod ad eum pertinet et praedecessores nos tri concesserunt ei. 5. Et prohibemus ne aliquis extra vendatur. Si quis hoc praesumat, sit praeter benedictionem Dei et omnium sanctorum et praeter omnem Christianitatem, nisi peniteat et emendet, sieut episcopus suus edoeebit. 6. Et prohibemus omnem robariam omni homini. § 1. Et sit omnis homo dignus iure publico, pauper et dives. § 2. Et reddatur omnis robaria, si quis aliquam fecerit, et emendet, sicut prius et postea stetit. § 3. Et si quis praepositus eam fecerit, duppliciter emendet quod alii iudicaretur. 7. Et reddatur pecunia elemosinae hinc ad festum sancti Michaelis, si alieubi retro sit, per plenam witam. § 1. Et omnibus anrus deinceps reddantur Dei rectitudines in omnibus rebus quae supradietae sunt per amiciciam Dei et sanctorum omnium, ut Deus omnipotens misericordiam nobis faciat et de hostibus triumphum nobis et pacem indulgeat, quem sedulo deprecemur ut miserieordiam eius consequamur et gratiam hic et in futuro requiem sine fine. Amen.

TRANSLATION OF THE LATIN VERSION (Robertson 109, 111, 113): This is the edict which was drawn up by King lEtheIred and his couneilors at Bath. 1. In the first place, one God shail be loved and honoured ab ove ail, and ail men shail show obedience to their king in accordance with the best traditions of their ancestors, and cooperate with him in defending his kingdom. § 1. And they agreed first of aIl to invoke the merey and help of God by fasts and almsgiving, by confession, and by abstaining from misdeeds and injustice. APPENDIX FIVE 112

§ 2. From every plough-Iand a penny or the value of a penny shail be given. § 3. And everyone who has a household shail see to it that each of his dependents gives a penny. If anyone is without money, his lord shail give it for him; and every thegn shail render a tithe of ail that he has. 2. And we have decreed that every adult Christian shail fast on bread and water and raw herbs for three days. § 1. And everyone shail go to confession and with bare feet to church, and by making amends and ceasing [from evil] shail renounce ail [his] sins. § 2. And every priest shail go barefoot in the Procession with his people on the three days. § 2a. And in addition every priest shail sing 30 masses, and every deacon and cleric 30 psalms. § 2b. And everyone shall have bis food served during the three days without meat, and whatever he would have consumed in food and drink shail be distributed among the poor. § 3. And all slaves shall be exempt from work on those three days, so that they can fast the better and may make what they want for themselves. § 3t1. These are the three days - the Monday, Tuesday and Wednesday immediately preceding the feast of St Michael. § 4. In the case of the fast being broken - if it is a slave [who does sol, he shall undergo the lash, if it is a poor freeman, he shail pay 30 pence, and a thegn of the king's [shail pay] 120 shillings. And this money shall be divided among the poor. § S. And every priest and the reeve of every village and the heads of the tithings shail be witnesses that this alms-giving and fasting is carried out, and shail be able to swear to it on the holy relics. 3. And we decree that in every religious foundation a mass entitled "Against the heathen" shall be sung daily at matins, by the whole community, on behalf of the king and ail bis people. § 1. And at the various Hours ail the members of the foundation, prostrate on the ground, shall chant the psalm: "0 Lord, how are they multiplied," and the Collect against the heathen, and this shail be done as long as the present need continues. § 2. And in every foundation and college of monks every priest severally shall celebra te 30 masses for the king and the whole nation, and every monk shall repeat [the psalms From] bis psalter 30 rimes. APPENDIX FIVE 113

4. And we decree that aIl men, for love of God and aIl the saints, shaIl give their church-dues and their rightful tithes in accordance with the best rules observed in the days of our ancestors, namely, [the produce of] every tenth acre traversed by the plough. § 1. And aIl church dues shaIl be rendered, for love of God, to the mother-church to which they belong. § 2. And no-one shaIl deprive God of what belongs to him and of what our ancestors granted him. 5. And we forhid that anyone he sold out of the country. If anyone dares to do so, he shaIl he shut out from the hlessing of God and of aIl the Saints, and from aIl share in the Christian religion, unless he repents and makes amends as his hishop shaIl direct. 6. And we forbid anyone to commit theft. § 1. And aIl men, whether poor or rich, shaIl he entitled to the benefit of the law. § 2. And if anyone has committed the ft, he shaIl restore aIl that he has stolen and make amends, as has always been the rule. § 3. And if any reeve has committed the ft, the compensation paid by him shaIl be double that prescribed to any other person. 7. And alms-money, if it is in arrears, shaIl be paid between now and Michaelmas, under pain of incurring the full penalty. § 1. And every year in future God's dues shaIl be rendcred in aIl cases specified above, for love of God and aIl the saints, so that God omnipotent may show mercy towards us and grant us victory over our foes, and peace. Let us zealously entreat Him, that we may ohtain His mercy and grace here, and, in the life to come, rest without end. Amen.

OLD ENGLISH VERSION OF CODE 7 FROM THE LAws OF KING ETHELRED II (Robertson 114, 116): Dis man gerredde ôa se micele here com to lande. EaIle we bepurfan pret we geomlice earnian pret we Godes miltse 7 his mildheortnesse

hab ban moton 7 pret we purh ms fultum magon feondum wiùstandan.

1. Nu wille we pret eal fole to gemrenelicre dredhote prig dagas be hlafe 7 wirtum 7 wretere,

pres is on Monandreg 7 on Tiwesdreg 7 on Wodnesdreg rer Michaeles mressan.

2. 7 cume manna gehwilc brerefot to circan buton golde 7 glrencgum and ga man to scrifte. APPENDIX FIVE 114

§ 1. 7 gan ealle ut mid haligdome 7 clipian inweardre heortan geome to Cris te.

§ 2. 7 sceote man reghwilce hide prenig oôôe preniges weorô.

§ 3. 7 bringe man pret to cirican 7 siôôan on preo drele be scriftes 7 be tunesgerefan gewitnesse.

3. 7 gif hwa pis ne gelreste, ôonne gebete he pret, swa swa hit gelagod is: bunda mid XXX p, prrel mid his hide, pegn mid XXX scill'. 4. 7 swa hwar swa pret feoh up arise, drele man on Godes est reghwilcne prenig.

§ 1. 7 ealswa pone mete pe gehwa brucan wolde, gif him pret fresten swa geboden nrere, drele man on Godes est georne refter pam frestene eal pearfigendum mannum 7 bedridan 7 swa gebrocedum mannum pe swa frestan ne magon. 5. 7 hiredmanna gehwilc sille prenig to relmessan oôôe his hlaford sille for hine, buton he silf hrebbe, 7 heafodmen teoôian.

§ 1. 7 peowemen pa ôrig dagas beon weorces gefréode wiô ciricsocne 7 wiô ôam pe hi pret fresten pe lustlicor gefrestan. 6.7 on reghwilcan mynstre singe eal geferrreden retgredere heora saltere pa pry dagas.

§ 1. 7 relc mressepreost mressige for urne hlaford 7 for ealle ms peode.

§ 2. 7 par to eacan mressige man reghwilce drege on relcan minstre ane mressan sinderlice for

ôare neode pe us nu on handa stent, oô pret hit betere wurôe. § 3. 7 ret relcan tidsange eal hired apenedum limum retforan Godes weofode singe pone sealm: "Domine, quid multiplicati sunt" 7 preces 7 col'.

7. 7 ealle gemrenelice, gehadode 7 lrewede, bugan to Gode georne 7 geearnian his mildse.

8. 7 reghwilce geare heonon forô gelreste man Godes gerihta hutu rihtlice, wiô ôam pe us

God relmihtig gemiltsige 7 us geunne pret we ure fynd ofercuman motan.

God ure helpe. Amen.

TRANSLATION OF THE OLD ENGLISH VERSION (Robertson 115, 117): This edict was drawn up when the great army came to the country. Ail of us have need to strive earnesdy that we may obtain the mercy and compassion of God and through his help withstand our foes. APPENDIX FIVE 115

1. It is our desire that the whole people, as a national penalty, [fast] on bread and herbs and water for three days, namely, on the Monday, Tuesday and Wednesday before Michaelmas. 2. And everyone shail come barefoot to church without gold or omaments and shail go to confession. § 1. And ail shail go out with the relics, and from their inmost heart call eamestly upon Christ. § 2. And from every hide a penny or the value of a penny shall be given as dues. § 3. And it shall be brought to church and afterwards divided in three in the presence of the confessor and the reeve of the village as witnesses. 3. And if anyone does not render this, he shail make amends as has been established by law: a householder shall pay 30 pence, a slave shall undergo the lash, and a thegn shall pay 30 shillings. 4. And wherever such payment has to be made, every penny shail be distributed for love of God. § 1. And likewise all the food which each would enjoy, if this fast were not prescribed for him, shail be zealously distributed after the fast, for love of God, among the needy and the bed-ridden and the afflicted who cannot fast in this way. 5. And every member of a household shall give a penny as alms, or his lord shall give it for him, if he has nothing himself, and men of position shall pay tithes. § 1. And on these three days slaves shall be exempt from work, in order to attend church and keep the fast more willingly. 6. And in every religious foundation, on these three days, ail the brotherhood in common shail chant [the psalms from] their psalters. § 1. And every priest shall say mass for our lord and for all his people. § 2. And in addition, in every religious foundation, one mass shall be said daily with special reference to the distress with which we are now afflicted, until an improvement takes place. § 3. And at evcry service all the brotherhood, pro strate before the altar of God, shall chant the psalm: "0 Lord, how are they multiplicd" and the Praycrs and the Collcct.

7. And ail men with one accord, both clerics and laymen, shall zealously turn to God and obtain his mercy. APPENDIX FIVE 116

8. And every year henceforth the most scrupulous care shall be taken in the payment of God's dues, in order that God Almighty may have mercy upon us and grant us victory over our enetnles. God help us. Amen. <>------<> BIBLIOGRAPHY 117

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In laudem sancti Michaëlis: The Irish and Coptic Analogues and the Anglo-Saxon Context. Roland Perron Abstract In iaudem samti MùhaèÏis (IUlvI) is a heretical Old English homily on the Archangel Michael copied in the margins of an exemplar of Bede's Ea:iesitlstictli History. The Introduction surveys the previous researches on IUlv!. Chapter 1 analyzes it as a case of heterodoxy, discussing how it deformed the etymology of "Mi-cha-el?". Chapters 2 and 3 consider its Irish and Coptic analogues, then situate it in 11 th-century England. Refining the insights of other scholars, l argue that a theme having to do with supematural protection links IUM to some of its companion marginalia, and that an archivaI intent motivated its preservation. The Conclusion addresses the question of its being an esoteric text. A new edition and translation of IUM is offered in Appendix 1. Appendix 2 provides the very first edition and translation of its Irish analogue, the Liber FiC/vus Fergllsiomm tract on Saint Michael. Budge's translation of the Coptic analogue attributed to Theodosius (AD 535-567) makes up Appendix 3. Appendices 4 and 5 compile documents relevant to my analysis of the context.

Résumé In ialldem sandi MÙ"haèÏis (IUlv!) est une homélie hérétique vieil-anglaise sur l'Archange Michel copiée dans les marges d'un exemplaire de l' Histoire Ealésiastiqlle de Bède. L'introduction passe en revue les recherches antérieures sur IUlv!. Le chapitre premier l'analyse en tant qu'un cas d'hétérodoxie, débatant la façon dont elle a déformé l'étymologie de "Mi-cha-el?". Les chapitres 2 et 3 considèrent ses analogues irlandais et copte, pour ensuite la situer dans l'Angleterre du l1ième siècle. Renchérissant sur les intuitions d'autres chercheurs, je démontre qu'un thème ayant trait à une protection surnaturelle relie IUlvI à certains de ses voisins de marge, et qu'un dessein d'archiviste a motivé sa préservation. La conclusion aborde la question à savoir s'il s'agit d'un texte ésotérique. Une nouvelle édition et traduction de lLSM est offerte dans le premier appendice. L'appendice 2 livre la toute première édition

et traduction de son analogue irlandais, le petit traité sur saint Michel dans le Liber rlc/VIIS "t'èrgllsiomm. La traduction par Budge de l'analogue copte attribué à Théodose (535-567 ap. J. e.) constitue l'appendice 3. Les appendices 4 et 5 compilent des documents pertinents à mon analyse du contexte.