INTERPLAY OF OCCUPATION AND CULTURE: UNDERSTANDING THE PASTORALISTS OF PULIKULAM AND KANGAYAM BREEDS IN TAMIL NADU
Submitted by
V G Krithika
H2017RDGM032
A Project report submitted in Partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Rural Development and Governance
School of Livelihoods and Development
Tata Institute of Social Sciences
Hyderabad
2019
DECLARATION
I, V G Krithika, hereby declare that this dissertation entitled ‘Interplay of Occupation and Culture: Understanding the Pastoralists of Pulikulam and Kangayam Breeds in Tamil Nadu’ is the outcome of my own study undertaken under the guidance of Dr. K.P. Rajesh, Assistant Professor, School of Livelihoods and Development, Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Hyderabad. It has not previously formed the basis for the award of any degree, diploma, or certificate of this Institute or of any other institute or university. I have duly acknowledged all the sources used by me in the preparation of this dissertation.
20 March 2019 V.G. KRITHIKA
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CERTIFICATE
This is to certify that the dissertation entitled ‘Interplay of Occupation and Culture: Understanding the Pastoralists of Pulikulam and Kangayam Breeds in Tamil Nadu’ is the record of the original work done by V.G. Krithika under my guidance and supervision. The results of the research presented in this dissertation/thesis have not previously formed the basis for the award of any degree, diploma, or certificate of this Institute or any other institute or university.
20 March 2019 Dr. K.P. Rajesh
Assistant Professor,
School of Livelihoods and Development,
Tata Institute of Social Sciences,
Hyderabad
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Contents
Abstract______vii
Chapter I
Introduction...... 1
Chapter II
Review of Literature...... 8
Chapter III
Evolution of Kangayam and Pulikulam breed of Cattle: A Historical account……………...21
Chapter IV
Occupation and Culture: Caste, Class and Gender...... 28
Chapter V
Sport of Sallikattu: Looking beyond the Hump and the Bull...... 42
Chapter VI
De-layering the Occupation: Way forward...... 53
References...... 60
Annexures
Interview Schedules used for the study...... viii
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Acknowledgments
This dissertation is an outcome of varied levels of interactions, insights, inquisitive dialogues and support that I have received from so many people. There were times I did not wish to proceed further, there were times I wanted to give up and there were also times when I felt really elated about what I was working on. Thanks are due to so many people who have backed me throughout this experience. Writing this has been fulfilling with a satisfaction of having contributed a minuscule work to a domain I hold enormous love and interest towards. Transcending all of this, presenting this as a complete work at the end, places me in a stream of mixed emotions.
First and foremost, I wish to thank Dr. Rajesh, for being a wonderful guide, enabling me to improvise and move further at every juncture of this study. His meticulous reading of my work and timely suggestions has made a huge difference to this work, streamlining my thoughts. It has been a truly enriching experience to learn the aspects of research writing. If not for him, this work would have never crystallised into what it is.
My respects and gratitude to Dr. Johny Stephen for enabling me to visualise my ideas and guiding me with the initial stages of framing my study topic.
My heartfelt thanks to Dr. Krithi for the conversations which helped me in choosing my topic and for the support and motivation.
Most important credits and love are to the pastoralists for providing me with their narratives and conversing with me through their actual raw emotions. It was truly an honour to listen to their tales of grit and perseverance, throwing up a whole different perspective about the occupation to me. The connect with many of them extended much beyond the field work and I am grateful for their extended support and responses whenever I’ve contacted them.
Two most important people need to be acknowledged, whose detailed responses enabled to develop a comprehensive picture of this study – Thiru. Karthikeya Sivasenapathy and Thiru. Raja Marthandan.
Senapathy Sir, right from hearing him for the first time during Sallikattu protests to meeting him for my interview on this dissertation, has contributed some insightful information, by patiently answering my questions and introducing me to rich sources of literature on this topic. I am thankful to Senapathy Kangayam Cattle Research Foundation for supporting me, connecting me with the respondents.
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Thiru. Raja Marthandan and Dhenu Cattle Conservation Foundation, deserves a special mention for having provided me with an opportunity to work with the pastoralists and for connecting me to a large and diverse set of respondents. From addressing my concerns and providing opinions at different junctures, his role and contribution to the study has been very significant. Thanks for making me a part of Sempulam and for the support whenever I’ve reached out.
My love and gratitude to my family for holding me all through this process and being there for me all throughout. Ushi and Ganesan - my parents, have been understanding and backing me up always, motivating me to reach until the very end. Their assurance was very important in finishing this work and I’m glad that they’re there for me.
I owe a big shout-out to Paaru, Surya, Chaviti and Deeshu, my people over here, who’ve made me always feel that I’d be able to complete this, my love for all of them. Thanks for grounding me in peace of mind and by supporting me whenever throughout.
To my juniors – Anju and Yugesh, for helping me out and caring to make sure that my work goes well. I’m thankful to both to them for it. I’m grateful to my senior Vishnu Karthik for having connected me to this field and associating me to such wonderful people. Many thanks for the discussions and dialogues I’ve had with him on this domain.
Finally, my interest and curiosity towards exploring this field, would not have happened, if not for the Sallikattu protests that surprised me with such intense and massive turnout. Thanks for inspiring me towards getting into this field – a long engagement which has been and would continue to be stirring.
Samarpanam. To every voice that fought for and brought back Sallikattu!
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Abstract
Livestock are viewed as an integral part of rural households in India. A major number of households from different communities in Tamil Nadu are still dependent on cattle rearing as a primary source of their livelihood in which the livelihood rearing systems work on a complex web involving culture, beliefs and traditions. In other words, it exemplifies the development of a complex constellation between economy and culture. The rearing of the indigenous cattle breeds has faced a serious threat with the coming in of cross-breeds under the White revolution and mechanisation of agriculture. With the Sallikattu movement as the context, studying the occupation of indigenous cattle rearing, especially that of Pulikulam and Kangayam pastoralists in Tamil Nadu, to understand the intricacies involved and assessing the situation after the removal of the ban on Sallikattu presents an interesting topic to research and understand about. This study attempts to look at the occupation of indigenous cattle rearing, in specific to the case of Pulikulam and Kangayam cattle in Tamil Nadu through its interactions with the elements of caste, class and gender. The analysis focuses on the different dimensions of the occupation, de-layering the varied levels of influences of various factors that influence the occupation of indigenous cattle rearing. Placing the occupation as an embedded system that operates under the realm of culture and traditional systems, the study attempts to decode the different subtilities that arise as an outcome of this interplay.
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Chapter I
Introduction
1.1. Introduction
Livestock are viewed as an integral part of rural households in India. Being a part of the household’s asset portfolio, it acts as a security cover and mitigates risk for those households that hold them. Agriculture and possession of livestock such as cattle, goats, sheep and poultry have gone hand-in-hand with both having linkages. Cattle are viewed as a key resource in terms of provision of manure to the agricultural fields and play a much more significant role in terms of making the land ready for cultivation by ploughing and discharging manual work. India in specific has a rich diversity of indigenous cattle breeds. While the breeds in the Northern India are known for their milk capacity and are termed as milch breeds, the breeds that are present to the South of the Vindhyas are famous for their draught capacity. Coming down to the State of Tamil Nadu, a major number of households from different communities are still dependent on cattle rearing as a primary source of their livelihood in which the livelihood rearing systems work on a complex web involving culture, beliefs and traditions. In other words, it exemplifies the development of a complex constellation between economy and culture.
The rearing of these indigenous cattle breeds has faced a serious threat with the coming in of cross-breeds under the White revolution period where enhancing the milk productivity was the main area of focus. Mechanisation of agriculture contributed to the replacement of cattle’s draft work with tractors and other equipment, thereby taking away the role of these animals in agriculture. While the livestock keepers were initially viewed as the custodians of these indigenous cattle breeds, globalisation has thrown open the markets to development of a variety of alternatives and has provided cheaper alternatives to the products and services that were initially centred around these cattle. With the rapidly changing market and the nature of demands, the role and significance of these cattle in on the decline and is impacting their population at an alarming rate.
With the decline in cattle population occurring due to influx of cross-breeds, increased use of chemical fertilisers instead of manure from cattle dung and restriction on access to pasture and grazing lands, the occupation of the pastoralists who are dependent on these cattle is also severely impacted. Dismayed by the lack of opportunities and decline in income, the occupation of cattle rearing has become a task that leads to a situation of lesser incentives.
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The cattle breeds of Pulikulam and Kangayam are most prominent native to the state of Tamil Nadu. Reflecting the distress scenario in rearing indigenous cattle breeds, the impact of the same on the population of the breed is also significant alongside affecting the income generated by the pastoralists. The occupation of cattle herding in the background of Tamil Nadu is beyond the framework of occupation operating in a market economy and is to be viewed in a complex structure consisting of various factors in the society. These factors influence the occupation and holds implications on the methods of herding practiced.
1.2. Problem Statement
According to recent estimates, the population of Pulikulam cattle has drastically declined to 16,000 in recent years from 90,000 in 1995 (Sundararaju, 2019) and same is the case with Kangayam cattle whose population has dwindled from 10,00,000 in 1990 to about 15,000 in 2016 (Natarajan, 2016). This is a very steep decline and is a cause of concern in terms of preserving the indigenous cattle breeds.
The decline is fuelled by a number of issues pertaining to access to grazing and pasture, mechanisation of agriculture, introduction of cross-breeds and government apathy. While these were the general assumptions to have caused the decline, there might have been more factors that complemented the decline of the cattle population. Lack of awareness and interest on conservation of indigenous cattle breeds among the present generation might also be one among the prime factors.
Having said the problem of decline in cattle population of Pulikulam and Kangayam breeds, the Sallikattu protests that shook the state of Tamil Nadu in January 2017 with a massive turnout focused on reviving of the sport of Sallikattu which is associated with these cattle breeds and threw limelight on the need for conservation of these breeds by drawing the attention of all the stakeholders. While the movement was largely centred around the sport, saving the indigenous cattle also happened to be an area that was highlighted. The pride around the bull was elevated among the youngsters with posters, images and videos of the sport being circulated in large.
In such a scenario, with the Sallikattu movement as the context, studying the occupation of indigenous cattle rearing, especially that of Pulikulam and Kangayam pastoralists to understand the intricacies involved and assessing the situation after the removal of the ban on Sallikattu presents an interesting topic to research and understand about. The deciphering of the link
2 between the sport and the occupation, with understanding the dynamics of the occupation shall prove to be a beneficial addition to the existing pool of literature available on this subject.
1.3. Definitions in the context of the study
The term and references to indigenous cattle breeds of Pulikulam and Kangayam refer to the cattle that possess the pure and fine breed qualities, without including the cattle that may be a product of cross breeding with these particular cattle.
Usage of the term ‘pastoral communities’ denotes the people of those communities that rear the cattle breeds of Pulikulam and Kangayam and view this as a primary source of livelihood. These communities are be supplemented by agricultural land, but in a very meagre and negligible amount. The study also identifies the pastoralist to be a minimum of 3rd generation livestock keeper of the particular breed, in order to gather details pertaining to the shift and evolution of herding practices. This is the context in which the following research questions have formulated to carry out this study.
1.4. Research Questions
a. Is there a significant and steady decline in the populations of Pulikulam and Kangayam cattle breed over the last two decades? If yes, what are the predominant reasons for this decline? b. What are the different dynamics including culture, beliefs and norms that influence the occupation of indigenous cattle rearing among the herder communities? c. How has the breeding and rearing techniques based upon the traditions evolved over the generations of herders? Also, how has the aspect of dignity associated with cattle breeding occupation changed over time? d. Has the removal of Sallikattu ban created any impact on the herder communities?
1.5. Objectives of the study
a. To understand whether there is any decline happening in the indigenous cattle breeds of Pulikulam and Kangayam in Tamil Nadu.
b. If there is a decline, to understand the underlying reasons behind the drastic decline of indigenous cattle breeds of Pulikulam and Kangayam.
c. To understand whether different types of culture, beliefs and religious norms impact the practices and methods of herding.
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d. In case of such an influence, to understand the evolution in the practices followed and the trajectory of change in rearing.
e. To make an attempt for an understanding of people’s perception towards this occupation with respect to the aspect of dignity.
f. To study whether the people’s perception on dignity towards cattle herding has influenced on the transfer of herding occupation to consecutive generations.
g. To understand whether the Sallikatu movement has contributed towards improving the livelihood of indigenous cattle herders.
h. To understand the different changes that have occurred and study their sustainability in the long run, if there has been any impact as a result of the Sallikattu movement.
1.6. Theoretical Framework of Study
This study attempts to look at the occupation of indigenous cattle rearing, in specific to the case of Pulikulam and Kangayam cattle in Tamil Nadu through its interactions with the elements of caste, class and gender. Placing the occupation as an embedded system that operates under the realm of culture and traditional systems, the study attempts to decode the different subtilities that arise as an outcome of this interplay. Deviating from the linear approaches towards studying occupations as against markets, this study adopts a framework of de-layering the occupation from the vantage point of caste, class, gender and religion, to unravel the cultural linkages that have driven it in a certain manner over decades.
1.7. Methodology
The methodology of this research is qualitative in nature. The qualitative research approach is adopted in order to capture the necessary details which are largely descriptive and interpretative in nature. In the broader domain of qualitative research, case study approach in particular has been adopted as the design of study since it aids in capturing multiple dimensions of the study topic and provides a holistic framework, facilitating for an in-depth analysis on the research question.
The case study approach has been chosen in order to collect relevant information regarding the activities and ritualistic practices of the individuals involved in cattle herding occupation. The developed case studies would revolve around answering the research questions and deciphering the context and various other factors that have led to the existence of such a practice and
4 situation. Since my research focuses on finding about the evolution and influence of cultural practices on the herding occupation, case study approach would trace the ‘how’ and ‘why’ aspects, elucidating on the perceptions of the herders. Under this method of study, narratives and perspectives of herder families belonging to different communities, livestock experts and government officials who are involved in conservation projects were collected.
1.8. Method and Tools of Data Collection
A semi-structured interview was chosen as the method of data collection since it enabled me to bring out the narratives of the herders and also guide the conversation in a specific manner that is particular in addressing the research questions. Open ended questions gave space for the respondents to vast and elaborate responses that were rich with information – both in terms of providing the answers to my research topic and also in terms of explaining the context under which they developed. Therefore, deciding to take individual interviews with a semi-structured interview schedule helped in capturing the relevant information.
The data was collected using a semi-structured interview schedule consisting of open-ended questions. These questions were framed based on the research questions and objectives covering aspects of information that are necessary. Further while administering the interview schedule on the respondents, few other questions were built depending on the answers provided by the respondents.
1.9. Data Collection
The data collection for the fieldwork has been carried out between the months of November 2018-February 2019. Insights and narratives from my previous fieldwork with the pastoralists of Pulikulam, carried out as a part of my engagement with Dhenu Cattle Conservation Foundation have also been used for this study.
As a part of my fieldwork, I have taken 32 interviews with pastoralists who rear Pulikulam Cattle Breed. Out of these 10 interviews, 31 were male pastoralists and one was a female pastoralist. The field locations were Manapatty, Thiruparankundram, Nilaiyur, Kaluvangulam, Mattaparai in Madurai District and Padamathur and Killadhiri in Sivagangai district. Further, I have interviewed Mr. Srinivasan, Asst. Project Director of the Pulikulam Cattle Research Station set up in Manamadaurai Taluk of Sivagangai district on the various schemes and conservation projects carried out by the government.
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With the Kangayam breed of cattle, I have interviewed Mr. Karthikeya Sivasenapathy, Managing Trustee, Senapathy Kangayam Cattle Research Foundation. His interview turned out to be a very crucial narrative in which he listed out the documentation of the breed since Colonial times and briefed on the bio-cultural practices of the Kangayam cattle herders. I have recorded case studies of 5 Kangayam cattle breeders. Four of these were men and one was a woman breeder. The field locations were Kathasamypalayam in Tirupur, Kuttapalayam in Erode and Karur districts.
Mr. Raja Marthandan, Managing Trustee, Dhenu Cattle Conservation Foundation was interviewed where he explained about the significance of Pulikulam breed of cattle and about the different religious connotations that are attached towards the rearing of this breed. He also gave a very key input on the area of caste influence in the game of Sallikatu, with some key insightful points about the Sallikattu movement.
1.10. Organisation of this study
Starting with the Chapter I that briefs about the topic and methodology of the study, the next part – Chapter II gives a collated review of the existing pool of literature on this topic. The consecutive chapter – Chapter III titled “Evolution of Kangayam and Pulikulam breed of cattle: A Historical Account” talks about the history of the breed since colonial period and engages with the literature in colonial period drawing up to the status of the breed in the present scenario. Chapter V titled “Occupation and Culture: Understanding the Interplay of religious beliefs, Class, Caste and Gender” talks about the interlinkages between the occupation of cattle rearing and the traditional beliefs that influence the same. “The Sport of Sallikattu: Looking beyond the hump and the Bull” – constitutes Chapter V elaborates on the sport and elucidates on the association between the sport and the conservation of the cattle breeds. The final chapter titled “De-layering the Occupation: Restoration and Way forward”, highlights on the inferences and suggests some policy reforms to enhance the occupation of cattle rearing, in specific to Pulikulam and Kangayam cattle.
The study in totality, presents the case on the decline of the cattle population of Pulikulam and Kangayam breeds in Tamil Nadu, with a specialised focus on the interplay between culture and the occupation. This linkage seems to operate from a framework that is deviant from the discourse of occupations working in a capitalistic framework towards achieving accumulation of wealth, by exploitation of resources. Viewed as a part of the pastoralist’s everyday life, the cattle are venerated as a part of their culture with much fervour attached to the sport of
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Sallikattu. The economy of the pastoralists works hand-in-hand in a complex web that involved the influences of all these factors and stays to remain a case that cannot be viewed in linear and isolationist perspectives. An understanding of the occupation and the values the pastoralists hold, from their perspective, is very much necessary to derive the arguments of studying the occupation vis-à-vis the framework of cultural systems. Culture and traditions play an important role in enabling the sustenance of this occupation, while there is also a larger need to move beyond the traditional tasks that were put to use for and enable adaption to the rapidly changing market systems.
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Chapter II
Review of Literature
One among the key methods of validating the undertaken study and gaining more information on the same is carried through the means of looking upon the existing set of literature and seminal works that have been carried out by different authors on topics that are related to the area under research. This enables the researches to have a broader understanding of the research topic, as well as portrays the different perspectives and methodologies that have been using in these works.
On the other hand, the review enables the researcher to find out and highlight the perspectives and concepts that have not been worked dealt with in a significant manner by the existing set of works done. This review of literature focuses on the topic of Livestock rearing and livelihood linkages, with a specific reference to the indigenous cattle rearing carried out by communities in Tamil Nadu, namely – Pulikulam breed and Kangayam Breed. This review also attempts to study the two major conservation and protection legislations that are in place by the Government of India, towards conserving the indigenous cattle that are native to India.
The broader themes under which this review of literature has been categorised is as follows:
a. The Livestock and Livelihoods linkage b. Positioning of women in livestock rearing c. Livestock sector in India d. Indigenous Cattle breed of Tamil Nadu – The Pulikulam and Kangayam Cattle Breed e. Government Programmes and Missions – Conservation and Promotion.
2.1. The Livestock and Livelihoods Linkage
Livestock systems are always viewed upon as an integral part of rural livelihood. Agro-pastoral farming is carried out by majority of the communities across the globe and livestock systems are said to be playing a significant role in improving the standards of living of the households and also has aided in alleviating poverty by creating a strong portfolio of assets. This section attempts to consolidate the various literature that talks about the linkages between livestock and livelihoods.
Livestock function is to be a resource that is globally spread across all communities and can function to be different forms of security cover to the households such as in terms of providing
8 them with food, source of income, meeting their nutritional and calorie requirements, risk coverage over debts and multiple other cases. The demands and necessity of livestock related by-products and the role of livestock in the context of developing nations has also been steadily increasing, thereby placing a larger demand function on the households that hold livestock resources. (Herrero et al., 2009) The commodities of milk and meat are on high demands from multiple sources owing to the rising population in different nations due to which the dairy sector and the meat sector are continuing to provide livelihood support to households. Since this demand is estimated to increase over years and not fade away, the task of livestock rearing and holding livestock is viewed as a secure livelihood that can generate a steady income. (Otte et al., 2012)
Viewing through this context of large-scale dependence, estimates point out that livestock systems and markets contribute to about 45% of the world’s surface use and are viewed upon as a significant asset of the households that account to a high scale value of about $1.4 trillion. With such massive economy, there also exists an increased set of secondary level industries that engage in the processing of the livestock products. The hold multiple levels of value chains globally and are viewed upon as an important linkage in the case of agro-pastoral production cycles. (Herrero et al., 2009)
The other significant and important economic outcome that can be achieved out of targeted livestock interventions or channelised policies to promote livestock is in harnessing its potential of facilitating poverty reduction and fostering growth in the economy. Given that a significant proportion of population reside in rural areas and are dependent on agriculture, livestock development is seen as a means of diversification of livelihood portfolio for enabling productivity results. Livestock can be viewed as linking to generating of nutritional security through the by-products and the milk and other processed item are viewed as an alternate and promising source of nutrition for the poor households in the less developed nations. (Otte et al., 2012)
Under this context, livestock development and promotion of livestock sector could be viewed upon as a tool for facilitating sustainable growth in the agriculture sector, alleviating poverty and aiding growth, which in majority of these cases can be pro-poor and inclusive. Despite assuming such critical importance of the sector, the same has had very minimal attention or significance by the public sector for the growth prospectus and the development in the sector so far has been attributed to the larger role played by the private sector. The result of such a
9 neglect by the public sector has left the livestock sector to be largely unregulated. Unregulated markets and production have in turn les to creation of some key externalities that affect the environment. Reckless usage of natural resources such as land and water have led to environmental degradation, large scale pollution and destruction of forests – say, forests and pasture lands due to excessive and unregulated grazing. The other externality that has been argued is the emission of greenhouse gases and mostly importantly on the risk of spreading influenza and serious disease-causing pathogens that serve as a threat to public health (World Bank, 2009).
The work done by Dorward et al. (2009) attempts to devise the multiple pathways through with holding of livestock leads to creation of a sustainable ways of livelihood among poorer households. It provides for a reference framework pertaining to the designing, monitoring and implementation of different livestock related interventions and in evaluating the changes in the households after procuring livestock. Different factors such as savings costs of production, insurance cover, flexibility in terms of convertibility and strategies have been considered as study factors.
The other aspect that needs to be understood on the context of public sector’s neglecting behaviour is the compromise on addressing the concerns of the small-scale livestock holders. Given the increased role of private entities, the sector becomes largely market driven, thereby aiming at increasing profits without taking into considerations the impacts and implications of such market policies on the households belonging to the lower strata of the community holding lower volume of assets. This very neglect also overlooks the aspect of risk mitigation that is seen as a key characteristic and feature of livestock asset holding with the low-income households succumbing to the cases of market failures and other implications (World Bank, 2009).
2.2. Positioning Women in Livestock Rearing
Locating women in the context of rearing livestock and also as caretakers of them is a very significant area to be studied about. Their positioning and contribution to towards the same can be visible across geographical boundaries. In many a case, the role of these women engaged in rearing does not end only with taking care of the cattle or with milking them, but rather various studies and researches have elucidated on the active participation of women in the stages of value addition in products derived from the cattle.
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According to a recent work of The Food and Agriculture organisation of the United Nations, there is a greater necessity to look into the different livestock systems and study the various associations and linkages concerning positive and negative aspects of rearing these livestock. This is because, while certain outcomes of livestock systems lead to reducing in poverty and increased security cover for households, certain outcomes happen to cause ecological degradation and spreads illnesses. (Raney et al., 2009) Under this context, the paper argues that the positioning and role of gender to be a significant component in facilitating this balance between the positive factors and the negative factors due to livestock rearing. (Kristjanson et al., 2014).
Moving further on this thread, a significant and major proportion of the world’s livestock keeps are women. According to the estimates in a paper by Thornton et al. (2003), about two-third proportion out of the 600 million livestock keepers of poor households are women from rural areas. According to a report by Niamier and Fuller (1994), speaking from the context of the livestock systems that exist in Asia, the onus of taking care of the livestock and doing the connected works fall on the women. The portion of work also accounts for a significant share, which is approximately close to three-fourth of the total works involved. In the Indian case, the responsibility of taking care of the animals get transferred on the household’s women with men migrating out of the homeplaces on search of better jobs towards the cities. (George and Nair, 1990)
While the proportion is in such large numbers, the author argues that very limited exploration has been carried out pertaining to the different capabilities and growth potentials that the livestock sector could offer to these women. In this circumstance it is important to understand that taking care of livestock and rearing them does not guarantee nor lead to women empowerment, but rather the real change happens when the women are provided with the rights of ownership and vested with authority to make production related changes. (Raney et al., 2009)
Taking this argument forward, even when the attempts to increase livestock productivity is done, women’s labour is mostly exploited without being compensated with the at the expected levels. This may provide them with lesser incentives for contributing towards the same. Therefore, it is highly significant to analyse the spread of costs and benefits involved with rearing the livestock and on the aspect of the end user who enjoys the benefits that are derived out of it. (ibid)
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In contrast to the above arguments of women not being able to involve themselves in productivity related decisions, the situation in India has been comforting with the literature pointing out to some success stories wherein women have been performing well in various livestock related extension activities. Women have constituted a significant proportion of the nation’s dairy production and development workforce. The policies that were framed pertaining to this has been women inclusive and has acknowledged the significance of these workforce in the same. Many of the Dairy Development cooperatives across the country have been run by women, particularly in the southern states of India. (Herath, 2007)
Existing literature on the same in Tamil Nadu happen to be resonating the case prevailing in the global scenario where women have been used more in the management, feeding and taking care of the cattle while hold a very minimal or limited participation in terms of marketing or processing the by-products from the livestock. The study conducted by Narmatha et al. (2009) focuses on the role of livestock farming in the lives of rural women. It elucidates on the aspect of employment generation through these farming activities and also stresses this activity to be a kind of economic support extended to the women of rural household. The study puts forth an argument of the women’s role and value in the farming and off-farm activities to have largely been undermined in Tamil Nadu and criticises on the aspect of less compensation for the work carried out by them. Having conducted this study in the Nammakal district of Tamil Nadu with fifty women farmers who rear livestock, the authors conclude that while women account for carrying out about 60-85% work in terms of feeding, taking care and breeding the cattle, the same share declines to lesser than 40% of decision power pertaining to production decisions, choosing processing agencies and accessing credit for further development.
A similar study conducted by Christy and Thirunavakkarasu (2002) on the different dimensions of women involvement in livestock rearing in the state of Tamil Nadu stated that the rural women on an average devoted about five hours a day in taking care of the cattle. Further, the authors reported that the women belonging to the lower caste groups were found to engage more hours on taking care of the animals. With the dimension of education, the authors concluded that while the literate women spent lesser hours in taking care of the cattle, the illiterate women spent more hours comparatively. The study validates a stronger relationship between the case of livestock farming and role of women in Tamil Nadu and argues for a woman- inclusive and centred rural development policy that would strengthen this linkage and extend to facilitate productivity results as well.
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2.3. Livestock Sector in India
Livestock in India is seen as one of the most important components of the rural household peoples. These are one among the major source of their livelihood and it is economically or financially beneficial growth. It is important to understand the economic and developmental role of livestock at all disaggregated level. The sector generated 30% to 37% of the agriculture output in Punjab, Haryana, Andhra Pradesh, Jammu and Kashmir and Bihar, 25% to 30% in Gujrat, Himachal Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh (including Chhattisgarh), Uttar Pradesh and Tamil Nadu and 20% to 25% in Kerala, Karnataka, Maharashtra and West Bengal. Domesticated animals in India are raised as a piece of blended cultivating frameworks. Thus, execution of the livestock area is connected to the execution of field crops. Also, in times of crop failure, livestock comes in as a security cover (Birthal and Negi, 2012).
Livestock in India is an important sector and this was recognised in 2002-2003, when for the first time the monetary contribution of livestock surpassed that of food grains as per that of the 12th Five-year plan report. Not only it provides nutritional security but also acts as cushion against crop failure and a host of other things such as draught power, manure, and environment conservation among other things. ‘Economic Contributions of the Livestock Subsector in India’ by Pratap S Birthal and P Parthasarathy Rao (2002) provides a review on the growth scenario of this subsector of agriculture in India.
India at its disposal has one of the largest livestock populations in the world. Livestock subsector is also acclimatizing to dynamism like technology and environmental stimuli which is evident as we witness a growth of this subsector in its entire dimension. But particularly poultry, goats, pigs and buffalo grew much faster in comparison to other species. There has been a stint of negative population growth vis a vis draught animal. The review also points out the lop-sidedness in the growth trend. Except for poultry all other species registered negative growth. Another trend that the review highlights is that, there is an incremental shift in favour of species that are less capital intensive, have relatively short generation intervals, those with better feed conversion and economic efficiency. There is a change in the way traditional rearing was happening which is reflected in the preference of mutton and pork, beef, poultry meat, and eggs production over the milk production and buffalo milk production occupies larger share of the pie production (ibid).
Livestock Sector in Indian scenario is a fast developing one which has a larger emphasis lied upon with time to time in fields concerning to poverty reduction and pro-poor growth strategies.
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While this has been focussed upon and quoted as the key objective in many of the policy documents as formulated by the Indian government, the growth has not always happened in an inclusive manner. The attempts such of introducing breed development schemes involving artificial insemination and importing cattle breeds have largely benefited the larger livestock holders and neglected those livestock keepers who hold lesser livestock holdings. The policies and schemes have largely been highly bureaucratic based on a top-down approach without taking into consideration the propositions of the livestock keepers and the field level workers. The need in terms of livestock policy formulation is to improve the nature of the policies and incline it more towards the areas of facilitating inclusive growth alongside promoting participatory planning (Cimarra and Misra, 2010).
2.4. Indigenous Cattle Breeds of Tamil Nadu – The Pulikulam and Kangayam Breeds
Indigenous cattle are those whose breeding tract is described to be belonging to a specific area of a state. They have been natives of that particular region and have evolved since ages, possessing characteristics and features that are in adaptation and accordance with the environmental and ecological conditions of that particular region. The breed registration and characteristic identification of these indigenous breeds are carried out by the National Bureau of Animal Genetic Resources or NBAGR, an organisation that works under the Indian Council of Agricultural Research or ICAR. Presently on the cattle breeds, there are forty-one breeds that have been registered and recognised as of September 2018 according to the NBAGR. This does not prove to be an exhaustive list of indigenous cattle breeds since many have not been recognised and are referred to as non-descript breeds (NBAGR, 2018).
Coming to the case of Tamil Nadu, there are a total of six indigenous cattle breeds that have been registered under NBAGR, namely – Pulikulam, Bargur, Alambadi, Malaimaadu, Kangayam and Umbalacherry (NBAGR, 2018). These indigenous cattle that are native to Tamil Nadu are mainly draught breeds which are extensively used for ploughing purposes and yield lesser quantity of milk. The following section deals extensively about the Pulikulam and Kangayam breed of cattle.
The Pulikulam cattle breed, reared in herds are found in the regions of Madurai, Sivagangai and some regions of Virudhunagar district in Tamil Nadu. These animals are known to be ferocious, swift and largely difficult to be controlled and have hold upon. The size of the herds generally ranges from about 150-500 per herd. The herd composition is maintained to have 1- 2 bulls per 100 cows on an average. While the total population of Pulikulam seems to be facing
14 a greater decline in the last two decades owing to various reasons, there are still a significant set of people whose livelihood are dependent upon the rearing of these cattle. Revenues are generated from this livelihood by selling of the collected cattle dung, sale of calves and penning of the cattle in agricultural fields. The Bulls from this particular cattle breed are used for Jallikattu sport (or) the sport of Bull Embracing which is conducted as a part of village festivals in various regions of Tamil Nadu (Sudeepkumar et al., 2016).
Coming next to the breed of Kangayam cattle, these cattle are found to belong to the southern regions of Tamil Nadu, predominantly in the districts of Dharapuram, Erode, Perundurai, Bhavani, Karur and Coimbatore. The breed is said to have originated from the Kangayam region of Erode Taluk and is said to have ferocious nature and also are used in the Jallikattu sport and for Rekhla races. The animals are mostly grey in colour with a darker shade at the humps, hind areas and forehead. The horns of this cattle are apart with a backward curve. These cattle are well known for their draft purpose and are highly in demand for agricultural related work in the surrounding areas of Erode and Coimbatore regions (TNAU, 2018).
Talking about the breeding practices and rearing systems, since traditionally there has been a system of community rearing where the individuals come together and rear the animals together. The Selection of stud bulls for breeding purpose is conducted through adopting a variety of checks such as the colour of the bull, the positioning of the hair whorls and the virulent character of the cattle. The breeding of cattle is mostly carried out within the community and there exists a system of checks and restrictions on the purchase of animals out of the community.
According to Littlewood (1936), there exists a sense of religious sentiment which acts as a check on them from harming and destroying cattle. The Bull, in specific is viewed as an incarnation of Nandi, the vehicle of the mythological deity Shiva and is worshipped at different occasions. Slaughtering these animals was viewed as a grievous act of sin.
In rearing Kangayam breed of cattle, there are large breeders alongside few small breeders. The big breeders hold greater advantages than the smaller breeders in a range of factors. While the big breeders enjoy large tracts of pasture lands and has herds which can be split according to their age and sex, the small breeders’ resort to them for breeding services. In many a case, the big breeders do not allow petty breeders to enjoy their breeding services, and only permit in cases when the off-springs are sold to the big breeder themselves (Littlewood, 1936).
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Restrictions have been placed on decisions of selling the cattle outside the community since there is a belief to sustain the traits and characteristics of the progenies. In some specific cases the animals are traded in between communities in order to facilitate the infusion of new blood after a certain point of continuous inbreeding wherein the progeny begins to lose the traits. Coming to the case of breeding, many villages maintain temple bulls which are taken care by the villagers who contribute the money for maintaining the bull and feed it with the necessary fodder, medical treatment expenses and also in cases of salary to a bull keeper, if required. Castration process is carried out by many of the farming communities in order to ensure that the animal is used efficiently for the purpose of ploughing and transportation. (Rollefson, 2000)
Draft cattle are selected for work based upon the physical characteristics and many other factors. Only small and medium scale farmers used female cattle for ploughing purposes since it reduces the cost of maintenance by not keeping bullocks. Most of the farmers were satisfied having female cattle for ploughing, but for carting purposes, purchased bullocks. Few medium and large-scale farmers-maintained crossbreeds and were found to be satisfied in its efficiency, which is contrary to the general beliefs of crossbreeds being less efficient in local settings. Kangayam and Hallikar were the popular indigenous breeds used for draught purposes while Bargur, Umbalacherry and Manaparai were also preferred in their local breeding tracts (Akila and Chander, 2010).
The next important element necessary for the survival of cattle is the factor of grazing to ensure fodder access in a sufficient quantity and quality. The important and significant grazing source for the Kangayam cattle breeds has been the Kangayam grasslands. The case of this particular grasslands can also be viewed as a case study that explains the theory of Tragedy of commons. The grasslands are located in lower part of Tamil Nadu and in the regions of Erode, Dharapuram region, Tirrupur and neighbouring districts, basically in the regions that are the breeding tracts of Kangayam Cattle (Kumar et. al., 2011).
With efficient restrictions and private management regimes put in place, there have been protective checks and much efficient use of the fodder by the concerning stakeholders. Under these systems, there exists rotational tenures for different communities and also there are restrictions implemented during particular seasons that allow for replenishment of the ecosystems. The study conducted by Kumar et. al. (2011) stated that more than 75% of pastoralists belonging to this region own about four cattle while 65% possess about fifteen sheep and majority of about 90% are not in possession of goats. The grassland has had specific
16 areas reserved for cattle and goats and sheep are not allowed to be grazed on these areas since that might cause intrusion and damage to the fodder for the cattle. These restrictions have been successful in conserving and sustaining this grassland ecosystem and also can be viewed as an example of a successful intervention.
The feeding practices depended on the cost of the cattle feed items and oil cakes, cotton seeds, rice bran and dry fodder were the prominent sources of feed. While the feed was cultivated on their own fields, requirements of larger quantities were procured from the markets. The feed depended on the terrain and the work the cattle was subjected to. (Akila and Chander, 2010)
In case of the Pulikulam Cattle, the large herds are reared across to long distances in search of pasture lands for grazing. They do not stay at any single place for a longer duration. Stationing of herd in a place depends upon the availability of pasture and water for the cattle as well as other necessary supplies for the herdsmen. In Madurai region, the herd travels for a distance of about 70kms radius around the city to areas like Sholavandan, Mattaparai, Vadipatty and Azhagar hills. Previously, years back, the tract is said to be to regions such as Rajapalayam, Nagamalai and nearby Virudhnagar districts. The cattle used to be taken to hills which graze in the forest hilltops and stay there until returning back to the plain lands for grazing in the harvested fields of paddy and other crops. Usually about 100 cattle are manned by one herdsman, while it is also said that a herd of 500-100 used to be handled by 2-4 members. (Singh et al., 2012)
Traditionally, there used to be a certain pattern of migration followed by the herdsmen. The migration with the herd used to be in search of good pasture lands along with availability of good drinking water for the animals. This should also overlap with a suitable place available for the herdsmen to stay and cook food for themselves (Vivekanandan and Alagumalai, 2013).
The migratory pattern used to be dependent on the climatic conditions it is very much important on the part of the herdsman to calculate and plan the travel routes accordingly in a manner such that they receive support from the locals at the places they migrate to. The herd is migrated towards the Western Ghats and the herdsmen used to lead the heard from front, where the entire herd would follow them in unison. This has reversed now where the herdsmen in present scenario are required to follow the herd from behind and send them across. Grazing on pasture lands and drinking of water used to happen in alternate rotations of various cycles for which the pasture lands and the water source are required to be closer. In current times, it is difficult to locate both the pasture lands and the water sources in proximity to each other, for which they
17 have to migrate to different areas. In earlier times, with agriculture flourishing in plain lands and with the grazing in forest areas, they cattle herds used to have access to multiple variants of grass, which in the present scenario has shrunk to a single variety of grass on land areas with agriculture happening in a not so full-fledged manner (ibid).
In terms of the conservation strategies and breeding practices undertaken by the herders, it is necessary to look into the role of all concerning stakeholders and especially the policy of the government and their role in promoting the indigenous cattle breed. Under this context, the Rashtriya Gokul Mission Program of the Government of India that was introduced recently to protect and promote the indigenous cattle breeds of the country and also the programmes run by the Government of Tamil Nadu have been elucidated.
2.5. Government Programmes and Missions – Conservation and Promotion of Breeds.
Started in 2013, initially named as National Programme for Bovine Breeding and Dairy Development and renamed to Rashtriya Gokul Mission in 2014, the programme aims to conserve the indigenous cattle breeds and bring improvements in dairy sector. Under this scheme Gokul Grams or Cattle centres were planned to be set up in different parts of the country. With about four years since implementation, the programme by far is struggling with fulfilling the planned interventions at ground levels, fetching poor performance (Jitendra, 2016).
Several states have not implemented the programme and the objectives and activities of the programme have very limited outreach among the breeders and the state government officials. Several states have not performed well with respect to setting up of cattle centres citing lack of funds and necessary resources. Several other states have shown complete disinterest and have not implemented the programme (ibid).
The reason as cited by the government officials for not showing interest is the large difference present in the activities planned under the programme and the funds allocated for the same. Setting up such research centres and implementing those interventions pertaining to conservation of germplasms, extraction of bull semen and various other techniques of artificial insemination. While these interventions would require purchasing of land, procurement of fodder, purchasing of cattle, facilitation of veterinary services and anchoring different campaigns and programmes, the government has not allocated the funds necessary for carrying out the same. States like Rajasthan and Goa despite having a designated department that works for the welfare of the cows has not been able to set up necessary centres due to shortage of
18 funds than the one which was demanded by them. Other states like Gujarat, Telangana and Uttar Pradesh have not been able to show significant progress in terms of setting up such centres owing to the issues present in land acquisition. Lack of convergence among different departments to divert necessary funds, provide the required technology and acquire the land (ibid).
The other key area of concern among experts in the livestock field and officials is the provision of the scheme to have 60% of productive cattle alongside 40% of stray cattle in the same cattle centre closer to each other. This according to them would increase the risk of disease contraction among the productive cattle. The experts also have critiqued the planning and methods adopted in the programme citing them to have neglected the revival of the native breeding tracts of the cattle. This has led to irregular allocation of Gokul Grams or Cattle centres leaving out the districts and places which are the home breeding tracts of cattle (ibid).
At present, the government has approved around 40 projects in 27 states and is the process of setting up National Breeding Centres in Madhya Pradesh and Andhra Pradesh. Also, an animal welfare programme that provides animal health cards to the cattle in order to keep a track of the milch animals and have efficient treatment in case of a disease outbreak. There is also an attempt to create an “E Pashudhan Haat Portal” in order to facilitate interaction between breeders and farmers of indigenous cattle breeds (ibid).
To conclude, with release of necessary funds, allocation of cattle centres at proper home tracts and attempts of persuading the states to implement the programme is very much important in the present scenario. There is also a need to relook into some of the provisions of the programme in order to cater to the objectives. With more stringent monitoring and inclusive approach coordinated with systematic planning, the programme can create a significant impact on conserving the cattle population and on the livelihood of the herders.
Coming to the initiatives and programmes that are conducted by the Tamil Nadu Government, they have several mentions about the different strategies to be adopted in terms of breed conservation in their 12th Five-year plan. A new programme that aims to establish the necessary infrastructure in order to facilitate breeding of Kangayam, Bargur and Pulikulam cattle. Under this programme, the government aims to collect the semen from these native bulls and freeze them in order to supply to the pastoralists for breeding. There is also a proposed Programme to foster Bull production which aims to strengthen the bull mother farms and alongside develop
19 programmes of progeny testing and test of field performances of these cattle (Government of Tamil Nadu, 2016).
2.6. Gaps in Existing Literature – What does the study aim to put forth?
There is a significant set of work that can be attributed to have studied the classification of indigenous cattle and have concluded about the physical features of the cattle, rearing mechanisms and breeding practice as an overview. The role of women in livestock rearing in Tamil Nadu has also had very specific quantitative studies that stated some conclusions based without exploring the reasons that influence the same. While one can find ample literature that happen to the animal-centred, very few studies have evolved around the idea of trying to understand the community that rears these cattle. This is a largely unexplored area given that the few studies have also focused on the rearing practices and migratory framework of these communities. There lies a larger potential and necessity to research about the intertwined aspects of rearing techniques, culture and beliefs that are held by the community that rears these cattle. This study attempts to break away from those generic perspectives and tries to do an explorative case study analysis on the communities that rear the cattle breeds of Pulikulam and Kangayam by locating it in the larger economy in relation to the contemporary transitions in the domain of social and cultural systems.
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CHAPTER III
EVOLUTION OF KANGAYAM AND PULIKULAM BREED OF CATTLE: A HISTORICAL ACCOUNT
The Cattle of Southern India has been studied at various time periods and attempts of documentation have also been carried out by different researchers (Gunn, 1909; Littlewood, 1936; Kandasamy and Paneerselvam, 2008). While the information can be found through sources of documents, monograph records, books and seals, it is interesting to note that there have been specific mentions of the cattle breeds individually with a clear description of their physical features, rearing practices and detailing pertaining to their traits and grazing conditions. This chapter elucidates on the historic significance of the Kangayam and Pulikulam breed of cattle and their significance in the present scenario drawing from various sources.
3.1. Cattle in India
India has been a home to a variety of livestock breeds and there are various indigenous cattle breeds that have been identified and studied about since ancient times. While the Indian indigenous breeds are mainly termed as Bos Indicus variety which refers to the cattle with a hump and the horn, they can be further classified into three categories which are Milch animals (predominantly used for dairying purposes), Draught animals (which are used for ploughing and cart pulling purposes) and Dual-purpose cattle (which possess both milch and draught power). The cattle found in the Southern Indian region, especially in the state of Tamil Nadu are the draught animals which posses’ great draught power and sturdiness. According to Karthikeya Sivasenapathy,
“The domestication of cattle by humans took place about 8000 years ago in four different places across the world at the same time alongside human civilisation”1
Citing findings and records of Indologists researching on the same, he traces the evolution and discovery of Indian cattle breed to about 4500 years backward to the times of the Indus Valley civilisation. He further backs this claim to the evidences of seals that portray the cattle that has a stark resemblance to the present day Kangayam Cattle that are reared in the state of Tamil Nadu. He also speaks of the mentions in the Vedic literature that talks about the dark-skinned people who live towards the Southern of the Vindhyas having fantastic breeds of cattle. The
1 Based on a personal interview with Mr. Karthikeya Sivasenapathy, Managing Trustee, Senapathy Kangayam Cattle Research Foundation on 19 Dec 2018
21 cattle were equated with wealth even during the Sangam Age of the Tamils. Cattle were always part and parcel of Mullai (forest region) landscape. The prelude to wars between chieftains or kings in ancient Tamil country was the invading army taking possession or plundering of the herds of cattle of the enemies. Cattle were seen as a symbol of prestige in ancient times, well until 1900s and there has been a steep decline in that belief in the present scenario which was reflected in majority of the responses received from the pastoralists.
3.2. Colonial documentation of Kangayam and Pulikulam breeds
The next set of detailed and clear documentation of the Indian cattle breeds, individually listing them can be found in the colonial records that were published in the early 1900s. Major W.D. Gunn (1909) and Captain R.W. Littlewood (1936) have noted some seminal insights about the cattle of India and have spoken elaborately on the breeds of Kangayam and Pulikulam. Gunn (1909) was the first researcher to document elaborately on the two breeds and wrote extensively attempting to trace the history of development of these breeds and describes their habitats, characteristics and geographical distribution. Following him, Littlewood (1936) attempted to verify the insights stated by Gunn and further contributed to the work by adding further details on factors that influence the evolution of these breeds and the occupational dimensions.
3.3. The Kangayam Breed – A Brief History
Coming down in specific to Kangayam breed of cattle, Mr. Sivasenapathy claims to be excellent draught animals in which one can observe a unique character where both the male and female animal possess great draught power and can be used for ploughing and other task purposes. He explains that,
“The Kangayam breed of cattle can be found in the western part of Tamil Nadu, whose breeding tract can be located in the parts of East Karur, West Coimbatore, South Dindigul, North Nammakal and Salem”.2
Claiming these to be the key areas where the Kangayam breed of cattle are distributed, he goes on to claim that these cattle are similar to the Sindhu cattle found in the seals collected from Indus Valley Civilisation sites and draws similarities to the features of the image of the cattle in the seal to that of Bully Boy, a famous stud bull that was raised by SKCRF. Negating the opinion that the British while in power destroyed our resources, Mr. Sivasenapathy opines that
2 Based on a personal interview with Mr. Karthikeya Sivasenapathy, Managing Trustee, SKCRF on 19 Dec 2018.
22 the British had a well-established approach for conservation of our indigenous cattle breeds during which they beautifully documented our cattle breeds and were also in awe of our breeds.
Kangayam breed is said to have developed under the vision and efforts of the Pattagars of Palayakottai. The Pattagars belong to the Vellalar Gounder community which is listed as a Backward caste according to the government records. The title Pattagar means the head of the community with the powers to settle social and religious disputes. The title and the leadership are hereditary and is passed on to the eldest son. The key occupations of the Pattagars revolved around cattle breeding and agriculture. They possessed immense wealth and were the most influential people in the Kongu region. Realising the potential and necessity to develop bullock power for agricultural purposes, the Pattagars developed a nucleus herd of Kangayam cattle, possessing fine qualities. The initial development of the cattle happened in their Palayakottai farm, which happened to be one among the largest cattle breeding stations of India with a land holding of about 15,000 acres. Post the Rural land ceiling laws that came into effect with Independence, the Palayakottai farm was deprived of its grazing lands and eventually got split among the next generations of the Pattagars. (Kandasamy and Paneerselvam, 2008). Shri. Rai Bahadur Nallathambi Sarkarai Mandradiar, the 33rd Pattagar of Palayakottai, attributed to be the chief architect of Kangayam breed, developed the breed and represented the need for conservation them alongside voicing his opposition in the assembly cross breeding of our indigenous cattle with foreign breeds.
3.4. The Kangayam Breed – Grazing and Fodder
According to Littlewood (1936), the breed Kangayam is said to have derived the name from the taluk of Kangayam where it happened to be a property and produce of larger breeders who maintained herds from 500 to 1000 per head. This scenario has very significantly changed now, where these larger breeders holding a maximum of about 100 cattle per head and smaller breeders hold an average of 10-20 cattle per head, similar to that of the observation recorded by Littlewood. While the pure quality of the breed is retained with the Pattagars, the Kangayam cattle with the smaller breeders are said to be a diluted quality that are not so good as the original itself.
It is also mentioned that the ryots who rear Kangayam cattle are more careful to preserve their fodder against times of scarcity and this has led to a more careful feeding and management of their livestock. This same management practice that has been mentioned in the colonial records is seen to have been practised among the pastoralists in the present scenario as well. They
23 anticipate on the requirements of the fodder and cultivate them accordingly on the grazing lands, commonly referred to as Korangadu in local language which is seen as an excellent case study of community management of pasture lands in a successful manner wherein the community negating Hardin’s theory of Tragedy of commons. In taluks where the Korangadu lands are present, there exists a good space for cattle breeding and the cattle of these regions also fetch higher rates in the markets, the scenario of which was the same in colonial times as well.
3.5. The Pulikulam Breed – A Brief History
A breed that was further evolved from Kangayam is said to be the Pulikulam breed of cattle which is a quick trotting breed that was developed by the zamindars of Ramnad district for quick transport into Madura which later became a part of the present Madurai district of Tamil Nadu gradually. In majority the Pulikulam breed resembles the Kangayam breed as a smaller variety of it and are highly ferocious animals (Littlewood, 1936). Mr. Raja Marthandan, Managing Trustee, Dhenu Cattle Conservation Foundation, observers,
“Widely known as Pulikulam breed of cattle post the registration of the breed with National Bureau of Animal Genetic resources in 2012, these cattle are locally called as Kedai Maadu or the Penned cattle that is said to have originated from a small hamlet named Pulikulam in Manamadurai district which is known for its cattle”3
Also called as Pazhingi Maadu, owing to the geographical locations of Vadapazhangi and Thenpazhangi in Madurai district, Pulikulam cattle are said to be the descendants of a common herd. Mr. Marthandan further states that these cattle posses’ deep backs, short legs, have a good bone structure and flaunt beautiful long horns. Reared in a herd comprising of 100-1000 cattle, this breed is extremely powerful as a herd. Narratives from respondents trace to a tale where it is said that these cattle have killed a tiger in Pulikulam hamlet in olden days and has derived the name from this incident.
“These cattle have an alert look and it is their natural trait to be aggressive to outsiders. The best cattle of the breed are identified by the intensity of their aggression after the period of having given birth to a calf”, states Mr. Marthandan.
3 Based on a personal interview with Mr. Raja Marthandan, Managing Trustee, Dhenu Cattle Conservation Foundation, Chennai on 10 Jan 2019.
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The Pulikulam cattle breed, reared in herds are found in the regions of Madurai, Sivagangai and some regions of Virudhunagar district in Tamil Nadu. These animals are known to be ferocious, swift and largely difficult to be controlled and have hold upon. The breed being very active and possessing high levels of endurance are mainly reared for Jellicut or the bull baiting purposes. Jellicut refers to a game of bull baiting where the bull’s horns are usually decorated with a garland and a coloured coth which is to be untied by the participants.
3.6. The Pulikulam Breed - Grazing
Coming to the grazing areas of this breed, the cattle are grazed in the areas around the Cumbum valley where the cattle are sent to the hills and forests for grazing from July to January. This situation of access to forests as mentioned in the colonial records changed in the 1990’s following a ban on grazing of cattle into the forests, thereby denying access to these pastoralists. The herdsmen at present follow a migratory pattern of rearing in search of pasture for their cattle. Mr. Muthuraj, a 4th generation livestock keeper who rears about 200 cattle, explains that
“Stationing of herd in a place depends upon the availability of pasture and water for the cattle as well as other necessary supplies for the herdsmen. In Madurai region, the herd travels for a distance of about 70kms radius around the city to areas like Sholavandan, Mattaparai, Vadipatty and Azhagar hills.”4
Detailed accounts and rich description of Pulikulam breed and the pastoralists that rear them are not available in ample in the historic literature and the breed is said to be that of an evolving one which gained significance and popularity in the late 1900s.
3.7. Development of the breeds in the Post-Independence period
The colonial government attempted to document the indigenous cattle breeds of India and also attempted to study and improve the productivity of these breeds. Kangayam as a breed was of much interest to the colonial government where the then Imperial Council of Agricultural research floated ‘The Kangayam Cattle Improvement Scheme’ in 1942. Under this, they attempted to promote the breed and study the possibility of increasing the milk productivity without disturbing the draught capacity.
4 Based on a personal interview with Mr. Muthuraj, a pastoralist from Thotiyapatty on 11 Dec 2018.
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The most significant and important scheme pertaining to improvement of Kangayam cattle in the post-independence scenario is the Key Village scheme implemented under the First Five Year plan which envisioned to improve cattle breeds and improve the grazing conditions, fodder availability for sustenance of the cattle. The scheme also split the breeding tracts of different cattle into Key Village Blocks. Under this scheme, in the Third Five Year Plan (1961- 1966), out of the 57 Key village blocks allocated to Tamil Nadu, 35 were allocated to Kangayam breed. This shows the significance and importance that was centred around the breed from colonial time period. The breed and its management were systematically done with clear foresight that included setting up of Breeder associations and conducting of seminars on emphasising the role of these cattle (Mandradiar, 2001).
Coming down to Pulikulam, the breed and the title did not gain significance until 1990s, till when the focus was around the sport of Sallikattu. The government’s role and positioning of this breed with mentions of the breed name in prominent literature can be located in the last two decades with the registration of the breed with National Bureau of Animal Genetic Resources (NBAGR) in 2012.
While this was the case, there was no specific breed improvement policy or programme that attempted to improve this breed until the Salikattu movement in 2017. With the focus shifting on to conservation of indigenous cattle breeds, the Government of Tamil Nadu has set up two research stations in the year 2017, one for Pulikulam cattle and one for Kangayam breed of cattle in Manamadurai and Erode, respectively. These research stations are still in the initial stages of establishment with the foundation stock herds of cattle having been purchased.5
3.8. Conclusion
The Kangayam breed of cattle has immense literature and monographic studies carried out with rich set of documentation on the breed characteristics, breeding practices and schemes of improvement. With Pulikulam cattle, the literature present on the breed and its rearing practices has seen an increase with the formal registration of the breed. While the colonial government focused extensively on developing of indigenous cattle breeds, the focus rather began to decline in the post-independence period with only Key village scheme having been implemented. This scenario is currently facing a change with increased concentration of
5 Based on a personal interview with Mr. Srinivasan, Assistant Project Director, Pulikulam cattle research station.
26 conservation of indigenous breeds – especially of that of Pulikulam and Kangayam breeds, post the Sallikattu movement.
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Chapter IV
Occupation and Culture: Understanding the Interplay of Religious Beliefs, Class, Caste and Gender
“Wealth of Yoke does not wither away”6
Livestock management in the Indian scenario is not just limited to be perceived as an economic activity. Narrowing it further to the specific case of Pulikulam and Kangayam pastoralists, beyond the aspects of looking into the market forces of demand and supply and catering the market needs accordingly, the economic system operates in a framework that encompasses of various socio-cultural elements which influence the functioning at various levels. This chapter aims to understand the interface that exists between the economy of the pastoralists of Pulikulam and Kangayam and the cultural systems; and understand the various underpinnings on which this intertwined system operates.
The Pulikulam cattle are managed in large herds consisting of about 100-250 animals per herd on an average. In majority, there exists a community practice of herding where few individuals who are related by common geographical locations or from the same family, come together bringing their cattle and creating a herd. The predominant caste groups which are involved in herding of Pulikulam cattle are the Thevar (Backward Caste) caste, the Naicker (Most Backward Caste) caste, The Yadava Konaar (Backward Caste) and the Gounder (Backward Caste) caste groups. They follow a semi-nomadic migratory system of pastoralism.
The Kangayam cattle, in majority are owned by the Kongu Vellalar community. There are also Kurumabi Gounders (Backward Caste), Naickers (Backward Caste) and Vettuva Gounders (Most Backward Caste) who own this breed of cattle. They adopt a system of breeding that is highly interlinked with the Korangadu silvi-pastoral grazing systems. The breeders own about 2-10 cattle per household and the cattle are bred in unique methods of rotation between the Korangadu grazing lands in the day time and are sometimes taken back to home in the nights. They follow a sedentary pastoral system.
4.1. Cattle Herding: Relevance and Sustenance of the Profession
The occupation of cattle breeding since colonial times have been perceived as a neglected profession in which the pastoralists who engage in the work state that the economic gains
6 Extract from Konrai Vendhan. An ancient Tamil text written by Poetess Avvaiyar dated about 2000 years ago.
28 received from this work does not encourage them to devote much attention towards carrying out this branch of work (Littlewood, 1936). This perception continues to exist in the current situation and an interview with the pastoralists revealed similar statements.
While the occupation of cattle herding does not provide significant economic returns, majority of the present pastoralists who belong to 3rd or 4th generation of livestock keepers, view the occupation itself as something that is bestowed upon them and cite the lack of knowledge about any other work, in case of willingness to shift. Most importantly, the respondents seem to hold a sense of attachment and reverence towards their cattle which deters them from taking a decision to quit and move to any other occupation. Shifting out from this occupation would imply the selling of the stock they hold, which would lead to a wipe out of the cattle breeds, an asset they claim that can be never recovered if lost. Mr. Krishnamurthy, one of my respondents observes that
“My son is well educated and works in Singapore. There is not a necessity for me to toil with these cattle. Money can be earned anytime. Can I get back my cattle if I lose them?”7.
With this statement, one can understand the level of attachment that the pastoralists hold towards their cattle. The cattle are intimately associated with the domestic incidents of the people in the South of India (Gunn, 1909). In case of the pastoralists who are currently involved in herding, one can understand that they have been exposed to this occupation and been taught with the herding practices since their childhood, leading to a creation of increased involvement with the occupation and the involved resources, looking at it beyond the concept of a mere economic activity. According to another respondent Mr. Karthikeya Sivasenapathy,
“While a dairy farm in the western countries consist of large animals with mechanised setting, the relationship with livestock in India is beyond that which is linked with our culture”8
To explain the relevance and current position in precise, the condition among the pastoralists is that of a tough-love situation with the cattle, where the pastoralists are subjected to harsh and constrained conditions of work that in some cases involve incurring expenses
7 Based on a personal interview with Mr. Krishnamurthy, a pastoralist from Kumbhakarandal village, Sivagangai district, Tamil Nadu on 7 Dec 2018. 8 Based on a personal interview with Mr. Karthikeya Sivasenapathy, Managing Trustee, SKCRF on 19 Dec 2018
29 without gains, but still do not wish to give up on the occupation given the levels of reverence and fondness they hold towards the cattle.
4.2. Exchange of Cattle – Lucky Marks, Hair Whorls and Teeth
The key religious belief or a practice that the pastoralists follow as a basic rule while purchasing cattle is to look for the twists in the cattle’s body or the hair whorls that are present. The pastoralists also check for the teeth in the cattle while purchasing a new one since it aids them in getting an idea about the age of the cattle. This is also viewed with much importance whenever a new calf is born to the cattle they own. The concept of Suli as it is known in the local language is seen as a key criterion while one looks for purchasing new cattle for rearing or even for the game of Sallikattu.
The Suli or twist is a mark that is present on the body of the cattle at certain specific positions from the head to the tail on the back of the animal. There are different meanings that the pastoralists associate to having the marks at different places in the body. The pattern of the hair whorl and location of hair whorls are considered to be significant in determining on whether an individual wish to purchase the cattle.
There are few lucky marks such as the Thaamani Suli, Gopura Suli, Neer Suli and Erunaagam which are considered to be harbingers of luck and joy to the buyer in case of purchasing that cattle. Mukkan Suli, Othai Kavam, Vilangu Suli and Erangunaagam are few of the unlucky marks, the presence of whuch is seen as bad luck to the buyer and the animals cannot be easily sold or transferred, since there is no demand for animals with unlucky hair whorls in the cattle market. According to Mr. Maya,
“…Suli is very important to be checked. Within few days of calf’s birth, the first thing we notice is the positions and patterns of the hair whorls that are present. While this is seen for male calves, female calves are not checked for Suli and are accepted however they are.” 9
The calves are sold or retained based upon the hair whorls found on their bodies. Despite whatever good built or quality the bull is in, it will be sold off. While hair whorls are considered to be of such significance, it is not applicable for the female calves. They are revered with
9 Based on a personal interview with Mr. Maya, a pastoralist from Vadipatty, Madurai district, Tamil Nadu on 11 Dec 2018.
30 special respect and should not be given away, even if they possess unlucky hair whorls like those in the male calves.
This deep-rooted traditional belief was confirmed by the response of every pastoralist in the study. All the respondents confirmed that they follow the belief of checking for hair whorls in the cattle. The female calves are not checked for whorls probably due to the reason that their existence in the herd (or) household is necessary for further creation of progenies. Also, while the stud bull(s) are rotated across villages and pattys, the female animals are usually retained since they are the carriers of next generation progeny.
The other key belief that is rooted in the religious setting is the shape of the horns in the cattle. In some specific cases, cattle that possess Mattaikombu (horns bent backwards) and Kollikombu (hollow horns) are considered to be very unlucky for the pastoralist. Whereas the cattle that flaunt Nerkombu (straight horns) or Surrutaikombu (twisted horns) are considered to be lucky for the pastoralist.
In this process, some of the bulls that possess the best quality traits and well-built physical structure are also lost out and fall out of the cattle exchange trade systems, and end up being sold to slaughter houses, thereby losing out on potentially good quality bulls. These beliefs are extremely deep rooted, so much so that the dialogues on cattle exchange and any economic transaction begin with an inquiry about these patterns. While the pastoralist with the unlucky marks tries to push forward the cattle for sale at any given price at its disposal, the pastoralists owning cattle with the lucky marks try their best to retain the cattle despite how much ever be the offer price for the animal in the trade market.
4.3. Sacredness of Cattle – Religion and Bio-Cultural Practices
The herding occupation in terms of Pulikulam breed is viewed as akin to that of Lord Krishna’s occupation and thereby has many religious connotations attached. Annual fests by herders are conducted at the Azhagar Temple in Azhagar hills, Madurai and he is viewed as the chief god of the herders. The pastoralists come together as a group and visit the Azhagar Temple whenever possible and offer prayers to the lord with a visit to the Noobura Gangai (or) theertha thoti (sacred waters) that is located at the top of the hills, taking a bath in it and offering the prayers to Rakayee Amman (a goddess). This ritual which involves praying to their Chief God Azhagar Samy is believed to drive away the troubles that may hinder the pastoralists and also throw upon solutions for the difficulties they might face in the occupation, as believed by the pastoralists. These poojas are also conducted in situations of failure of rains and lack of pasture
31 for the cattle where conducting such rituals is trusted to bring rains. Monthly poojas are conducted at the herds where all the cattle are bathed and revered. These poojas and rituals conducted at the herds is said to drive away the evil spirits and create a positive atmosphere that keeps the cattle in good health.
In cases of penning of cattle in different agricultural farmlands, the landlord of the agricultural field where the cattle are penned offer their prayers to the cattle by means of preparing Pongal and serving it too the cattle herd with a small Pooja. This is said to bring in the blessings of the almighty and drive away the problems that the households may be facing. While this practice is not followed by all landlords at present, there are still a few who give these offerings to the herds. This shift in practice of the ritual or absence of it in majority situations can be attributed to the scenario of viewing the cattle penning as an economic service for which there is a monetary settlement. Majority of the cultivators who prefer to conduct these poojas, at present pay the pastoralists with the money that is required for procuring the necessary materials and instruct them to carry it out by themselves.
In case of Kangayam breed of cattle, the animals are revered with respect and are worshipped at different instances. Given that the number of animals is lesser in number ranging from 5-20 per household, there are poojas which are held where the necessary rituals are carried out often. Sometimes the cattle are taken to the nearest temples and events of community worship occur in collective. The same was explained by Mrs. Soundaram Ramasamy, a female bull-keeper from Kathasamipalayam village of Tirrupur district. She said:
“…even today morning we had a Gau-pooja at the Sivan temple with 108 cattle from all nearby households. These cattle are seen as reincarnations of Nandi – Lord Shiva’s vehicle.”10
The next significant area of bio-cultural or religious linkage with the Kangayam breed of cattle can be witnessed during the festivals that revolve around Lord Murugan (or) Karthikeyan. In the festive seasons of Panguni Uthiram and Thai Poosam, the people of Kongu region carry Kavadi11 which is an offering to the lord, to temples located in and around the region such as Palani and Sivanmalai. During the long journey to the temple, the cattle are decorated with the
10 Based on a personal interview with Mrs. Soundaram Ramasamy conducted on 25 Jan 2019. 11 This is a decorative, heavy structure carried on one shoulder by a Hindu devotee during the festival of Thai Pusam.
32 horns being painted and colourful cloth being tied to them. The cattle travel down to the temple, taking a journey of about seven to ten days and are worshipped by doing the necessary rituals.
The important practice that is pertaining to the stud bull is very much prevalent among all communities that rear Pulikulam and Kangayam cattle. In this case some cattle are offered to god by the pastoralists. It is often a bull that is given as offering to the god. By saying that cattle are being offered, it is given up to the god and turns into god’s own property. Commonly referd to as Kovil Kaalai or Temple Bulls, these bulls are free to roam around the village without any restrictions and are respected and worshipped by the villagers. Once cattle have been given as a temple bull, norms state that no one can hold claims of ownership and the horns or ears of the cattle are not to be shaved or sharpened. These cattle also hold exclusive right to enter into any field area and are not to be driven away. Driving them away or causing hurdle to these cattle is considered as a sin by the villagers. These cattle are free to cover any cow in the village and the villagers often resort to the temple bull for breeding purposes, in which there exists no discrimination on the basis of caste groups.
“Every year we try to offer one cattle to Azhagar saamy, for he is our guardian and protector. We do it depending on our capability and condition at that particular time. Offering him cattle shall bless us with good fortune and protect our herd”, said by another informant named Sivamani. 12
Temple bulls are considered as an integral part of the pastoralist culture. Every pastoralist attempts to the best of his capacity to offer bulls to the lord. The adherence to religious beliefs and norms being deep rooted is evidently visible through this particular practice.
The other key festival that is attributed to the cattle is the Pongal festival which is celebrated in the month of January. It is celebrated across the state as a harvest festival wherein on the second day the thanksgiving and rituals are focused exclusively on the cattle. The cattle are washed, decorated with poon kaavi which is a particular type of red soil and flowers are tied around the cattle’s horns. Sakkarai Pongal, a local dessert that is prepared using rice, dal and Jaggery is offered to the cattle in castor leaves. The cattle are garlanded and the game of Sallikattu or Bull baiting also happens during this festival13.
12 Based on a personal interview with Mr. Sivamani, a pastoralist from Vadipatty taluk, Madurai district on 11 Dec 2018. 13 Based on the monograph, ‘Wealth of Yoke’, published by SKCRF. A detailed account of the game has been provided in the next chapter.
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4.4. Exchange of cattle – Family and Social ties
There exists a practice of gifting a female cow and a calf to the family’s daughter in instances where she leaves for her husband’s home post marriage or in occasions of child birth. The cattle given as a gift, expressing their fondness or love from the maternal house is denoted as the Aachi Maadu and is maintained by the family for years to come without being sold off or exchanged at any situation. This Aachi Maadu and the progeny of that particular cattle are passed on to the granddaughter and the subsequent girl children of the family on cases of their marriage or child birth. This goes on with every generation. This is said to be in place for ensuring the required supply of nutrients for the woman after child birth.
This is widely practiced in the present scenario as well in marriages that occur in pastoral communities. Also, the cattle are exchange between the relatives in cases of necessities or in dire situations when they have faced a loss due to unforeseen circumstances. In case of a pastoralist losing a significant number of cattle belonging to his stock, the fellow members of the family and extended members of the community (to be understood as the village community involving pastoralists belonging to different caste groups) visit to offer condolences and give one or two of their own cattle to the bereaved pastoralist in order to enable building of his resilience capacity to overcome the loss and continue with the occupation.
The strengthened ties and affinity that exist in the rural societies is clearly visible in the above inference. It is also a reiteration of the bond that the pastoralists share with the cattle. A loss of cattle by a pastoralist is viewed as an incident of grief and the pastoralist’s household observes a mourning period and perform the rituals for the lost cattle where the fellow pastoralists and villagers also partake his sorrow by means of offering condolences. The help extended by the pastoralists by means of offering cattle signifies the strength of social capital and the valuable way in which it covers the loss by providing resilience through resources.
Cattle are also sold and purchased among different community people depending on the level of understanding and bonding they share. Even if individuals from different districts or other community wish to purchase cattle, the pastoralists sell the cattle to them depending on the levels of affinity and closeness they hold. While the best bulls of the herd are not sold outside and are retained for breeding purposes, these bulls are also exchanged in situations where the buyer holds a keen interest towards rearing the cattle and enjoys the goodwill of the pastoralists in a strong manner.
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4.5. Cattle and Grazing Routes
The Pulikulam breed of cattle cannot be stall fed and therefore follow a migratory system of grazing wherein they keep relocating from place to place depending on the availability of pasture and water for the cattle. With developing times, it has become difficult to find these two together which has been the root cause of looming crisis among the pastoralists. Also, with time, people have moved from the idea of ‘common good’ and common property usage to a system of private ownership which is rather very much skewed in terms of its resource use and access. In the realm of individual priorities in forefront, convincing the people for stationing a herd at a village has become a difficult task owing to the hostility faced from the villagers.
The reason for developing hostility can be based on arising out of the individual’s interest and concern to guard their own resource as a private good. Unlike yester years where one’s consumption of a particular commodity was viewed as non-rivalrous to fellow individual, the situation at present has been shifting with a predominant focus on achieving monetary gains and protecting resources. For instance, Malachamy (a pastoralist from Chakkudy village of Madurai region) pointed out that:
“People used to welcome cattle herds in their field before. Villages are presently aversive towards having cattle penned in their vicinity.”14
One should attempt to look at this hostility from the developing commercialisation of resources. Water sources such as canals and ponds where the cattle had free access to in olden days have now become a source of economic gains for another individual. The individuals who have taken contracts or tenders of the lakes or ponds for tapping the fish stock are aversive with letting the pastoralists use the lake. The pathways to major pasture sources have been sealed gateways by business entities and individuals leading to a blockage of the traditional grazing tracts. Also, the single way road crossings having been transformed into four-way highways have made it difficult for the pastoralists to take the cattle across the roads.
The traditional pattern of herding used to be one in which the cattle were reared towards the perennial water sources which were abundant in number back in those times, say two to three decades back. These water sources, according to the pastoralists gave filtered water that carried the essence of various herbs and medicinal plants from the mountains which gave a healthy
14 Based on a personal interview with Mr. Malachamy, a pastoralist from Chakkudy village of Madurai region on 11 Dec 2018.
35 lifestyle to the cattle. The tongue of the cattle is said to get thickened while grazing in the forests adapting to the pasture texture.
The migratory pattern and the food habits of the animals are predominantly dependent upon the seasons. The grazing pattern of the herd also used to be in a particular pattern where all the cattle graze in the same direction without causing damage to the pasture lands and in a sustainable manner of leaving behind pasture for the next herd that may follow. There was an existing system of interdependence and coordination among the herdsmen.
In case of Kangayam cattle, the grazing patterns are highly interlinked with the Korangadu grazing lands – a unique grazing system. Cultivators develop their own fodder in their private lands combined with a universal system of fencing which has contributed to a highly successful model of breed management. These private pasture lands are common throughout the regions of Karur, Tiruppur and Erode districts.
The important reason for successful evolution of this grazing system is to attribute it to the uniform management practices that have been adopted by the community in preserving these pasture lands. With fencing, the pastoralist has absolute control over the grazing land and the available pasture and can alter the number of cattle accordingly. The concept of fencing also ensures the presence of a system of rotation among different types of pastures which serve the required nutrient contents for the cattle. The Korangadu pasture lands are an excellent example for successful management of community resources in a systematic manner.
The cattle are taken for grazing to these Korangadu pasture lands during the day and return to the shelters by evening and the cycle continues. The Korangadu pasture lands at present face a huge threat from real estate sector and demand for these pasture lands increasing with the requirement of land for constructing houses and factories. Tackling the issue of land diversion and sustaining the Korangadu grazing systems has become an area of concern. People tend to give up on their lands when offered with premium prices with a thought that fodder can be procured for the cattle through other means such as stall feeding. But the destruction of Korangadu grazing lands would serve to be a serious threat to the existence of Kangayam breed of cattle since they both are highly interdependent.
4.6. Cattle and Breeding Practices
There exists a situation of line breeding among the cattle where the cattle belonging to a particular pastoralist are bred and covered by bulls either belonging to his own herd or with the
36 bulls from his relatives. This particular pattern of breeding known as line breeding is very much common among the Pulikulam pastoralists and the cattle that exist at present can be traced back to have descended from the breeding practices that existed between a very few common herds. According to Mrs. Pooma,
“We do not take the stud bulls from outside and prefer to use the bulls within the herd for breeding purposes. This ensures that the delivered progenies are of best quality.”15
The breeding among cattle though done on the basis of closer community ties and restrictive practices, is rather seen as a breeding that is carried out on endogamy where the cows are covered by the bulls belonging to the same herd and often bulls that belong to the same community as well. Though this is a high level of in-breeding, such circumstances when monitored and regulated by an experienced pastoralist yields favourable results.
The situation in Kangayam breed is an entirely different scenario. There are a few big breeders who own the best quality of the breed in the purest form. The small-scale pastoralists who own about 2-5 cattle need to resort to the breeding services that are offered by the large breeders. In some cases, thought the fee charged is nominal, the pastoralists owning lesser animals find it difficult to access these services. Also, since colonial times, it has been clearly said that the purest quality of the breed has been retained by the Pattagars and those owned by the small breeders in the districts are at a disadvantageous position.
In some cases, the breeding services provided by large scale breeders are very cautious in nature where they strive to ensure that the best quality bulls or the progeny is not let out of the breeder’s own herd. In order to ensure this system in place, though the big breeders provide bulls for marginal and tenant farmers who own one or two cattle, they impose a condition wherein they ask for the first choice of the bull calves born through such an arrangement at prices that are agreed prior.
4.7. Cattle and Milking – Bound by Beliefs
With the narratives received from the pastoralists of Pulikulam cattle, they reiterate the belief that the milk of the cattle is not to be sold and should be given away for free to those who stop- by. Selling of the cattle’s milk is considered to be a sin. While the selling of milk has
15 Based on a personal interview with Mrs. Pooma, a pastoralist from Killadhiri village, Sivagangai district on 6 Dec 2018.
37 restrictions, buttermilk prepared from this milk can be sold for money and in most cases is mandated that the buttermilk in exchange for something. In the words of Mr.Maya,
“We view the cattle as god and the milk that is received from her is what feeds us over the day. Selling it for money is a sin.” 16
The milking practices and the rituals practiced have changed and gradually being left behind. The songs are only known by a few elderly herders and the present generation aren’t aware of it. Though a few are aware of these songs, they feel shy to sing them while milking the cows. Since these practices are not followed, few of the elderly herdsmen claim that the present milk yields of the cattle are lesser than what it used to provide before.
Some of the milking practices include singing a song while milking which makes the cow to relax is udder, letting the calf drink milk first and then milking the cow and tying the calf to the herder’s leg in a particular position and then milking the calf. These rituals were practiced in order to receive maximum milk yields as well as ensure enough supply of nutrients for the calf.
Trying to understand the reason on why the cows are not milked, while the reason may be attributed to religious beliefs as claimed by the herders, these beliefs might also have been infested in the minds of the pastoralists by the ancestors in order to prevent exploitation of the milk from the cattle and ensure a steady supply to the calves, which would not be a prior concern in case if the milk is being monetized for economic gains. According to Mr. Marthandan,
“It is not an easy task to milk 200 litres of milk from more than 100 cattle. Try doing it, it shall take you about 5 days with need of labour”17
With the Kongu region, milk was never sold for money since traditional times. Narratives received from the pastoralists indicated the functioning of similar practice. In Kongu villages, Kangayam cattle keeps used to give milk without taking money to families who have young children and infants in the house up to the age of 7 years. While milk was given for free, buttermilk was sold for money. Milk was generally given away as a free commodity for households with children and should not be sold as a custom.
16 Based on a personal interview with Mr. Maya, a pastoralist from Vadipatty village, Madurai district on 11 Dec 2018. 17 Based on a personal interview with Mr. Raja Marthandan, Managing Trustee, Dhenu Cattle Conservation Foundation, Chennai on 10 Jan 2019.
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“Why do we take milk? For strength to the body, right? We are all predominantly non- vegetarian. We rear chickens and goats in home and eat them frequently. What is the need for us to consume milk, except for the children in our house?” explains Mr. Karthikeya.18
4.8. Gender relations in Cattle Herding
With respect to Pulikulam cattle, women are strictly not allowed in the herds as they are seen as impure and are only involved in the collection of Cattle dung, after the cattle leave for grazing. While women are not allowed in the cattle herds, in cases of rearing the cattle in lesser numbers – say less than 10 at homes, it is the women who carry out all the cattle management activities.
Women in rural areas where herds are stationed view this as a very vital source of income. With the decline of MGNREGA work and job availabilities, cow dung collection and working in the cattle pens is what they look forward to. With about 7-8 hours of working hours a day, these women have engaged in the work ranging from 2-5 years on a whole. In times when the herds get migrated to other places, if nearby, they also commute to that place for work or in case of a considerable distant migration, they switch to wage works in construction sector for a short span of time.
Conversations with these women revealed aspirations of attaining economic mobility and character of grit and perseverance in educating their children through taking up this work. They receive payment of about Rs.200/day for this work and on times when they also take up the other person’s work in their absence, the wages of the people who were absent is split upon those who did extra work on that particular day. A significant portion of the wages earnt goes for travel purposes ranging from about Rs.40-Rs.90/day depending on the distance they commute from. The women claim to make heaps that suffice on an average of about 12-15 sacks of dung/day.19
Few women revealed the reason that it is unsafe for women to migrate to large distances and that they do not possess the physical strength to manage the herds since they are more ferocious than those kept in homes.
The case of Kangayam cattle management is rather an interesting one where women do about 60-70% of the work involved with respect to taking care of the cattle. Women play a vital role
18 Based on a personal interview with Mr. Karthikeya Sivesenapathy on 19 Dec 2018. 19 Based on personal interviews with three women workers at Chinna Oddaipu in Madurai district on 11 Dec 2018.
39 in possessing the knowledge of livestock management and disseminating them through the breeding practices. Women are said to be highly knowledgeable in selecting the best stud for covering the female calves. This is due to the time they spend with the cattle and the familiarity they hold with the animals. They also diligently assist the animals while covering. Immediately after the delivery they take care of the new-borns and administer the required feed properly. The other important aspect to be noted is that they also engage in all aspects of breed management including on the decisions pertaining to the sale and transfer of the cattle. The women are seen the key players in driving the cattle to the pasture lands for grazing. They are also obedient to the command and order of the woman’s call.
“I cannot control them (the bulls) and they do not listen to me. But they walk like pets to my wife’s call and listen to everything she says”, says Mr. Ramasamy20
The difference in the cases of women in Pulikulam and Kangayam cattle herding can be attributed to the herding practices that are involved. Women might be restricted in herding of Pulikulam cattle since it involves travelling across the districts and staying away from homes. Whereas in the case of Kangayam cattle breeding, they do not have to relocate from the homes and rather manage the cattle in a homestead manner with taking them out for grazing during the day which is similar to other work that women engage in. The societal restrictions on women’s mobility in public spaces, taboos pertaining to menstruation being impure and confinement of women to domestic spheres and chores is reiterated in this particular case of women in Pulikulam cattle herding.
4.9. Conclusion
Through the discussions made on various factors in this chapter, it is important to understand that the cultural beliefs and norms are deeply intertwined with the occupation of cattle herding with the pastoralists following them. The norms pertaining to sale and exchange of cattle is bound by religious beliefs and the practice of not milking the cattle also acts as a deterrent to achieve significant economic returns. It is highly positive to note that the role of women is high in case of Kangayam, but there is a need to acknowledge their work and attempt to include them dropping the social taboos in case of Pulikulam cattle herding. These factors work interdependent with each other and influence the occupation in a significant way which should be studied by placing them in the larger context of how the society and community around the
20 Based on a personal interview with Mr. Ramasamy, Kathasamypalayam village, Tirrupur district on 25 Jan 2019.
40 pastoralists function. The norms and beliefs have in majority streamlined the occupation in functioning a certain way that does not involve exploitation of the cattle and sustenance of the occupation.
The cattle are not viewed as mere resources that could be used for wealth accumulation by the pastoralists. The cattle are revered with special affinity making them a part of the pastoralist’s lifestyle. The cultural and traditional values attributed to the animals have given the breed a sustenance, with the pastoralist striving hard to maintain it without letting go of them. Moving further from viewing this occupation as one that operates in the capitalistic utilitarian approach that focuses on tapping the maximum potentiality of available resource to enhance wealth and power, the cattle as a resource deviates from this system of working, aiming to reap benefits and output, being careful on not distorting or exploiting the cattle. The situations of distress did not make the pastoralists to take an economically rational decision of shifting out of the occupation and selling the resources, but rather they stayed on in the occupation, holding on to the resources, spending the input costs for sustenance on their own through borrowings and other informal means. This shows the levels of connect that the pastoralists hold towards their cattle and the values it holds in their everyday lives.
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CHAPTER V
THE SPORT OF SALLIKATTU – LOOKING BEYOND THE HUMP AND THE BULL
“Doesn’t he look like the Supreme one,
digging into the bosom of death?”21
The bull and the sport of Sallikattu recently garnered much attention in the light of the 2017 protests at Marina Beach in Chennai, Tamil Nadu, popularly termed as the Thai Puratchi, meaning the Revolution that happened in the Tamil month of Thai. The protest was against the banning of Sallikattu, a popular bio-cultural sport that involves embracing the bull, conducted in Tamil Nadu. The intensity and fervour of the protests left many in astonishment on what caused such a movement. The common idea and the thoughts that the crowds in Marina resonated was that of a movement to save their culture and pride. Placing the sport of Sallikattu as a part of Tamil culture and the Sallikattu bull as a symbol of Tamil pride, the movement went on to revoking the ban on the sport through an ordinance passed by the state government. The sport holds a significant value among the people of Tamil Nadu given the cultural and historic embeddedness in the society. Given this context, this chapter makes an attempt to understand the complex meaning articulated around the notion of culture and pride in reference to the game as well as the protest. Unlike the conventional understanding of looking at the game and the culture as autonomous spheres, I shall look at the sport, Sallikattu, by locating it without overlooking the significance of economy and how this game is intertwined with the economy of the pastoralists who rear the indigenous cattle breed of Pulikulam and Kangayam. Therefore, this chapter deals with the interdependence between the sport of Sallikattu and the economy of pastoralists, with a specific focus on the sport through the axes of caste and gender located in the larger domain of culture.
While acknowledging the relative autonomy of economy and culture as two separate spheres, this chapter perceives the interplay of these domains in a dialectical manner. In addition to this, material culture is a domain in which the social and cultural are intersecting with each other and subsequently, cultural expressions acquire more concrete forms (Bonnel and Hunt, 1999). This is also a way in which recognising culture as part of the everyday life and social experience of the people. When we emphasise the materiality of culture, here we actually focus on the role of economy in the production of certain cultural practices of the people and the community.
21 An extract from Kalithogai (101), a Sangam age Tamil literature – anthology of 150 poems.
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But, unlike the vulgar economistic approach – it predominantly conceives the linear deterministic approach on the culture – we give importance to the interaction between economy and culture in a dialectical fashion. An explication on this dialectic unravels the fact that it mutually shaping these two spheres in the context of the everyday life of the people. Similarly, this is also an attempt to move beyond the vulgar and uncritical valorisation of the cultural practices of the people. Taking a theoretical cue from cultural studies, we also believe that culture is a cite of domination in terms of caste, class and gender in the Indian context; therefore, a critical engagement with power and the allied domination is ineluctable in order to conceptualise the cultural articulations of the people. In short, a new materialist interpretation of culture by considering it as a system and practice broadly constitute the theoretical frame of this chapter which primarily deals with the game Sallikattu.
5.1. Understanding the sport
When one looks at the sport Sallikattu, often referred as bull-taming (or) bull-embracing, is a sport in which the bull is released into the play area where there are tamers let into fields in selective batches and are expected to embrace the bull by holding the hump of the bull for three rotations, and in case of the bull staying or running fast on the play area, the player is expected to travel until the finishing line holding the bull’s hump. The other key factor in this sport, is that the bulls used in the game are indigenous native breeds which are termed as Bos Indicus species. The two-predominant breed of cattle used in the game are from the breeds of Pulikulam and Kangayam. While this is the popular type of Sallikattu known as Vaadi Sallikattu, there are many other formats in which the game is conducted. Few of the other prominent formats are Manju virattu, Vada maadu, Erudhu ottam, Veali virattu and Vadam Manju virattu. There are several regulations that are laid which restricts the players from holding the horns or tails of the bulls and also engaging in any form of violence with the animal in the play area. If any player is found to be engaging in such acts, he is disqualified from the game unconditionally (Animal Welfare Board of India v. A. Nagaraja & Ors, 2014).
5.2. Sallikattu in Tamil Literature
To decipher the title of the game, Sallikattu comes from the Tamil word ‘Sallikattu’ where ‘salli’ refers to a coin and ‘kattu’ meaning a knotted bundle. In the ancient games of Sallikattu, a player is expected to untie and remove the package of ‘salli’ which is tied to the bull’s horns. Carrying forward the tradition, even in the present-day formats of the game, the winners of the
43 game are gifted with various items that range from chairs and mattresses to gold coins, cycles and cars. Sallikattu as a sport can be traced back to ancient times with mentions of it being made in the Sangam literature. Kalithogai is a classical Tamil literature of the Sangam period is an anthology of 150 poems that talk about the culture and events of the people who lived in the Sangam landscape – a poetic device that categorised the Tamil lands into different areas depending on the terrain. It is in this literature that the mentions of Sallikattu is found. In the thinai (category) that deals with Mullai (agricultural land), playing of Sallikattu as a sport of embracing the bull is extensively written about describing about the excitement, uproar, adventure and celebration involved. The Kalithogai in description about the game largely talks about how the game is deeply overlapped in deciding on marriage rituals and explains about how taming of the bull was seen as a criterion for selecting grooms for the bride.
Next to Kalithogai, mentions of the sport in ancient literature can be found in Silapathikaram which is regarded as one among the great five epics of Tamil literature. The chapter on the kuravai dance of the pastoralists once again reiterates the references of taming the bulla s a prerequisite for marriage relations as mentioned in Kalithogai. Further, there are also mentions of a case where Lord Krishna, popularly known among Tamils as Kannan, tamed seven bulls in order to marry Nappinnai, a woman belonging to the Tamil pastoralist community (Venkatachalapathy, 2018).
The ancient literature has spoken extensively on the culture embedded in the game and on how closely knit the game was to the pastoral communities, forming a part of their celebrations, with specific focus upon the aspect of marital ties. The sport of Sallikattu in itself has been evolving over time in terms of it being a criterion for choosing a groom, as understood from the rich evidences of Sangam literature.
5.3. Pride and Culture – The Horns and the Hump
Sallikattu is not a sport that evolved as a way of leisure by the pastoralists. The sport, entrenched in the culture and the lives of the pastoral communities, has evolved over centuries, deeply rooted as the symbol of pride of Tamil culture. The game for the pastoralists and people of Tamil Nadu is an arena to reflect on their valour, assertion of their culture and upliftment of the traditions that has passed on from generations, which they seek to protect and celebrate. Filled with enthusiasm and excitement about the sport, one can witness the fervour and pompous celebrations that break open during the months when the game is conducted. It is an
44 opportunity for the culmination of the village population with a sense of fascination over the dynamics of how the bull and the man engage with each other.
The bull is seen as a symbol that epitomises the cultural values of the Tamil people where the bull is often used as a metaphor to describe an individual’s courage and valour. Ranging from an individual being attributed to the nature of a Temple Bull (a man who goes around having sexual relationships with many women of the village like how the temple bulls cover numerous cows) to a Sallikattu Bull (often attributed to a man who possesses great valour and displays swift physical strength like how the Sallikattu bull plays in the arena). Beyond the notion of looking this as any other common sport, the case of Sallikattu and other similar bio-cultural sports are rather very different. Sallikattu cannot be viewed as a sport that can be reduced as being a mere display of the male pride and the cultural ethos.
5.4. Sallikattu as a bio-cultural sport
The pastoralists view the sport as a part of the culture and strongly vouch that the game should continue since it is their pride and heritage that needs to be preserved.
“The sport should definitely be there. It is a matter of our pride and a game that shows our valour. The game should not be stopped”, explains Mr. Muthuraj22, one of my respondents.
“The sport must continue being played and I strongly support it. It is a sport of this soil and banning it means a hit on our culture”, explains Mr. Periyasamy23 on being asked on whether he supports the sport of Sallikattu.
According to another informant Maya24,
“The game has been there since the time of our ancestors. Something that is as traditional as this should be continued for generations and generations to come.”
“Our present generation and the youngsters are very much interested in this game and they enjoy playing it. Let it be there. Why should we drop it?” questions Mrs. Soundaram Ramasamy, another respondent from Kathasamypalayam.25
22 Based on a personal interview with Mr. Muthuraj on 11 Dec 2018. 23 Based on a personal interview with Mr. Periyasamy on 7 Dec 2018. 24 Based on a personal interview with Mr. Maya on 11 Dec 2018. 25 Based on a personal interview with Mrs. Soundaram Ramasamy on 25 Jan 2019.
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From the above responses, one can understand on how culturally embedded the sport of Sallikattu is for the pastoralists. While some assert it as a sport that showcases the pride and valour, some attribute it to the historical significance and the existence of the game since ancient times. With the response that speaks about the patronage of youngsters to the game, one can also decode the influence and relevance of cultural systems being passed on from generations, which the community is receptive of and seek to treasure the practices.
Through these responses, it is also necessary to be understood about the attachment to the culture and the passion that the communities hold towards sustaining the same. Even with passing generations, the pastoralists opine to uphold the culture and not forgo the traditional practices and sports. While the game has evolved in contemporary times with some established rules and regulations locally drawn, the tradition of the sport still continues with the same pompous celebrations and much sort attention in the villages. Importance and existence of traditional values and systems in the rapidly changing society is asserted in this case.
5.5. Sallikattu and Pastoral economy – Price and Pride
To elucidate on the importance of this sport with respect to the occupation, the pastoralists went ahead to explain that the breed of Pulikulam and Kangayam cattle exists because the sport of Sallikattu does. They drew direct parallels to the sport and economy of these cattle breeds.
“What value does the cattle hold without Sallikattu? These cattle are sought by people because many are interested to rear them for the sport”, asks Mr. Muthu26, a pastoralist from Madurai.
“Existence of Sallikattu is the predominant reason for us to get some returns in this occupation. Without the game our income will be hit”, adds Mr. Malachamy27.
In the words of Mr. Kannan28, a pastoralist from Vadipatty,
“The prices that the calves fetch is dependent on the sport. We will have to sell it to slaughter houses for a very meagre amount otherwise”
All the above narrations unravel a complex relationship between the sport and the economy. One can understand the level of linkage the sport holds with the sale of calves based on the above responses. The bulls and calves are sought after by various buyers with an interest to
26 Based on a personal interview with Mr. Muthu on 11 Dec 2018. 27 Based on a personal interview with Mr. Malachamy on 11 Dec 2018. 28 Based on a personal interview with Mr. Kannan on 7 Dec 2018.
46 rear them and prepare for Sallikattu. The sport aids in finding a market for the cattle based upon their physical features in case of a calf and the performance of the bulls in Sallikattu in case of it being a bull. The sport can be considered as one of the key factors driving the demand for the cattle at a significantly higher price in the market, without with the prices may plunge down to low levels. Existence of the sport becomes a ground for boosting the revering of this cattle breed and supplements the occupation. Therefore, the market economy of indigenous cattle breeds of Pulikulam and Kangayam are closely interconnected with the sport. To further lay stress on this linkage, Mr. Raja Marthandan29 puts it that,
“Sallikattu plays a vital role in selling of cattle. The calves that are sold for Rs. 10,000 with the sport were sold for about Rs. 1000 to slaughter houses in absence of the game.”
One can see the steep and stark difference the sport creates in the revenue earning capacities of the pastoralists. Than rocketing the fall in prices and revenue to the pastoralists, the absence of game also leads to a situation where the maintaining the bulls or rearing the calves with care and investing resources no longer fetches incentive to the pastoralists and the Sallikattu enthusiasts, thereby leading to sale of cattle to slaughter houses.
Such continued and prolonged sale of cattle to slaughter houses leads to an increasing supply to the meat industry, thereby leading to a fall in prices of cattle in the trading market. Alongside the fall in prices, the most key factor to be noted here is the decline of the cattle population with the best quality of cattle being given away by the pastoralists. It is in way that the cattle population during the periods of Sallikattu ban faced a drastic fall, as stated by the respondents.
Coming down to the next aspect, the sport is said to be a method through which the best breeding bulls are selected. Sallikattu as a bio-cultural sport is viewed as an efficient method of selecting the breeding bulls. Similar to this, there are also various other bio-cultural sports across the nation and also internationally where the breeding bulls are selected based on such events. These events go beyond the mere conception as a sport and are often embedded in the local culture and the society. Rekhla races in the western districts of Tamil Nadu, Bailgada in the regions of Maharashtra with Killari breed of indigenous cattle, stone pulling events with Ongole breed in Andhra Pradesh and Kamabala buffalo races in water are examples and evidences of other bio-cultural events where the best performing cattle are identified as the stud bulls. Cantrabrian Bovine dragging in Spain’s north coast is another local sport that identifies
29 Based on a personal interview with Mr. Raja Marthandan Managing Trustee, Dhenu Cattle Conservation Foundation, Chennai on 10 Jan 2019.
47 the best cattle through pulling the weights. Sallikattu is one among these bio-cultural sports that has been used as a traditional method to identify the best bulls.
The arena offers the pastoralists a space to see the different bulls and decide on the breeding bulls to be sought for. The progenies of the bulls that showcase great liveliness and alertness are highly demanded by the breeders post the game. On the same lines Mrs. Soundaram Ramasamy30 explains that,
“The breed sustains with the sport. The bulls that go untamed are famous among the pastoralists are used for breeding.”
The other key connection to be noted is that the schedule of famous cattle fairs since historic times occur post the conduct of Sallikattu. The bulls that have won in the sport fetch higher prices. These bulls are said to make a good stud bull for covering the cows. A win in the sport means that they are extremely virile and alert and thereby makes it a potential stud bull that shall aid in the birth of good off springs.
5.6. Caste and Patriarchy in Sallikattu
Keeping aside the debate on whether the game inflicts cruelty to the animals, what is more important to be analysed are the factors of caste and gender, that may impact in any manner certain cultural belief systems operate. Practice of culture, sustaining traditional systems across the country, in the Indian context is generally impacted by discrimination, practices and notions that are constructed around caste, class and gender. Viewing of the sport embedded with these notions was largely brushed aside during the protests against the ban in 2017 and has also not received a significant attention owing to the prominent debate on the validity and relevance of the sport revolving around the arguments of animal rights and animal welfare.
Attempting to look at the game through the axis of caste, one cannot deny the impact and influence of caste in the sport. In order to understand the root of caste influence, it is important to trace it back to the mentions of the sport in ancient literature, the sport was largely associated to decide on marital ties. Given the rigidity in the institutions of marriage being strictly endogamous and marrying someone outside the caste paving way for brutal conflicts, caste as a factor should have determined an individual’s entry into the sport. Similar to have caste as an institution affects the functioning of the society and penetrates to unleash different forms of
30 Based on a personal interview with Mrs. Soundaram Ramasamy conducted on 25 Jan 2019.
48 discrimination, Sallikattu too carries a rich evidence of caste-based discriminations, even continuing to be practiced in the present times.
Also, looking through the depictions of the game in the popular Tamil literature, the mentions of the communities involved in playing the sport are merely referred to as cowherds and shepherds’ sans reference to the any particular caste group in specific. While one can anticipate that the reference has been made to the communities of Idayar, Konar and Yadavar, in the purview of the texts, there is also a notion that the sport of Sallikattu transcended the regional and caste divisions and was rather celebrated as a symbol of Tamil culture and pride. The same notion was reiterated by the respondents when asked about presence of caste-based divisions in the sport. Mr. Muthuraj31, asserts that
“We do not have any caste-based division both in the exchange of cattle as well in the game. It may have existed before. But now, any individual is free to hold any one’s cattle”
While all the respondents stated in unison that caste does not impact the game, it is to be understood that such a response is normal to be received when questioned about caste and placing a critique on one’s own cultural values and tradition. Existence of caste in any setting gets unfolded in the very intricate possible manner which in most cases are failed to be acknowledged or accepted by the stakeholders involved. While the cattle owing population in majority belong to the Backward castes and Most backward castes, Dalits do not hold cattle in significant numbers and in present situations claim that they are barred from participating in the game owing to their caste identity. According to Mr. Raja Marthandan32,
“Sallikattu does not cause caste division in the society. Rather, the caste system overlaps the game and impacts it.”
In some places where the sport is conducted, there are specific rituals held where the game is declared to have begun only if people belonging to the dominant caste groups and those belonging to the Dalit communities come together and perform the customary honours. This tradition has been existing since decades and is followed in present as well. The Dalit activists and writers assert that the sport as an instrument is used by dominant caste groups to assert
31 Based on a personal interview with Mr. Muthuraj on 11 Dec 2018. 32 Based on a personal interview with Mr. Raja Marthandan Managing Trustee, Dhenu Cattle Conservation Foundation, Chennai on 10 Jan 2019.
49 their control over Dalits. According to Natarajan (2017), Mr. Stalin Rajangam, a Madurai based professor who extensively studies on Sallikattu related caste violence, explains that
“In the 1980s and 1990s, jallikattu events triggered violent caste clashes in many villages in which Dalits suffered heavy losses.”
In the recently concluded events of Sallikattu in January 2019, the media extensively reported on the violent caste clashes that broke out in Adavathur hamlet of Trichy district in Tamil Nadu over the issue of Dalit men participating in the game (The News Minute, 2019). While this is being reported, Sallikattu organisers argue that though the game was initially controlled by dominant castes, it is changing and the sport is again asserted as a common pride of Tamil culture. In order to back the claim, it is said that 60% of the bull tamers registered in the Allanganallur Sallikattu are Dalits (Times of India, 2017).
The other striking factor of the game is through the axes of gender, with the space being dominated by men and an almost decimation of women in the playing arena. Patriarchy as being highly embedded in the functioning of Indian society emerges as a key influencer is the manner that culture in society operates. Sallikattu was seen as an arena to showcase the masculinity in order to win over the woman for marriage as per the ancient literature. While this was the case in ancient times, following the recently held Sallikattu events across the state show cases where the women are seen in the playing arena as bull-keepers who coming into the field to release their bulls and also to collect them post the game. It is also important to note that some of the bulls released by the female bull-keepers could not be tamed by the players and could only be calmed down by the woman commanding over them.
The entire discourse about Sallikattu since ancient times has been male-centred and has spoken extensively on how the sport was used as a medium to establish controlling of the bull as a symbol of pride for the tamers. Time and again, disappointingly, the tamers in the sport are only male and there has not been any instance of female participation as tamers in the game. Women, both in literature as well as in the present scenario are positioned as spectators who admire the game with such celebration and keen attachment. “I will also go if they call me to play Sallikattu”, says Mrs. Soundaram Ramasamy with a broad smile on asking about the game. Women as a part of the sport as tamers is largely a concept that has not been discussed about or attempted to be tried. The age-old traditions and practices of restricting this to be that of a men’s arena continues to exist in practice.
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While that is the scenario in reality, mentions on the rules of the game or the legal regulations that were drafted post the Sallikattu movement by the state government has nowhere deterred women from participating in the game. The rules as drafted by the villagers locally or by the federation does not lay a ban on women playing as tamers in the game. Not mentioning a ban does not easily lead to a situation of acceptance either, in reality, this is how patriarchal systems function by means of placing intricate obstacles, often silencing the space and necessity to talk about those and normalising the practice as such.
5.7. Restraining or Retaining the Game? – Transcending the Isolationist Linear Perspective
With the sport being laden with caste based and gender-based prejudice, the solution as being to get away with the sport terming it as an oppressive practice is often put forth by many individuals. Going by such a solution shall serve to be a disaster to both the cattle as well the many number of pastoralist households whose livelihoods are dependent on this. Viewing Sallikattu in isolation as a mere sport overrides the multiple linkages it holds with the economy of cattle trade and the socio-cultural connotations that are prevalent among the pastoralists.
To keep aside these arguments and look at what happened when the game was actually banned intermittently between the years of 2014-2017 facing a tough legal battle between Animal Welfare board of India (AWBI) and pro-Sallikattu activists. The ban adversely affected the pastoralists and the population of the cattle. The cattle population dwindled and the pastoralists were pushed to the extreme situation of selling all their stock – including the female which is against the religious beliefs and traditions they hold. Cattle to slaughter houses was the only source of income.
While this was the scenario, the period after the lifting of the ban cannot be termed as bringing them high revenues and reversing their hardships, but with the sport being played again, their economic incentives from this occupation has definitely seen a significant increase, as state by the respondents. Beyond improving the situation of pastoralists, reinstating the sport has also contributed to a slow and steady increase in the breeding of the cattle. To be more specific, small breeders who lack the resources to maintain their own stud bulls, which is a costly task, take their cows to get covered by the temple bulls which are chosen through the sport of Sallikattu.
If the existence of the sport is critiqued on the grounds of caste and gender-based discrimination, the system of cultural pride is always upheld wherein, even in the modern
51 setting, the significance given to it is not overlooked by the people and pastoral communities. The resonance of this scenario was what was visible in the Sallikattu movement, which began from the locals and pastoralists at Alanganallur village and later received a massive and unexpected support from the youngsters and the people of Tamil Nadu from across the state. The movement and the turnout were a result of the blow that their culture and traditions had faced. The months of January to May is scheduled with numerous Sallikattu events across the regions of the state. The Day two of Pongal celebrations – a very important harvest festival of the Tamil people, is mainly attributed to the conducting of the sport, drawing the attention and interest of all the people with the media houses telecasting the sport the entire day. The Sallikattu movement can be viewed as a one that is bred on a response to the attack on their culture and wiping out of their identity which was flaunted for centuries by the Tamil community.
Having explained about the situation during the ban and post the liftin of the ban, it does not mean that the game needs to be accepted without criticism on the factors of caste and gender. Similar to any other sport, Sallikattu is also impacted by these rigidities that exist in the society. The game has been evolving over time with changes in the society. What appeared as an exclusive space for men now has women coming into the playing arena to release their bulls – which is a change, even if it seems miniscule. Similarly, recent reports and cases of the event point out to active participation of the Dalits in many places. Rearing of these cattle, were traditionally not viewed as an occupation of the Dalits. With years to come, the assertion of Dalits in the game with increased interest has led to these clashes and in many cases has successfully broken the caste-based restrictions.
There is an inherent need to democratise the game taking into considerations the opinions of the Dalit communities and make the sport gender-neutral where women are also involved as tamers. While the case of women as tamers shall face a stern resistance and backlash from the society similar to the recent outrage over entry of women into the sanctum of Sabarimala Temple in Kerala, India, the possibility of it cannot be undermined in the views of Mr. Raja Marthandan33. As he puts it,
“As a tamer, I do not see the scenario of having women in the sport being too far away.”
33 Based on a personal interview with Mr. Raja Marthandan Managing Trustee, Dhenu Cattle Conservation Foundation, Chennai on 10 Jan 2019.
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The pathway to democratise the game is longer and involves dealing with inherent and deeply rooted norms of casteism and patriarchal notions, but it is important to note that every game is evolving and there is scope for inclusion in this sport as well.
5.8. Conclusion
Sallikattu holds a very important and significant value in terms of aiding the economy of the pastoralists who rear the indigenous cattle of Pulikulam and Kangayam. Evidences of the game can be traced back to ancient times and the game is found to carry influences of caste based and gender-based discriminations. When one attempts to study the relevance of the game in present times, it is highly crucial to view the game placing it in the complex and interconnected web involving economy, culture and beliefs of the pastoralists and communities belonging to these regions, sans viewing it in isolation. While there is evidence of the game evolving and changing, with times to come, there can be steps taken to democratise the game making it more inclusive and accessible by all gender and communities.
The assertion and importance of the sport by the community cannot be understood by a mere critique by viewing it through elements of a sport. Evaluating it over such a notion, means overlooking a multitude of linkages and practices that revolve around the game. How much ever one attempts to study and understand the sport, one must realise and acknowledge that the regard the communities hold towards the sport, the reasons they cite and the linkages they root the relevance of the sport in, often cannot be understood by outsiders trying to take a shot at it without engaging on the larger dimensions that Sallikattu is linked to as a cultural system embedded with the economy.
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Chapter VI: Conclusion
De-Layering the Occupation: Restoration and Way Forward
The occupation of indigenous Cattle rearing, in specific to the case of Pulikulam and Kangayam breed of cattle is undergoing rapid change in terms of the way it being carried out. There are a variety of internal and external factors that are causing an influence on the occupation and thereby impelling a change in the lives of the pastoralists whose primary source of livelihood happens to be this. The study construes that the importance and significance of indigenous cattle breeds is on the decline, with their roles being replaced or becoming unproductive in the present market conditions.
Explicating on the population of the breeds, they have faced a sharp reduction by greater margins, so much and so that lack of conservation efforts and lack of implementation of revival strategies shall lead to the wiping out of the breeds in totality. The continued trends of decline over two decades is a worrisome factor given that alternative methods to reap productivity and incentives through this occupation have not been discovered. While traditionally the pastoralists could view the occupation as generating decent incentives through income earned by penning the cattle in agricultural lands for manure and sale of calves at a decent price, the relevance of the occupation in the present scenario is not so favourable with mechanisation of agriculture leading to wiping out of the roles that the animals initially had.
The decline of the cattle population has been driven by the factors of lack of access to grazing lands, decline in availability of fodder and pastures, lack of demand for penning services, reduction in the prices offered for penning with chemical fertilisers available at cheaper rates, lack of interest and favourable conditions to continue with cattle rearing as a primary source of livelihood and the intermittent ban on the sport of Sallikattu which aids in fetching higher prices for the calves. These factors have influenced the occupation at various levels, creating an unfavourable and challenging occupational atmosphere for the pastoralists to work with.
Given the increase of such conditions, the next generation of the present livestock keepers are hesitant to take up the occupation and the pastoralists themselves strive hard to move their children out of this occupation with aspirations of providing them with better education. While this can be understood in the framework of larger societal notion where education is viewed as a necessity for economic mobility, it is also found that with the next generation shifting out of
54 the occupation, lacking an interest to keep these animals, the future sustenance of the breed population is again put into jeopardy.
The study further notices that the occupation of cattle rearing is largely influenced by deep- rooted traditional beliefs that are placed in the context of religion and culture. Marks and Hair whorls on the cattle are viewed as a key determinant in terms of purchasing or sale of calves. This influences the trade of cattle at a greater level and is often viewed as the basic enquiry about the animal between the pastoralists at the cattle shandy. Beliefs pertaining to the cattle’s horns also influence the decisions of trade taken by the pastoralists. In this case, it is important to note that the preference is largely given to female calves whose sale is restricted by the belief that the female cattle are not to be sold off.
The cattle are further considered as sacred by the pastoralists and the cattle are revered at multiple occasions ranging from poojas at the herd and also in some specific days such as Maatu Pongal or Pradhosham. The cattle are viewed as an integral part of the celebrations and festivities of the pastoralists. The pastoralists adopt collective methods of worship at temple and engage in performing specific rituals and sacrifices of roosters and goats praying for the welfare of the cattle and seeking protection to the herd.
The concept of Temple bull where a bull is offered to god and is considered as god’s own property with the freedom to roam around anywhere is also prevalent among the pastoral communities. This concept of Temple bulls’ aids in providing breeding services and is often viewed as the best stud bull by the pastoralists. The pastoralists view this as a very important practice to seek the blessings of the god. Similarly, cows are also given away to the daughters of the family in cases of events such as marriage or childbirth. This is done in order to supplement the nutritional requirements of the women and the new-born child. Majority of these rituals are still in practice and are followed with much rigour and significance by the pastoralists.
The next most important aspect that the study comprehends is the increased levels of social affinity among the pastoral communities. They seem to be well connected and share strengthened ties complementing each other. These ties act as an important social capital in terms of aiding the pastoralists on managing the animals as a collective. This is more evident in the case of Pulikulam cattle herding where different pastoralists come collectively managing their animals by stationing them together. The pastoralists possess a good knowledge and understanding about the fellow pastoralists who own cattle in and around their areas.
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The most significant change or herding practice that has changed, as discovered by this study is the shift in grazing routes and patterns. With the Pulikulam cattle following a migratory system of grazing, the traditional grazing routes and resources that used to be accessed by the pastoralists have been changing with fencing of individual properties and deterrence of access to forests for grazing. This shift has led to shortage of pasture for the cattle and puts immense stress on the pastoralists to migrate at very frequent intervals in search of favourable conditions to station the herd. The grazing lands of Kangayam cattle, the Korangadu pasture lands have faced a huge decline with increased threats from real estate sector and transfer of these pasture lands to other uses. These grazing lands and sustenance of the breed are highly interlinked and conservation of the grazing lands with restoration efforts is much necessary at present.
Breeding of cattle is predominantly carried out with the stud bulls present within the herd and a pattern of line breeding was observed. The breeding in Kangayam cattle is dependent on the services rendered by the big breeders who offer them at a nominal price. The other interesting tradition that was found is that while the milk of the cattle is not sold for money, it is distributed to those who stop by. The buttermilk prepared out of the milk are sold for money.
Women in the occupation are not so prominent in case of Pulikulam cattle and are often engaged with the tasks of collecting cow dung and drying them in the cattle pens after the cattle leave out for grazing. The study also found that the role of women in case of breeding Kangayam cattle to be more prominent and their involvement at all levels of decision making, including the management ones pertaining to sale and purchase of animals and services.
The other key aspect that the study captured in terms of aiding the breed sustenance is the presence of bio-cultural sports such as the Sallikattu. The sport abets in creating a market that fetches higher price for the calves, thereby incentivising the occupation for the pastoralists. The sport is also viewed as a historical one, which the pastoralists viewed it as a symbol of Tamil pride. The sport enables the pastoralists in identifying the best bull to be chosen as the stud bull for breeding purposes.
The study ascertains that there exists a clear and complex linkage between the occupation of cattle herding and cultural aspects. Religion, class, caste and gender as structures that exist in the society are highly intertwined with the occupation, influencing it in the economic sphere as well. The markets of exchange and the products derived from this occupation are highly influenced by the beliefs and cultural values that are adopted by the pastoralists.
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These traditions and beliefs are very much deeply rooted and have been passed on the consecutive generations which are followed by the pastoralists. The decline of the cattle population is largely due to the changing economic and social conditions which are rather exogenous and impact the occupation at a larger level. The pastoralists still attempt to hold on to their belief systems and carry forward with the occupation, despite how much ever less incentive might be generated from this, or even in case of the situation throwing negative returns where the pastoralists might have to supplement the monetary requirements by raising credit or selling off other resources.
The market situation during the time of the intermittent ban on the sport of Sallikattu impacted the pastoralists in a serious manner that stepping beyond their cultural beliefs and traditional norms to not sell the female calves from the herd, the pastoralists sold off a significant portion of their herds at a very meagre rates to the slaughter houses. The situation during the ban is to be understood as one that is highly detrimental to the pastoralists which led to shedding out of their beliefs. The sport therefore holds a key significance in terms of sustenance of the breed and to the pastoralists in terms of raising incomes.
While the sport is really important and necessary to be continued for the sustenance of the sustenance of the breed, the study found some issues with the conceptualisation of the sport which was largely male-dominated with traces of casteism in terms of access to the sport. The study observed a steady change in case of access issues, with the game becoming more inclusive and the reports of discrimination and caste-based clashes on the game reducing. It is also promising to view the presence of women in the sporting arena as bull-keepers and engaged in the rearing of the breed with control over all aspects of the occupation. There is a larger need to democratise the game by addressing these concerns and promoting the sport as that of being more inclusive, providing equal opportunities of access to all, devoid of identities.
The study argues for an inherent and immediate need to address the issues present in the occupation of indigenous cattle rearing and provide adequate support from the government. There is a need to identify alternate markets and develop the occupation to be an incentivising one.
The key drawback among these pastoralists is the lack of mobilisation and shared alternate approaches in various scenarios. While they all know of each other and do know that the problems are common across all the pastoralists irrespective of the places they pen the cattle, in terms of seeking solutions, they largely tend to think individually. There is an evident need
57 for community mobilisation and engagement within the pastoralists to tackle the existing issues. For the issues to reach the stage of acknowledgment by the concerned authorities, there exists an inherent need to have a strong and wilful representation which is yet to be developed.
Shortage of pasture lands is a key threat which is affecting the pastoralists’ income. A good pasture would mean more dung and would simultaneously increase contribute to more income for them. The pasture lands by large have been shrinking and lands demarcated for cattle grazing have been taken up by private entities and many pathways to the pasture lands which were earlier accessible have now been deterred.
In order to address such scenarios, there is a need to revive the pasture lands and allocate specific land areas for the purpose of grazing. Most importantly, the tracts used by the pastoralists traditionally needs to be restored and the pastoralists be given access to it. Encroachments in the grazing lands and other lecherous outgrowth of trees or plants which absorb and deplete the groundwater table need to be removed on a priority note. Proper notification of Village commons and community resources need to be carried out.
Awareness generation among the pastoralists with respect to the various government policies, schemes and their traditional grazing rights ought to be carried out. The pastoralists claim the deterrence to the hills for grazing and penning of cattle in forests to be the key reason for decline in the cattle population. The study proposes for a persuasion of passing policy resolutions by the concerned Gram Sabhas in which the forests are covered under need to be sought. Restoration of traditional grazing rights to the pastoralists invoking The Bio-diversity Act of 2002 and The Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights) Act, 2006. More informed discussions and legal actions surrounding this issue need to be initiated.
Water proves to be another major concern for the pastoralists. In order to address this, drinking water ponds for cattle could be created at prime locations where the cattle migrate to. Bore pump facilities can be made available on a shared basis to two or three herds depending on the size of the herds. De-siltation of existing water bodies located around the migratory tract needs to be carried out and the water inlets of the ponds need to be cleared from any encroachments. Existing water bodies which have been polluted and contaminated by drainage outflow into the water system needs to be cleaned.
The key income in this occupation at present with a potential of development is through the sale of dung. These are purchased by agents and middlemen from Kerala. The transactions are
58 largely non-regulated and are therefore non-standardised. Quantities and rates for the same are different at various locations. Regulation of this through formation of herder associations as said above or by means of co-operative societies would enable fixation of prices and quantity labels by the pastoralists themselves. There exists a large-scale potential in tapping this resource and putting it to a better transaction wherein both the buyer and seller benefit themselves. These herder associations or the cooperative societies could engage in collective procurement of the dung at certain rates fixed in consultation with the pastoralists and sell the same in packaged bags of standardised quantities to the buyers. This would enable better realisation of prices and would prevent exploitation by agents in the transactions.
The next use of these dung could be processing the same to produce natural and organic fertilisers and take efforts to promote the same among the agricultural farmers. The herder associations can set up these shops at proximate locations to the agricultural lands and prepare natural fertilisers and pesticides using items that are available locally and easy to procure at a low investment cost. The fertilisers and pesticides can be prepared and given to the farmers on request. Awareness and campaign regarding the benefits of using natural fertilisers and improving soil nutrients should be carried out among the farmers. Adoption of organic fertilisers using cattle dung and urine would significantly reduce the need for pesticides, thereby reducing the effect of bio-magnification on the cattle who feed on these lands.
The study opines that the sport of Sallikattu needs to be made more inclusive in terms of the participants. In order to ensure this, it is essential for the government to not only regulate the rules of the sport, but also to constitute the federation or the committee that takes care of the sport. The government needs to ensure representation from all the communities in federation or management committee with a fair selection of the tamers on a uniform criterion.
Most importantly, the study argues for a necessity to have the policy formulations in a decentralised manner as against the top-down approach of policy formulation that presently exists. The pastoralists need to be included and the policies formulated for themselves should be inclusive of their opinions and suggestions. The policies ought to be more targeted towards addressing specific issues spread across a wide range of beneficiaries unlike being mere documents that exist on paper.
The study argues that the occupation and conservation of the breed has drawn its sustenance from the traditional sand cultural systems that the pastoralists operate, where this backing by cultural and social values has developed a close affinity between the cattle and the pastoralists.
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This study also asserts that the sport of Sallikattu operates in a framework that regards the culture, economy and values of the pastoralists and sustenance of the sport to be important in aiding the conservation of the breed and fetching fair prices for the cattle in the market.
The occupation is perceived by the pastoralists as something that is intertwined with their cultural systems and linked to their everyday lives. The cattle are not viewed as mere resources and the study argues on the need for moving further in terms of creating new markets and identifying demands by the pastoralists’ vis-à-vis upholding their beliefs.
To conclude, the herders are facing multiple constraints and are reeling under lower income in this occupation with decline in the cattle population. The sustenance of this cattle population requires interventions at multiple levels – both in terms of policy-based changes and also in terms of creating revenues. There are efforts required to initiate the necessary safeguarding mechanisms which would serve as a support system in protecting these cattle breed, sustaining the balance of ecological biodiversity without disturbing or compromising on their belief systems.
60
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ANNEXURE I
INTERVIEW SCHEDULE FOR PASTORALISTS
SECTION – A
Details about the pastoralists and farmers
a. Name b. Age c. Village/Taluk d. District e. Caste Group/Community f. No. of members in the household g. No. of family members involved in this work h. Who all are they? (This question is important since we have to know that whether the new generation is involving in it or not). i. Occupation(s) of all the family members. j. Duration of stay at this present place? k. Which generation of livestock keeper? l. Herd strength m. No of own cattle in the herd n. No. of cattle in the herd which belongs to kin or any friends (if any) o. No. of people assisting them along p. Any land owned? Quantity and land type, if yes. q. In case of being a worker, the salary she/he receives?
SECTION – B
Information pertaining to the herd
a. Composition of the herd/cattle i. No. of Cows ii. No. of Bulls iii. No. of calves iv. No. of heifers b. What are the various costs that are generally incurred in the maintenance of the cattle?
viii c. Sources of funds for manging these costs? Repayment time-frame, if any. d. What are the different revenues generated by managing this herd?
SECTION – C Specific research questions 1. Is there a significant and steady decline in the populations of Pulikulam and Kangayam cattle breed over the last two decades? If yes, what are the predominant reasons for this decline?
a. What was the cattle population during the 1990’s? How much do you think the count is now? Do you think that there is a change in the population of Pulikulam/Kangayam breed of cattle over the last 20 years? If yes, has there been a decrease or increase? b. If there is a decline, what do you think is the major factor for decline? c. What are the different issues at present that exist in indigenous cattle rearing?
2. What are the different dynamics including culture, beliefs and norms that influence the occupation of indigenous cattle rearing among the herder communities?
a. What were these herds/cattle used for before? b. How has the scenario and their uses been transformed in the present case? c. What are the different practices that are followed in rearing the cattle? d. How did you gain knowledge of these practices? From whom did you learn these customs? e. What are the different occasions when you perform pooja/worships at the herd? What is the significance behind that? (questions were built upon depending on the responses) f. What are the different practices and methods of cattle worship that are carried out as a group, or in specific to the community you belong to? g. What are the different festivals and rituals that you carry out for the cattle? Are there any specific rituals that are carried out on a daily/weekly or monthly frequency?
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h. How is the stud-bull chosen? Any particular tradition or method is followed? i. Can you explain the norms and beliefs that exist around cattle exchanges and regarding the hair whorls on cattle? j. Despite few of these practices being restrictive for monetary gains, say practice of not selling milk, why do you follow them? k. What works are carried out by men and women in taking care of the cattle, specifically? (questions were built based on responses)
3. How has the breeding and rearing techniques based upon the traditions evolved over the generations of herders? Also, how has the aspect of dignity associated with cattle breeding occupation changed over time?
a. Are all the practices and rituals followed by your ancestors still followed by you? b. Are there any new practices or rituals that have been followed in recent times? c. Why have you dropped some of rituals that were carried out by your ancestors? (or) Why have you taken up some of these new rituals? d. What has been the response of the villagers pertaining to this occupation? Having they been supportive (or) aversive? Say during 10 years back and in present times – How would you explain the situation in both times? e. Situations of grazing routes (Pulikulam) and case of Korangadu (Kangayam) f. What are the different aspirations you hold pertaining to your livelihood – during the time you took up this occupation and at this present juncture? Would you want your children to take up the same occupation? Why or Why not?
4. Has the removal of Sallikattu ban created any impact on the herder communities?
a. How do you look at the sport of Sallikattu? Do you think that ‘Sallikattu’ should be continued as a sport? If yes/no, why do you think so? b. Why do you think that the government had banned it? c. What was your situation during the legal ban and did it affect your income generation? d. Has there been an increase in income and change in people’s perception towards the occupation post the Sallikattu movement?
x e. What are the different changes in rearing patterns that have emerged post the Sallikattu movement? Who are the buyers of the cattle post the movement? f. Has the government come out with any scheme or assistance to the pastoralists post the movement?
xi
INTERVIEW SCHEDULE FOR CATTLE BREED EXPERTS
I. About the Breed a. Significance and features of the breed. b. Evidences of historical documentation – Literature, Colonial records…? c. Population of cattle in 1990s and recent population? d. If there is a decline, the predominant reasons for the same? e. Condition of the breed population in times to come, considering the present conditions? II. Culture, Beliefs and Norms a. Usage of herds in prior times? b. Religious connotations that are attached to the occupation? c. Some of the ritualistic bio-cultural practices? d. Major communities involved in herding – community specific practices? e. Changes in norms or customs followed by the community? Why/Why not? f. Role of women in rearing? Why are women not allowed in the herds? g. Breed centred Cattle fairs/Festivals/Worships – Region-specific. III. Breeding and rearing practices a. Evolution of techniques and rearing practices b. Aspect of dignity in this occupation – then and now? c. Prospects of shifting to next generation? d. Change in nature and Characteristics of the Breed/herd – then and now? IV. Sallikattu game and the ban a. Is Sallikattu game necessity for the existence of the breed? If yes/no, please explain the reasons for the same. b. History of the sport. c. Why did Supreme Court of India ban the sport? d. Is there Class/Caste divide in the sport? e. What caused the Sallikattu movement? How do you perceive the movement in terms of its intensity and impact? V. Role of Government a. Steps taken by government post the movement towards conservation of indigenous cattle breeds?
xii b. Central Government or State government schemes which exist? How helpful are they in addressing the issues of concern? c. Key areas of necessity and expectation from the government?
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