Coptic-Syriac Relations Beyond Dogmatic Rhetoric
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Hugoye: Journal of Syriac Studies, Vol. 11.1, 3–28 © 2011 by Beth Mardutho: The Syriac Institute and Gorgias Press PAPERS COPTIC-SYRIAC RELATIONS BEYOND DOGMATIC RHETORIC LOIS FARAG LUTHER SEMINARY, ST. PAUL, MN ABSTRACT This article highlights Coptic-Syriac relations in ways beyond the theological position of both churches. It focuses on the relationship between Copts and Syrians depicted in the Coptic Synaxarium. It includes a discussion of Syrian saints, Syrians who became patriarchs of the Coptic Church, and their role in the liturgical and devotional changes that occurred. After the Arab conquest, both churches came to share a common language—Arabic. This led to an exchange of theological terms. This shared theological language and the Syrian presence in the Coptic Synaxarium strengthened the relations between the two churches in ways beyond ecclesial politics. The Coptic and Syriac Orthodox churches have a long common history. They are two of the oldest churches of Christianity, with large literatures in Greek, Syriac, Coptic, and later in Arabic. They shared the Roman hegemony—not only the entanglements of Roman law, but also imperial persecutions. They benefited from the Greek paideia. They were intellectually enriched by having their patriarchal residences and presence in cities that were hubs of the 3 4 Lois Farag cultural and commercial centers of the Roman Empire, i.e. the cities of Alexandria and Antioch. Although modern scholars have portrayed the theological history of both churches as a struggle of Antiochene theology against Alexandrian and vice versa, the reality is that each theological group read and thoroughly understood each other’s literature. Both churches agreed to disagree with the Chalcedonian expression of faith. Both churches shared the same suffering to preserve this faith. They shared successive invasions by the Persians and then the Arabs. The Arab invasion led to the isolation of both churches from the rest of western Christendom. It forced both churches to change their theological languages from Greek, Coptic, and Syriac to Arabic. The Syrian Church was a pioneer in this translation process. The Coptic Church eventually became the most productive church of Christian Arabic literature. Both churches confronted the religious challenges of Islam. Religious debates took place in rulers’ palaces as well as among the common lay people. This led to the production of a rich Christian- Islamic dialogue that preceded the attempts of the West by centuries. Since then, their common political situation converged more than ever. The Turks, then later the French and the British conquered both peoples. These layers of foreign hegemony greatly affected the religious expression and religious struggle of both churches. The Turkish, French and British occupations are a part of their history, and the Arab presence remains a reality. However, scholarly research in the West has tended to focus only on a few specific aspects of this shared patrimony. Topics of interest include the non-Chalcedonian faith that both churches have in common;1 also the library and wall paintings in the Syrian Monastery (Deir el-Surian) located in the Egyptian desert of Wadi el-Natrun.2 Individuals of interest include Severus of Antioch and 1 See, e.g. R.V. Sellers, Two Ancient Christologies (London, 1940); idem, The Council of Chalcedon (London, 1961). A. Grillmeier, Christ in the Christian Tradition, vol. 1 (Atlanta, John Knox Press, 1975); idem, Christ in the Christian Tradition, vol 2, Part One (London, Mowbray, 1987). Research in the last few decades has changed the views and approach to these studies. 2 The historical background of Deir el-Surian is discussed in J.M. Fiey, “Copts et Syriaques. Contacts et échanges,” Studia Orientalia Christiana Collectanea 15 (1972–1973), 323–6; also an article about the painting renovations in the monastery Karel C. Innemée, “Deir al-Surian Coptic-Syriac Relations beyond Dogmatic Rhetoric 5 his interlocutor the neo-Chalcedonian John the Grammarian;3 also, John Philoponus, a philosopher and non-Chalcedonian theologian of the sixth century and Julian of Halicarnassus.4 The focus of this paper is on other aspects of this shared patrimony: the strong Syrian presence in the Coptic Synaxarium and the theological (Egypt): conservation work of Autumn 2000,” Hugoye: Journal of Syrian Studies, vol. 4, no. 2 July 2001; Lucas Van Rompay and Fr. Bijoul El- Souriany, “Syriac Papyrus Fragments Recently Discovered in Deir Al- Surian (Egypt), Hugoye: Journal of Syrian Studies, vol. 4, no. 1 January 2001; also an article about Peshitta texts found in the monastery by Peter B. Dirksen, “Peshitta Institute Communication 19: East and West, Old and Young, in the Text Tradition of the Old Testament Peshitta,” Vetus Testamentum 35 no. 4 (1985), 468–484. 3 The life of Severus of Antioch can be found in, John of Beth Aphthonia, Vie de Sévère, ed. and trans. by M.-A. Kugener, Patrologia Orientalis, 2 (Paris, 1907), 207–264. The main corpus of works such as letters and homilies written and delivered by Severus of Antioch are found in the CSCO series and the Patrologia Orientalis. Examples of other secondary works on Severus of Antioch, include J. Lebon, Le Monophysisme sévèrien (Louvain, 1909); V.C. Samuel, “The Christology of Severus of Antioch,” Abba Salama, 4 (1973), 126–190; A. Vööbus, “Discovery of New Important memre of Gewargi, the Bishop of the Arabs,” Journal of Semitic Studies, 18 (1973), 235–237; Iain R. Torrance, Christology after Chalcedon, Severus of Antioch and Sergius the Monophysite (Norwich: Cnaterbury Press, 1988); R.C. Chestnut, Three Monophysite Christologies: Severus of Antioch, Philoxenus of Mabbug, and Jacob of Sarug (Oxford Theological Monographs, 1976). Some works of John the Grammarian are edited by M. Richard and M. Aubineau in Corpus Christianorum Series Graeca I, Turnhout, 1977. 4 Julian Bishop of Halicarnassus died after 518 AD. He was deposed from his seat because he refused to adhere to the Council of Chalcedon’s definition and sought refuge in Alexandria. He disagreed with Severus of Antioch because he upheld the idea of the incorruptibility of the body of Christ (Aphthartodocetic controversy). See F.L. Cross and E.A. Living- stone, The Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church (New York: Oxford University Press, 1998), 909; also, R. Draguet, Julien d’Halicarnasse et sa controverse avec Sévère d’Antioche sur l’incorruptibilité du corps du Christ, (Louvain, 1924). 6 Lois Farag terminology in Arabic shared by both Churches.5 This is followed by a brief discussion of the exchange of theological terms after both Churches came to share Arabic as a common language. The approach of this paper is from the Coptic perspective. The Synaxarium is a liturgical book that recounts the lives of the saints venerated by the Coptic Church. A chapter of the Synaxarium is read daily in the liturgy after the readings of the Praxis, or the Book of Acts, and before the Gospel reading. The simple narrative of the Coptic Synaxarium delivers a powerful message to the people. The first edition of the Synaxarium was compiled by three bishops, Bishop Peter, bishop of Melig, Bishop Michael, bishop of Atrib, and Bishop John, bishop of Borolus.6 5 The Synaxarium text is simply written and is read to the whole congregation every liturgy. Thus this text is a good choice for a study that focuses on the relationship between both churches beyond the hierarchical level and beyond dogmatic debates. 6 Bishop Peter, bishop of Melig, Bishop Michael, bishop of Atrib, and Bishop John, bishop of Borolus, The Synaxarium (Cairo Egypt, El- Mahaba Coptic Orthodox Bookstore, 1978). This printed edition has been attested with six other Synaxarium manuscripts dating from fourteenth to the eighteenth century. All references to the Synaxarium will be according to the date of the saint or commemorated event to avoid unnecessary confusion between different editions. Therefore the entry for Bishop John would be Koiahk 19. Other Synaxarium editions have different compilers, occasionally leading to some date discrepancies and different lists of saints or events for a day’s entry. For example, the Alexandrian Synaxarium edited by Forget mentions that the editors are “Bishop Michael, bishop of Atrib and Melig and others.” I. Forget, ed. Synaxarium Alexandrinum. CSCO, vol 47, Ar. III, 18, t. 18, (Beryti, E Typographeo Catholico, 1905– 1926), 1. There are two different sets of editors for each of the above mentioned editions. This has resulted into two different compilations of the Synaxarium. Also R. Basset, Le synaxaire arabe jacobite (recension copte), in Patrologia Orientalis 1, 3, 11, 16, 17, and 20 (1904–1929). Also R. Coquin, “Le synaxaire des coptes; un nouveau témoin de la recension de Haute- Égypte,” Analecta Bollandiana 96 (1978), 351–365. The edition of choice for this study is the 1978 El-Mahaba edition. The reason for this choice is that this study is concerned with church relations past and present; therefore, the study and reference will be limited to the modern edition (references to the Forget edition is made for comparative purposes only), Coptic-Syriac Relations beyond Dogmatic Rhetoric 7 According to the Synaxarium Bishop John became a monk and disciple of St. Daniel, the hegemon of the Nitrian Desert. St. Daniel was born in AD 485 and ordained the hegemon over the Nitrean Desert in AD 535. During Daniel’s priestly tenure as the hegemon, Emperor Justinian promulgated laws that strongly enforced Chalcedonian dogmas. Daniel’s opposition to these laws caused him great suffering.7 The first collection of saints’ lives, or the nucleus of the book of the Synaxarium, seems to have been composed during the sixth century AD, with additions and since the El-Mahaba edition contains the collective memory of present day Coptic Church goers. The Coptic months are as follows: Thoout September 11/12 – October 9/10.