Parpola a 2019 the Lands of Sindhu & Sauvīra and Their King Jayadratha

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Parpola a 2019 the Lands of Sindhu & Sauvīra and Their King Jayadratha To be published in: Ancient Sindh vol. 15 (December 2019). Khairpur, Sindh, Pakistan. Asko Parpola: The lands of Sindhu and Sauvīra and their king Jayadratha in the Mahābhārata When the editor, Professor Qasid Mallah of the Shah Abdul Latif University of Khairpur, Sindh, invited me to contribute to the forthcoming issue of Ancient Sindh, I decided to find out and write about what the great Sanskrit epic Mahābhārata can tell about Sindh. The gradual development of this epic to its present extent of around 100.000 verses took many centuries, approximately between 400 BCE to 400 CE. (On this question and in general on the Mahābhārata, see Brockington 1998.) The various epic and purāṇic texts have long lists of peoples residing in different parts of South Asia (bhāratavarṣa). The names of the peoples called Sindhu and Sauvīra are often joined together as a compound, sindhusauvīrāḥ, apparently because they were two very closely related peoples, or even because they formed one and the same people with slightly different areas of residence. In a list of northern peoples common to the Mahābhārata (6,10,52) and the Padma-Purāṇa (3,6), the Sindhu and Sauvīra peoples are placed between the Kashmiris (kāśmīrāḥ) and the people of Gandhāra (gāndhārāḥ) (Kirfel 1920: 78). This is in agreement with the following verse of peoples residing in the north, found in six purāṇa texts (Brahmāṇḍa-P., Brahma-P., Mārkaṇḍeya-P., Matsya-P., Vāmana-P., Vāyu-P., some with corrupted variants): gāndhārā yavanāś caiva sindhusauvīramadrakāḥ (Kirfel 1920: 72; Sircar 1971: 33). Here the sindhusauvīrāḥ are placed between the people of Gandhāra (around Swat and Peshawar in Pakistan) and the Yavanas, i.e. the Indo-Greeks (residing chiefly in Bactria and Kandahar in Afghanistan) on the one hand, and the people of the Madra country (around Sialkot) on the other. According to Al-Bīrūṇī, the Sauvīra country included Mūltān and Jahrāvār (about 75 km south of the junction of the Jhelam and the Chenab (Sachau 1888:I, 259-260, 300; Sircar 1971: 33 n. 2). In the Mārkaṇḍeya-Purāṇa (58) and in Varāhamihira’s Bṛhatsaṃhitā (14), the sindhusauvīrāḥ are placed between kāmbojāḥ and vaḍavāmukha. Aśoka’s Rock Edict V mentions together the Yonas, Kambojas and Gandhāras (yonakaṃbojagaṃdhārānāṃ), and the Kāmbojas have usually been assumed to have dwelt in different parts of eastern Afghanistan (Sircar 1971: 195-200). Vaḍavāmukha literally means ‘mare’s mouth’ and refers to the submarine fire that drinks up water of the southern ocean; this very probably refers to the strong ebb of tide in the Indus delta (Parpola & Janhunen 2011: 84-85). The name Sindhu naturally comes from the river name Sindhu, i.e. the Indus River. Traditionally it has denoted modern Sindh, the area around the lower Indus south of the “land of the five rivers”. Sircar (1971: 33 n. 2) thought that in epic-purāṇic sources Sindhu refers to the area west of the lower Indus, and Sauvīra to the area east of it. Another suggestion is that “Sindhu is the modern Sindh and Sauvīra may have been part of Upper Sindh … The identification of Sauvīra by Alberuni with Multan and Jahrawar seems to be correct” (Dey 1927: 183). The latter conclusion agrees with the fact that among the four Sauvīra kings vanquished by Arjuna in the extra verses (39-45) added in some manuscripts after Mahābhārata 1,128,18 (and omitted in the critical edition), one is an Indo-Greek (yavanādhipaḥ), and another called Dattamitra or Dattāmitra alias Sumitra. Dattāmitra has, since Christian Lassen (1867: I, 804-5), almost unanimously been interpreted to denote the Indo-Greek king Demetrius, but Manfred Mayrhofer (1991) recently proposed that it is rather an Iranian name, Dātā-mithra, parallelled by Mithridatēs (as this Iranian name appears in Greek sources). (Karttunen 2015: 21-22; 348) Sindhu and its derivative Saindhava ‘belonging to, or coming from Sindhu’ and Suvīra (‘possessing mighty heroes’) and its derivative Sauvīra as names of people or country occur hundreds of times in the Mahābhārata. Saindhava ‘coming from Sindhu’ is in some 15 cases used of horses (vājinaḥ, aśvāḥ, hayāḥ, vāhāḥ, turaṃgamāḥ), or ‘good/best horses’ (sadaśvāḥ, sādhuvāhinaḥ, hayottamāḥ) (Sörensen 1925: 607-608). “As Indians painfully realized the importance of good and large cavalry forces through their encounters with Greeks, Kushans, Huns, etc., procurement of adequate horses became a major issue. The Indian climate, the unavailability of proper fodder together with improper handling in general made frequent imports of fresh horses from the north and northwest necessary; already Vinaya-Piṭaka III 5 refers to horse-dealers from northern India” (Scharfe 1989: 194-195). Indeed, the swift Saindhava, Yavana and Kāmboja horses are praised in the Mahābhārata, and are mentioned as the best breeds for war even in the much later Manasollāsa (2,3,573). The Arthaśāstra ascribed to Kauṭilya (2,30,29) mentions Kāmboja, Sindhu, Āraṭṭa and Vanāyu as the countries from which the best horses could be imported (Karttunen 1997: 178; 2015: 350). Āraṭṭa was in Bactria in northern Afghanistan (Parpola 2015: 216), while Vanāyu has been thought to refer to Iran (Olivelle 2013: 466). Apart from the horses, the Mahābhārata (3,87,12) mentions also the Forest of the Sindhu (saindhavāraṇyaṃ puṇyam) among the holy places in the west. In most cases, however, the words sindhu/saindhava and suvīra/sauvīra are part of the various appellations or attributes of Jayadratha, King of Sindhu or the Sindhu people, King of Suvīra or Sauvīra, Ruler of Sindhu and Sauvīra: rājā sindhūnam, sindhurāj, sindhurājaḥ, sindhurājā, sindhupatiḥ, saindhavaḥ, saindhavako rājā, saindhavako nṛpaḥ, suvīraḥ, suvīrarāṣṭrapaḥ, sauvīraḥ, sauvīrakaḥ, sauvīrarājaḥ, sindhusauvīrabhartā, patiḥ sauvīrasindhūnām, sauvīrasindhūnām īśvaraḥ (Sörensen 1925: 357-363; 607-608; 635). Jayadratha is a notable character in the epic, and the text portions dealing with him should not belong to the very youngest parts of the great epic. What the epic tells about Jayadratha is in fact practically all we learn about Sindhu in the Mahābhārata in addition to its fame of good horses and its holy forest. Jayadratha’s name means ‘possessing a victorious chariot’; his patronym is Vārddhakṣatri. When Jayadratha after a long waiting time was finally born to the Sindhu king Vṛddhakṣatra (‘one whose ruling power has grown’), an incorporeal and unseen voice announced that the boy would become one of the foremost warriors, but another eminent kṣatriya would cut off his head in battle. Then his father summoned all his relatives to witness his curse: whoever would cause Jayadratha’s head to fall on earth, the head of that man would split into a hundred pieces (dharaṇyāṃ mama putrasya pātayiṣyati yaḥ śiraḥ / tasyāpi śatadhā mūrdhā phaliṣyati na saṃśayaḥ, Mahābhārata 7,121,22). Comment: The verbal debators of the early Upaniṣads (now datable to the early 5th century BCE, see Parpola 2019) threatened their adversaries that in case of ignorance their head would fall off (e.g. Bṛhad-Āraṇyaka-Upaniṣad 3,9,26 taṃ cen me na vivakṣyasi mūrdhā te vipatiṣyatīti); but the motif of the head splitting into a hundred pieces in such curses is found only in post-Vedic texts (e.g. Somadeva’s Kathāsaritsāgara 12,17,63 jānan yadi na vadiṣyasi vidaliṣyati te śiraḥ śatadhā). A penetrating study of this theme in Vedic literature is Witzel 1987; he deals also with Buddhist texts, where the head is cursed to split into seven pieces. The blind old Kaurava king Dhṛtarāṣṭra had a hundred heroic sons but only one daughter, Duḥśalā, whose mother was Gāndhārī (Mahābhārata 1,107,37; 1,108,1-17). Dhṛtarāṣṭra gave her in marriage to Jayadratha, King of Sindhu (Mahābhārata 1,108,17-18). Jayadratha was one of the royal suitors who had come to Draupadī’s svayaṃvara (Mahābhārata 1,177,19), i.e. a wedding where the bride could herself choose her husband. In this case, Draupadī chose all the five Pāṇḍava brothers as her husbands, the main heroes of the epic Mahābhārata (Yudhiṣṭhira, Arjuna, Bhīma, Nakula and Sahadeva); this polyandrous marriage was felt scandalous, never heard of, by all present. Jayadratha attended as a guest also Yudhiṣṭhira’s royal consecration (Mahābhārata 2,31,8; 2,32,7), and also the subsequent dicing game between the Pāṇḍavas and Kauravas (Mahābhārata 2,52,25). In this game Śakuni playing for the Kauravas repeatedly tricked, and the losing Pāṇḍavas had to go for an exile, twelve year in the forests, and one year in the open incognito. The next episode in which Jayadratha figures in the Mahābhārata, called “the Abduction of DraupadI” (Mahābhārata 3,248-283), he is the principal character, and from this episode we learn much about him, especially about the the kings subservient to or allied with him. The Pāṇḍavas left Draupadī at the hermitage of Tṛṇabindu with Tṛṇabindu’s house priest Dhaumya, and left for hunting into different directions in the game-rich Kāmyaka forest. “Meanwhile the famed king of the Sindhus, the son of Vṛddhakṣatra, was proceeding to the land of the Śālvas, being in a marrying mood. Surrounded by a large retinue as befitting a king and accompanied by many princes, he arrived at Kāmyaka. There he saw the glorious Draupadī, beloved wife of the Pāṇḍavas, standing at the hermitage gate in the empty forest, radiating superb beauty … The king of the Sindhus Jayadratha Vārddhakṣatri was astounded and happy of heart at the sight of her flawless limbs. Love-smitten, he said to Prince Koṭikāśya, ‘Whose is this woman of flawless limbs, if she is human at all? There is no point for me to marry now that I have seen this superbly beautiful lady! … Go and find out who her protector is, Koṭika!” (Mahābhārata 3,248,6-17, translated by van Buitenen 1975: 707).
Recommended publications
  • The Mahabharata
    ^«/4 •m ^1 m^m^ The original of tiiis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924071123131 ) THE MAHABHARATA OF KlUSHNA-DWAIPAYANA VTASA TRANSLATED INTO ENGLISH PROSE. Published and distributed, chiefly gratis, BY PROTSP CHANDRA EOY. BHISHMA PARVA. CALCUTTA i BHiRATA PRESS. No, 1, Raja Gooroo Dass' Stbeet, Beadon Square, 1887. ( The righi of trmsMm is resem^. NOTICE. Having completed the Udyoga Parva I enter the Bhishma. The preparations being completed, the battle must begin. But how dan- gerous is the prospect ahead ? How many of those that were counted on the eve of the terrible conflict lived to see the overthrow of the great Knru captain ? To a KsJtatriya warrior, however, the fiercest in- cidents of battle, instead of being appalling, served only as tests of bravery that opened Heaven's gates to him. It was this belief that supported the most insignificant of combatants fighting on foot when they rushed against Bhishma, presenting their breasts to the celestial weapons shot by him, like insects rushing on a blazing fire. I am not a Kshatriya. The prespect of battle, therefore, cannot be unappalling or welcome to me. On the other hand, I frankly own that it is appall- ing. If I receive support, that support may encourage me. I am no Garuda that I would spurn the strength of number* when battling against difficulties. I am no Arjuna conscious of superhuman energy and aided by Kecava himself so that I may eHcounter any odds.
    [Show full text]
  • Microsoft Powerpoint
    ॐ पाथाय ितबाधताे भगवता नारायणने वय ꠱ गीतॎ यॎनम् ꠱ यासेन थता पराणमिननापराणमु ुिनना Gītā Dhyānam मये महाभारतम् ꠰ pārthāya pratibodhitām bhagavatā Meditation Verses on the Gītā nārāyaṇena svayam vyāsena grathitām purāṇa-muninā madhyemahābhāratam Taught to Arjuna by Lord Narayana himself, compiled by Rishi Vyasa in the Mahabharata... अैतामतवषृ णी भगवतीम् नमाऽते त े यास वशालबु े अादशायाीयनीम् फु ारवदायतपन꠰ेे अब वामनसदधामवामनसदधामु namo 'stu te vyāsa viśhāla-buddhe phullāravindāyata-patra-netra भगवत े भवभवषणीमेषणीम् ꠱१꠱ Salutations to You, Vyyasa, whose intellect is vast, advaitāmṛita-varṣhiṇīm bhagavatīm whose eyes are like petals of a lotus... aṣhṭādaśhādhyāyinīm amba tvām anusandadhāmi bhagavad-gīte bhava-dveṣhiṇīm (1) ...this sacred rain of nectar in 18 chapters – O Mother Gita, I venerate You, destroyer of suffering. येन वया भारततलपै ूण पपारजाताय तावे े कपाणयै े꠰ वालता ेे ानमय दप ꠱२꠱ ानमु य कृ णाय गीतामृतदहु ेे नम ꠱३꠱ yena tvayā bhārata-taila-pūrṇaḥ prapanna-pārijātāya prajvālito jñāna-mayaḥ pradīpaḥ (2) totra-vetraika-pāṇaye jñāna-mudrāya kṛiṣhṇāya ...by whom the lamp filled with the oil of the gītāmṛita-dhduhenamaḥ (3) Mahabharata was lit with the flame of knowledge. Salutations to Krishna , who blesses the surrendered, in whose hands are a staff and the symbol of knowledge, who milks the Gita's nectar. सवापिनषदाे े गावा े दाधाे गापालनदने ꠰ वसदेवसत देव क सचाणरमदू नम꠰् पाथा े वस सध ीभााेे दधु गीतामृत महत् ꠰꠰ देेवकपरमानद कृ ण वदेे जगु म् ꠱꠱ sarvopaniṣhado gāvo vasudeva-sutam devam dogdhā gopāla-nandanaḥ kaḿsa-cāṇūra-mardanam pārtho vatsaḥ sudhīr bhoktā devakī-paramānandam ddhdugdham gītāmṛitam mahthat (4) kṛiṣhṇam vande jdjagad-gurum (5) The Upanishads are cows, Krishna is the cowherd, I revere Sri Krishna, teacher of all, son of Vasudeva, Arjuna is the calf, and wise people enjoy the sacred destroyer of Kamsa and Chanura, who is the delight nectar milked from the Gita.
    [Show full text]
  • Human Sacrifice, Karma and Asceticism in Jantu’S Tale of the Mahābhārata.”
    A Final Response to Philipp A. Maas, “Negotiating Efficiencies: Human Sacrifice, Karma and Asceticism in Jantu’s Tale of the Mahābhārata.” Vishwa Adluri, Hunter College, New York Interpretation of the narrative and using intertextual connections as evidence I disagree that “the occurrence of the word ‘jantu’ in the KU and in Shankara[’]s commentary” does not “help to understand the MBh passage under discussion.” On the contrary, it is highly relevant. The term jantu’s resonances in the Kaṭha Upaniṣad permit us to understand the philosophical dimension of the narrative. It suggests that an important philosophical argument is being worked out in the narrative rather than the kind of jostling for political authority between Brahmanism and śramaṇa traditions you see in the text. Even if you are not interested in philosophical questions, it is disingenuous to suggest that “Shankara interpreted the Upanishads from the perspective of Advaita Vedanta many hundred years after these works were composed. His approach is not historical but philosophical, which is fully justified, but his testimony does not help to determine what the works he comments upon meant at the time and in the contexts of their composition.” Is it really credible that Śaṁkara, interpreting the Mahābhārata some centuries after it was composed, did not correctly understand the Mahābhārata, while you, writing two millennia later, do? Can you seriously claim that Śaṁkara is not aware of the history of the text (although you are), while being ignorant of the intertextual connections between this narrative and the Kaṭha Upaniṣad? Isn’t the real reason that you claim a long period of development that it is only on this premise that you can claim that Śaṁkara’s interpretation is not relevant, and that yours, on the contrary, has greater objectivity? The notion that only the contemporary scholar, applying the historical-critical method, has access to the true or the most original meaning of the text is deeply rooted in 1 modernity.
    [Show full text]
  • The Mahabharata of Krishna-Dwaipayana Vyasa SALYA
    The Mahabharata of Krishna-Dwaipayana Vyasa SALYA PARVA translated by Kesari Mohan Ganguli In parentheses Publications Sanskrit Series Cambridge, Ontario 2002 Salya Parva Section I Om! Having bowed down unto Narayana and Nara, the most exalted of male beings, and the goddess Saraswati, must the word Jaya be uttered. Janamejaya said, “After Karna had thus been slain in battle by Savyasachin, what did the small (unslaughtered) remnant of the Kauravas do, O regenerate one? Beholding the army of the Pandavas swelling with might and energy, what behaviour did the Kuru prince Suyodhana adopt towards the Pandavas, thinking it suitable to the hour? I desire to hear all this. Tell me, O foremost of regenerate ones, I am never satiated with listening to the grand feats of my ancestors.” Vaisampayana said, “After the fall of Karna, O king, Dhritarashtra’s son Suyodhana was plunged deep into an ocean of grief and saw despair on every side. Indulging in incessant lamentations, saying, ‘Alas, oh Karna! Alas, oh Karna!’ he proceeded with great difficulty to his camp, accompanied by the unslaughtered remnant of the kings on his side. Thinking of the slaughter of the Suta’s son, he could not obtain peace of mind, though comforted by those kings with excellent reasons inculcated by the scriptures. Regarding destiny and necessity to be all- powerful, the Kuru king firmly resolved on battle. Having duly made Salya the generalissimo of his forces, that bull among kings, O monarch, proceeded for battle, accompanied by that unslaughtered remnant of his forces. Then, O chief of Bharata’s race, a terrible battle took place between the troops of the Kurus and those of the Pandavas, resembling that between the gods and the Asuras.
    [Show full text]
  • John Benjamins Publishing Company Historiographia Linguistica 41:2/3 (2014), 375–379
    Founders of Western Indology: August Wilhelm von Schlegel and Henry Thomas Colebrooke in correspondence 1820–1837. By Rosane Rocher & Ludo Rocher. (= Abhandlungen für die Kunde des Morgenlandes, 84.) Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2013, xv + 205 pp. ISBN 978-3-447-06878-9. €48 (PB). Reviewed by Leonid Kulikov (Universiteit Gent) The present volume contains more than fifty letters written by two great scholars active in the first decades of western Indology, the German philologist and linguist August Wilhelm von Schlegel (1767–1789) and the British Indologist Henry Thomas Colebrooke (1765–1837). It can be considered, in a sense, as a sequel (or, rather, as an epistolary appendix) to the monograph dedicated to H. T. Colebrooke that was published by the editors one year before (Rocher & Rocher 2012). The value of this epistolary heritage left by the two great scholars for the his- tory of humanities is made clear by the editors, who explain in their Introduction (p. 1): The ways in which these two men, dissimilar in personal circumstances and pro- fessions, temperament and education, as well as in focus and goals, consulted with one another illuminate the conditions and challenges that presided over the founding of western Indology as a scholarly discipline and as a part of a program of education. The book opens with a short Preface that delineates the aim of this publica- tion and provides necessary information about the archival sources. An extensive Introduction (1–21) offers short biographies of the two scholars, focusing, in particular, on the rise of their interest in classical Indian studies. The authors show that, quite amazingly, in spite of their very different biographical and educational backgrounds (Colebrooke never attended school and universi- ty in Europe, learning Sanskrit from traditional Indian scholars, while Schlegel obtained classical university education), both of them shared an inexhaustible interest in classical India, which arose, for both of them, due to quite fortuitous circumstances.
    [Show full text]
  • Mahabharata Tatparnirnaya
    Mahabharatha Tatparya Nirnaya Chapter XIX The episodes of Lakshagriha, Bhimasena's marriage with Hidimba, Killing Bakasura, Draupadi svayamwara, Pandavas settling down in Indraprastha are described in this chapter. The details of these episodes are well-known. Therefore the special points of religious and moral conduct highlights in Tatparya Nirnaya and its commentaries will be briefly stated here. Kanika's wrong advice to Duryodhana This chapter starts with instructions of Kanika an expert in the evil policies of politics to Duryodhana. This Kanika was also known as Kalinga. Probably he hailed from Kalinga region. He was a person if Bharadvaja gotra and an adviser to Shatrujna the king of Sauvira. He told Duryodhana that when the close relatives like brothers, parents, teachers, and friends are our enemies, we should talk sweet outwardly and plan for destroying them. Heretics, robbers, theives and poor persons should be employed to kill them by poison. Outwardly we should pretend to be religiously.Rituals, sacrifices etc should be performed. Taking people into confidence by these means we should hit our enemy when the time is ripe. In this way Kanika secretly advised Duryodhana to plan against Pandavas. Duryodhana approached his father Dhritarashtra and appealed to him to send out Pandavas to some other place. Initially Dhritarashtra said Pandavas are also my sons, they are well behaved, brave, they will add to the wealth and the reputation of our kingdom, and therefore, it is not proper to send them out. However, Duryodhana insisted that they should be sent out. He said he has mastered one hundred and thirty powerful hymns that will protect him from the enemies.
    [Show full text]
  • The Global Connections of Gandhāran Art
    More Gandhāra than Mathurā: substantial and persistent Gandhāran influences provincialized in the Buddhist material culture of Gujarat and beyond, c. AD 400-550 Ken Ishikawa The Global Connections of Gandhāran Art Proceedings of the Third International Workshop of the Gandhāra Connections Project, University of Oxford, 18th-19th March, 2019 Edited by Wannaporn Rienjang Peter Stewart Archaeopress Archaeology Archaeopress Publishing Ltd Summertown Pavilion 18-24 Middle Way Summertown Oxford OX2 7LG www.archaeopress.com ISBN 978-1-78969-695-0 ISBN 978-1-78969-696-7 (e-Pdf) DOI: 10.32028/9781789696950 www.doi.org/10.32028/9781789696950 © Archaeopress and the individual authors 2020 Gandhāran ‘Atlas’ figure in schist; c. second century AD. Los Angeles County Museum of Art, inv. M.71.73.136 (Photo: LACMA Public Domain image.) This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License. This book is available direct from Archaeopress or from our website www.archaeopress.com Contents Acknowledgements ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������iii Illustrations ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������iii Contributors ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� iv Preface ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������
    [Show full text]
  • Architectural Science in Jain Poetry: the Descriptions of Kumarapala's
    International Journal of Jaina Studies (Online) Vol. 13, No. 4 (2017) 1-30 ARCHITECTURAL SCIENCE IN JAIN POETRY THE DESCRIPTIONS OF KUMARAPALA’S TEMPLES Basile Leclère 1. Introduction In the fourth act of the Moharājaparājaya or Defeat of King Delusion, a play about the conversion to Jainism of the Caulukya king Kumārapāla (r. 1143-1173) written by the Jain layman Yaśaḥpāla under the reign of Kumārapāla’s successor Ajayapāla (r. 1173-1176), there is a scene wherein several allegorical characters, Prince Gambling, his wife Falsehood and his friends Venison and Excellent-Wine are suddenly informed by a royal proclamation that a Jain festival is about to take place. Understanding that their existence is threatened by the king’s commitment to the ethics of Jainism, all these vices look in panic for a place in the capital city of Aṇahillapura (modern Patan) to take refuge in. Falsehood then points at a great temple where she thinks they could revel, but she learns from her husband that it is a Jain sanctuary totally unfit for welcoming them, as well as the many other charming temples that Falsehood notices in the vicinity. Prince Gambling and Excellent-Wine then explain that all these temples have been built by Kumārapāla under the influence of his spiritual teacher, the Jain monk Hemacandra.1 As a matter of fact, Kumārapāla did launch an ambitious architectural project after converting to Jainism and had Jain temples built all over the Caulukya empire, a feat celebrated by another allegorical character, Right-Judgement, in the fifth act of the Defeat of King Delusion: there he expresses his joy of seeing the earth looking like a woman thrilled with joy, with all these temples to Dispassionate Jinas erected at a high level as the hair of a body.2 Other Jain writers from the times of Kumārapāla similarly praised the king’s decision to manifest the social and political rise of Jainism by filling the landscape with so many temples.
    [Show full text]
  • Dharma in the Mahabharata As a Response to Ecological Crises: a Speculation
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by The Trumpeter - Journal of Ecosophy (Athabasca University) Dharma in the Mahabharata as a response to Ecological Crises: A speculation By Kamesh Aiyer Abstract Without doing violence to Vyaasa, the Mahabharata (Vyaasa, The Mahabharata 1933-1966) can be properly viewed through an ecological prism, as a story of how “Dharma” came to be established as a result of a conflict over social policies in response to on-going environmental/ecological crises. In this version, the first to recognize the crises and to attempt to address them was Santanu, King of Hastinapur (a town established on the banks of the Ganges). His initial proposals evoked much opposition because draconian and oppressive, and were rescinded after his death. Subsequently, one of Santanu’s grandsons, Pandu, and his children, the Pandavas, agreed with Santanu that the crises had to be addressed and proposed more acceptable social policies and practices. Santanu’s other grandson, Dhritarashtra, and his children, the Kauravas, disagreed, believing that nothing needed to be done and opposed the proposed policies. The fight to establish these policies culminated in the extended and widespread “Great War” (the “Mahaa-Bhaarata”) that was won by the Pandavas. Some of the proposed practices/social policies became core elements of "Hinduism" (such as cow protection and caste), while others became accepted elements of the cultural landscape (acceptance of the rights of tribes to forests as “commons”). Still other proposals may have been implied but never became widespread (polyandry) or may have been deemed unacceptable and immoral (infanticide).
    [Show full text]
  • Always Remember Krishna - Part 10
    Always Remember Krishna - Part 10 Date: 2014-09-27 Author: Sudarshana devi dasi Hare Krishna Prabhujis and Matajis, Please accept my humble obeisances! All glories to Srila Prabhupada and Srila Gurudev! This is in continuation of the previous offerings titled, "Always Remember Krishna" wherein we were meditating on Arjuna's experiences once Krishna returned to Goloka. In previous offerings we meditated on the 8 blessings recollected by Arjuna. Now we shall continue to hear further. d. Blessing 9: In Srimad Bhagavatam verse 1.15.16 Arjuna says, yad-doḥṣu mā praṇihitaṁ guru-bhīṣma-karṇa- naptṛ-trigarta-śalya-saindhava-bāhlikādyaiḥ astrāṇy amogha-mahimāni nirūpitāni nopaspṛśur nṛhari-dāsam ivāsurāṇi Great generals like Bhishma, Drona, Karna, Bhurishrava, Susharma, Shalya, Jayadratha, and Bahlika all directed their invincible weapons against me. But by His [Lord Krishna's] grace they could not even touch a hair on my head. Similarly, Prahlada Maharaja, the supreme devotee of Lord Narsimhadeva, was unaffected by the weapons the demons used against him. In Kurukshetra war, there were so many dangerous situations faced by Arjuna when he had to fight against great generals like Bhishma, Drona, Karna etc. who had many powerful weapons which when released on Arjuna would have definitely caused death. But in every instance Krishna protected him. In case of Bhishmadev we know how Duryodhana blamed him to be partial to Pandavas and hurt by Duryodhana's lack of trust, Bhishmadev reserved five special arrows, one for each of the Pandavas. That night, somehow Krishna inspired Arjuna and took away those arrows Bhishmadev had reserved to kill the Pandavas.
    [Show full text]
  • Objectives the Main Objective of This Course Is to Introduce Students to Archaeology and the Methods Used by Archaeologists
    The Maharaja Sayajirao University of Baroda Faculty of Arts Academic Year Department of Archaeology and Ancient History 2016-2017 Vadodara, India 390002 Bachelor of Arts: Regular YEAR 1 Allied - 01&02: Credit 3 Semester 1 AB1A01AY1N and AB1A02AY1N/AAH1102A01 and Hours 45 AAH1103A02 Ancient Indian History Culture and Archaeology – I Objectives The main objective of this course is to introduce students to archaeology and the methods used by archaeologists. This will be followed by the chronological sequence of the early cultures of India – starting from the beginning of production of stone artifacts till 2700 years ago. Students will also examine the origin and development of domestic and religious architecture and development of various religions in the Indian subcontinent COURSE CONTENT/SYLLABUS UNIT-I Introduction to Archaeology 12 hrs Definition, history, archaeological remains, archaeological methods, relationship of archaeology with other disciplines; Main geographical of features of India and its influence on its culture UNIT-II Sources of India Culture and chronology and arrangements of events 5 hrs Archaeological and Literary sources of Indian History and culture Chronological sequence of cultures of India UNIT-III Introduction to Prehistoric cultures of India 14 hrs Lower Paleolithic, Middle Paleolithic, Upper Paleolithic, Mesolithic Cultures of India UNIT-IV Neolithic and Chalcolithic cultural developments 14 hrs North and North Eastern and Southern Neolithic Cultures of India Indus Valley Civilization, Origin and Development of Harappa Culture Activities Museum visits, handling of Artefacts, registration and documentation of artefacts,Presentation and discussion REFERENCES 1 Allchin, B. and F. R. Allchin. 1982. The Rise of Civilization in India and Pakistan.
    [Show full text]
  • World Journal of Pharmaceutical Research SJIF Impact Factor 6.805 Dhrubo Et Al
    World Journal of Pharmaceutical Research SJIF Impact Factor 6.805 Dhrubo et al. World Journal of Pharmaceutical Research Volume 5, Issue 12, 407-416. Review Article ISSN 2277– 7105 HALITE ; THE ROCK SALT: ENORMOUS HEALTH BENEFITS Apurbo Sarker, Arittra Ghosh, Kinsuk Sarker, Debojyoti Basu and Prof. Dr. Dhrubo Jyoti Sen Department of Pharmaceutical Chemistry, Shri Sarvajanik Pharmacy College, Gujarat Technological University, Arvind Baug, Mehsana-384001, Gujarat, India. ABSTRACT Article Received on 04 Oct. 2016, Rock salt is a natural supplement that can provide health benefits. It is Revised on 24 Oct. 2016, found in most drug stores, supermarkets and online pharmacies, rock Accepted on 14 Nov. 2016 DOI: 10.20959/wjpr201612-7482 salt is available as a powder, pill supplement, or even as a liquid extract additive in health beverages. Traditionally used as a spice or flavor addition in cooking, rock salt is also available as an over-the- *Corresponding Author counter health supplement. Consult your doctor before consuming rock Prof. Dr. Dhrubo Jyoti Sen Department of salt for the treatment of any condition. One of the main health benefits Pharmaceutical Chemistry, of rock salt is the large number of naturally occurring minerals found Shri Sarvajanik Pharmacy within the supplement. Crystallized rock salt contains 84 of the 92 College, Gujarat trace elements currently identified in science. Many of these minerals, Technological University, such as calcium and magnesium, are vitally important to normal organ Arvind Baug, Mehsana- 384001, Gujarat, India. function within the body. If you have low levels of these natural elements, you can benefit greatly from taking rock salt as a dietary supplement.
    [Show full text]