Coping with Xenophobia: Senegalese Migrants in Port Elizabeth

A thesis submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

MASTER IN ARTS

RHODES UNIVERSITY

Silvana Claudia Barbali

January 2009

Zapiro Cartoon on Xenophobia (Source: http://www.stalkingvenus.com/images/xenophobia.jpg. Published on 18/06/2008 in Sunday Times)

Table of Contents

Title Page Number

Table of Contents i List of Abbreviations Used iv List of Figures and Maps v Acknowledgements vi Abstract vii

Chapter One: Introduction 1 Chapter Two: An Overview of Human Migration and Mobility 7 2.1 West Africa: A Region of Migrants 9 2.2 South Africa: A place of Gold? 14 2.3 Xenophobia: The New Global Racism? 17 2.4 From Institutional Racism to Institutional Xenophobia? 20 2.5 Jekyll and Hyde: Links between Nation Building and Xenophobia 22 2.6 The Fourth Estate 26 2.7 The Second estate 28 2.8 Current South African Legislation and Policy 31 2.9 The engendering of Migration 34 2.10 Conclusion 35 Chapter Three: Transnationalism-A Theory of Migration 38 3.1 “Migrants or Immigrants. Does it Matter?” Typologies of Migration and Migrants 38 3.2 Researching (in) the City: Theoretical Changes in Urban and Migration Studies 43 3.3 Transnationalism: Taking Complexity into Account 45 3.4 Diaspora Theory 47 3.5 Network Analysis 48 3.6 Anthropology‟s Contribution to Migration Studies 49 3.7 Conclusion 52 Chapter Four: Research Methods and the Fieldwork Experience 53 4.1 Background and Context 53 4.2 Port Elizabeth: A City of Juxtapositions 54

4.3 A “trend Setting Street”: Rejuvenating and Reviving Govan Mbeki Avenue 58 4.4 A Biographic Profile of the Research Participants 61 4.5 Introducing Key Research Participants 64 4.6 “The Ethnographer‟s Gaze”: Research Methods 70 4.7 The Field as a Third Space 75 4.8 Writing Up: A Fourth Space? 76 4.9 Becoming an Anthropologist 77 Chapter Five: Seasons of Migration to the South-Senegal‟s Culture of Migration 80 5.1 A Triad: Travel, Knowledge and Masculinity 81 5.2 „Afropolitanism‟ and Cosmopolitanism among Senegalese in Port Elizabeth 84 5.3 Yearning for Home 85 5.4 Modou Modou: The Symbolic Construction of Migrants in Senegal 87 5.5 The Importance of Family and the Mother Figure 88 5.6 Conclusion 89 Chapter Six: Senegal-A Land of Brotherhoods 91 6.1 Islam in West Africa and Senegal 91 6.2 The Mouride Brotherhood 93 6.3 Structure of the Mouride Brotherhood 94 6.4 French Colonial Administration and Islamic Leaders 98 6.5 Benefits of Belonging 99 6.6 Port Elizabeth‟s Daaira 102 6.7 The Individual vs Collective Dialectic 105 6.8 Touba: Senegal‟s Mecca 107 6.9 Women, Migration and the Brotherhood 109 6.10 Conclusion 110 Chapter Seven: “We are all Africans”: Xenophobia in Port Elizabeth 112 7.1 Experiencing Xenophobia: Senegalese Migrants‟ Voices 112 7.2 The “Dark Days of May” 120 7.3 Trader Relations in Govan Mbeki Avenue 124 7.4 Social Interaction among Traders 128

7.5 Economic Networks between Senegalese Traders 130 7.6 Institutional Xenophobia: Home Affairs 132 7.7 Xenophilia 138 7.8 Conclusion 139 Chapter Eight: Conclusion 140 Bibliography 145

iii

List Of Abbreviations Used

DIDP‟s-Development Induced Displaced People‟s ECOWAS- Economic Community of West African States GBA-Govan Mbeki Avenue IDP‟s-Internally Displaced People‟s MBDA-Mandela Bay Development Agency NMMU- Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University RBX-Roll Back Xenophobia SADC- Southern African Development Community SAHRC-South African Human Rights Commission SAMP-Southern African Migration Project SAPS-South African Police Service UN- United Nations USA-United States of America WNLA- Witswatersrand Native Labour Association

List of Figures and Maps

Figures Page Number

Figure1: View of Port Elizabeth 55 Figure 2: Upper Govan Mbeki Avenue 56 Figure 3: Road Works in Lower Govan Mbeki Avenue 57 Figure 4: Advertising the Spirit of Growth Campaign 58 Figure 5: Malik 65 Figure 6: Hamadou 67 Figure 7: Alassane 69 Figure 8: The Only Surviving Photograph of Amadou Bamba 94 Figure 9: The Mosque in Port Elizabeth where Senegalese go to pray 105 Figure 10: Touba‟s Mosque 108 Figure 11: Senegalese Women at Bamba‟s Tomb, Touba 110

Maps Page Number

Map1: Senegal 80 Map2: Map of Port Elizabeth 112

Acknowledgements The Rhodes Finance Division for their financial assistance as well as the Humanities Faculty for the Humanities Faculty Research Grant, without which I could not have conducted fieldwork in Port Elizabeth Dr Rose Boswell, my supervisor, for all her help, encouragement and insight over the past two years. I am truly grateful Members of the Rhodes University Anthropology Department, especially Des Bekker, all have helped me in some way Bryan and Johan of Cora Terrace, Port Elizabeth. Thank you both for your friendship and hospitality, for making my fieldwork experience one that I shall not forget! Carla, thank you for your friendship and all your support while I was in Port Elizabeth and for introducing me to the world of surfing! Lastly, and most importantly to the Senegalese in Port Elizabeth, for their openness, patience and hospitality

Abstract

This thesis seeks to investigate Senegalese migrants‟ experiences of xenophobia in South Africa. It explores prevailing theories used to explain the phenomenon of xenophobia and uses data collected via anthropological fieldwork to support arguments made. It is argued that a culture of migration in Senegal and the significance of migration as a rite of passage in Senegalese masculinity assists migrants to orientate themselves in host countries, and influences the way Senegalese are „received‟ by South Africans. In addition, Senegalese Islam (Sufi Orientation), which organises its members into brotherhoods, assists in the social integration of Senegalese men in Port Elizabeth. The men belong to the Mouride Brotherhood and the thesis shows how membership to the brotherhood provides a strong network of support for migrant men without resulting in the enclaving of the men in the broader social and economic context of Port Elizabeth. This has important implications for the individual and collective migration experience of Senegalese and influences the men‟s creation of meaning in their experiences as migrants. The thesis makes use of the concept of transnationalism to analyse the complex and multifaceted nature of transnational migration, arguing that migration experiences are influenced by a range of transnational factors and is deeply culturally influenced. The research suggests that migration experts and government departments in South Africa should take these complexities into account when formulating new programmes and policies for migrants.

vii

Chapter One: Introduction

Transnational1 migration is a post-modern form of migration, associated with globalisation. Today, there is hardly a country in the World that is unaffected by migration (Benmayor & Skotones 2005: viii, 4-5; Rapport & Dawson 1998: 23; Boyle, Halfacree & Robinson 1998: 1; White 1995: 1; Papademetriou 2003: 39). In 2005, the United Nations (UN) estimated that 190 633 564 people (of both sexes) moved across international boundaries.2 And although the trend of migration between developing countries is increasing, the Population Reference Bureau estimates that 3 million people move from poor to rich countries although the trend of migration between developing countries is increasing.3 Moreover, millions of people abandon their homes due to natural disaster; war and economic crises (Collymore 20014) The US Committee for Refugees estimated that by the end of 2000, 34 million people were living in countries other than their own (ibid). This thesis will examine the experiences of Senegalese migrants whose migration experience is profoundly influenced by the cultural. The thesis therefore focuses on the cultural factors that influence migrant‟s experiences and adaption and how these cultural factors ensure a form of continuity.

Do Senegalese migrants in Port Elizabeth experience xenophobia and if so how do they respond to these experiences? Xenophobia, defined as the „fear or hatred of foreigners‟, has been documented as the usual response to transnational migration of populations in the receiving countries, particularly when immigration is sudden and massive, and especially among the sections of the population to whom the newcomers pose the greatest threat, whether actual or perceived. Recent research has also revealed that anti-immigrant sentiments have increased the world over and South Africa is no exception (Benmayor and Skotones 2005: vii, 5-6; Lockey 1999: 26; Teitelbaum 1997: 157; Crush 2000: 106).

1 The term „transnational‟ denotes migrants who cross international borders, not necessarily with a view to long-term or permanent settlement as in the case of earlier international migrations, nor as participants in organised migratory labour. 2 http://esa.un.org/migration/p2kOdata.asp 3 www.prb.org 4 www.prb.org 1

South Africa has become a prime destination for transnational migrants from other African countries (Adepoju 2003: 4; Nyamnjoh 2006: 1). Crush and McDonald (2000: 4) note, “One of the most notable shifts in post-apartheid South Africa is the sheer volume and diversity of human traffic now crossing South Africa‟s borders.” Black migrants from other African countries are the group most exposed to xenophobia and anti-migrant crime (Harris 2002: 171; Nyamnjoh 2006: 13-14; Adepoju 2003: 15). Research has shown that the intolerance of migrants in South Africa is widespread and increasing (Lockey 1999: 26; Teitelbaum 1997: 157; Crush 2000: 106) evidenced by the May 2008 outbreak of xenophobia related violence that occurred across the country. A Human Rights Watch report (in Crush 2000: 106) states that the influx of migrants has encouraged South Africans to become increasingly xenophobic and this has led to violent attacks on African migrants in urban centres (Nyamnjoh 2006: 49). The increase in xenophobia and related violent crimes is reflected in recent research on the topic (e.g. Mattes et al 2000; Harris 2002; McDonald et al 1998; Nyamnjoh and Valji 2003). Given the government‟s position on democracy, Human Rights, regional and continental co-operation and an „African Renaissance,‟ it is vital that issues such as xenophobia and crimes against migrants are addressed.

Anthropology has played a key role in and has a distinguished track record in migration research. Ethnographic techniques, such as participant observation, provide a more holistic, nuanced and contextualized understanding of the lived experiences of trans-migrants. The qualitative anthropological approach to migration allows for a greater understanding of the lived experiences of migrants. This approach was demonstrated in various contexts from the 1950s onwards, beginning with a focus on the receiving societies, but later encompassing the entire, transnational process of migration (Brettall 2000: 97, 103,118). In Africa the major contributions of anthropology to migration studies have been more in the field of internal rural-urban migration (e.g. Epstein 1958, Ferguson 1999, Gugler 2004, Mayer 1961, Pederson 1997) than on transnational migration. A transnational focus in anthropology reflects the general move away from bounded units of analysis (ibid: 104-105) as the impact of macro-level processes on migration patterns as well as the agency of migrants is being increasingly acknowledged and incorporated into research design. This has implications for the conceptual framework to be utilised in this thesis. As Sarup (1997: 78) argues, totalising theories can hinder research. A post-structural framework 2 reduces chances that the perspectives and experiences of migrants will be essentialised, allowing for a deeper and more empathetic understanding of the complexities involved in the migration process.

I have selected Senegalese migrants in Port Elizabeth as the subjects of my research into transnational migration and xenophobia in South Africa. Zachariah and Condé (1981: 7, 31) observe that long distance migration has been a way of life in West Africa for much of the 20th Century and Zinn (2005: 58) maintains that the migration experience is a rite of passage for many Senegalese men. Recent research done by two anthropologists in Port Elizabeth suggests that the city has the third largest migrant population in South Africa with a conservative estimate of 23 000 foreign nationals.5 13 300 are believed to be from Africa, 8000 from other parts of the world and 1700 are students enrolled at the Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University (NMMU).6 The number of Senegalese present in Port Elizabeth is approximately 67 and I was able to interview 63. Further details regarding the composition of this group will be provided in my discussion on research methods and methodology.

The primary research question is: how do Senegalese migrants respond to xenophobia and how does this affect their experiences as migrants in Port Elizabeth? The secondary goals were: . To explore individual and collective experiences of migration among Senegalese migrants in Port Elizabeth . Investigate and understand a contemporary form of migration . Clarify factors influencing African migration into South Africa . Examine the particular cultural dynamics influencing the form and extent of migration among the Senegalese . Consider the particular social dynamics in Central Port Elizabeth and their influences on migrant experience . Study the subjective and collective experiences of female Senegalese migrants and thus be in a position to compare the experiences of xenophobia between male and female Senegalese migrants.

5 The Weekend Post, 30/08/2008 http:// www.weekendpost.co.za/main/2008/08/30/news/nl01_30082008.htm

6 ibid 3

Most of these objectives were realizable. However, no female Senegalese were present in Port Elizabeth. My research participants were therefore all Senegalese men.

Chapter Two examines current literature in the field of migration studies, providing an overview of human mobility in West Africa. Historical literature on migration in South Africa was also referred to, although this tended to focus on experiences within and borne out of the mine labour system. In addition, the dominant explanations for xenophobia in South Africa are outlined and discussed and I pay attention to the role of the South African media and politicians in the perpetuation of xenophobic attitudes. The link between nation building discourse and the current South African legislation have to xenophobia are also considered.

Chapter Three provides a theoretical discussion, outlining the major theoretical lenses that have been utilised when analysing the ethnographic data I collected in Port Elizabeth. Transnationalism, Diaspora Studies and a Network Based analysis are the prism through which I present my findings. The complexity of transnational migration, I argue, cannot be sufficiently explained through one single theoretical framework. Thus, I hypothesise that a particular „culture‟ of migration influences the movement of Senegalese to South Africa and that this involves transnational linkages, invocations of diaspora and the cultivation of social networks. The chapter also provides a brief discussion regarding the changing conceptualisation of urban space in anthropology and the impact this has had on researchers doing fieldwork in urban spaces. The importance of gender sensitivity in migration research is also discussed and the chapter ends with a typology of migration and migrants.

Chapter Four sets the scene of the fieldwork locale. Here, I provide a background and context to my research, describing Central Port Elizabeth and Govan Mbeki Avenue where the majority of my fieldwork took place. A biographic profile of the research participants is provided and details regarding the five key research participants are also proffered. The particular methods used to collect my ethnographic data are outlined and discussed in detail and the chapter ends with a brief discussion about the subjective experience of fieldwork in Port Elizabeth.

Chapters Five to Seven present my ethnographic findings. Chapter Five explores what I call the „Culture of Migration‟ in Senegal and how this affects the individual and collective experiences of migration for Senegalese men in Port Elizabeth. The importance of migration for masculinity, the significance of family and the mother figure and the symbolic construction of migrants in Senegal are examined. By doing so, I emphasise that migration out of Senegal cannot be simply explained through a push-pull economic model of migration. The cosmopolitan nature of Senegalese migrants is also discussed, as well as how this affects how my research participants deal with xenophobia and how they experience life in Port Elizabeth as migrants.

Chapter Six examines the centrality of Islam in Senegalese models of migration. The history of Islam of West Africa and Senegal is presented. The conception, structure and benefits of belonging to the Mouride Brotherhood, which is a specifically Senegalese form of Sufi Islam, are explored. Membership to the brotherhood has implications for the collective and individual experiences of migration and xenophobia and these are discussed in detail within this chapter.

Chapter Seven deals specifically with xenophobia. The chapter comes last as Senegalese migrants experience very little direct xenophobia and the cultural factors which enable them to cope or deal with less physically violent forms of xenophobia therefore forms the main part of the thesis. The chapter examines the individual and collective experiences of xenophobia among Senegalese in Port Elizabeth, how my research participants explain the presence of xenophobia in South Africa. I also provide details regarding the May 2008 outbreak of xenophobia-related violence and how this affected life and people in Port Elizabeth, which did not experience any violence. The chapter also provides discussion regarding the relations between traders of different nationalities in Govan Mbeki Avenue, the social interaction among traders and the economic networks that exist among Senegalese traders in Port Elizabeth. Additionally, my experiences of the Department of Home Affairs Refugee reception Office are also presented. The chapter ends with a brief discussion on the under researched phenomenon of xenophilia.

Chapter Eight provides an overall conclusion of my research findings and I propose areas of further research that are essential in the area of migration research and xenophobia in South Africa but have not been possible within the scope of this thesis.

Chapter Two: An Overview of Human Migration and Mobility “movement is the norm: All history starts with migration” (Ceuppens & Geschiere 2005: 402)

South Africa has a long history of cross border migration predating the drawing of international borders by colonial powers and this history has been extensively researched (e.g. Crush 2000: 12-13; Posel 2003: 2; Adepoju 2003, 2006; Anderson 2006; Croucher 1998; Hunter & Skinner 2003). Although migration has recently become a topic of concern for government, education and media, human migration is not a new phenomenon. Therefore any study of migration requires an historical contextualisation. The focus of this dissertation is Senegalese nationals who have migrated to South Africa and are now living and working in Port Elizabeth. Migration has played (and continues to do so) an important role in both Senegal and South Africa, particularly in the case of the South African mining industry.

The following chapter will provide a brief overview of the history of human migration and mobility from pre-historical time to the colonial period, paying particular attention to the historical elements of migration in South Africa. In addition, the chapter will provide an examination of the current literature in the field of migration research as well as an outline of the dominant theories relating to the presence of xenophobia in South Africa.

The Out of Africa Hypothesis, based on mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) evidence, is currently the dominant theory in physical anthropology regarding human origins and early human movement. Inskeep (1978: 148) suggests that hominids began to move into southern Africa between 3 and 4 million years ago. He argues, “there seems no alternative to explain the presence …of the human line in southern Africa than to propose that they were immigrants” (ibid: 150). Migration then, has been a part of human history since pre-historic times and arguably is intrinsic to humans. However, in pre-colonial Africa, the rise and fall of kingdoms contributed to the movement of people through conquest, colonisation and enslavement (Swindell 1995: 196-197). Additionally, in a South African context, the documentation of African migrations shows that for centuries, people, including indigenous African groups and white missionaries, have voluntarily traveled to and settled in modern day South Africa

(Boswell & Barbali 2007: 144). In West Africa, some of the earliest oral traditions are tales of migration (Cordell et al 1996: 21) signifying that people in Africa and the West African region in particular, have been mobile for centuries. Furthermore, Muslim traders and merchants developed extensive commercial networks in pre- colonial Africa (ibid: 24), confirming an economic and historical dimension to migration. However, migration in and out of Africa was not always voluntary. The Atlantic slave trade that began in the late 17th Century saw the forced migration of an estimated 4.5 million West Africans, as well as other Africans from elsewhere on the continent, into Europe and the USA (Swindell 1995: 197). This process was added to by „flight migration‟ within the continent whereby groups of people moved in order to escape slave raiders and traders (Cohen 1995: 159).

The pre-World War 1 phase in Northern Europe saw a period of voluntary movement due to the colonial endeavour as well as the expansion of European business interests. Groups of people were moved for labour (such as Indian and Chinese workers to Mauritius) and countries such as Switzerland, France, England, Germany and the USA built their industrial economies with the help of billions of migrant labourers working in fields, factories, mills and mines (Wimmer & Glick-Schiller 2002: 312). As this period of intense globalisation continued, Wimmer & Glick-Schiller (2002) argue that immigrants in Europe were increasingly seen as dangerous to the political stability of nation states as nation building rhetoric began to rise. This idea of people and nation as mutually exclusive developed within the climate of competition in Europe for political superiority. As a result, immigrants were seen more and more as politically dangerous and „other‟ in terms of national or racial categories (ibid: 315). The economic hegemony of Europe and North America therefore influenced migration flows into those countries.

The pre World War I phase in Northern Europe saw a period of voluntary movement due to the colonial endeavour as well as the expansion of European business interests. Groups of people were moved for labour such as Indian and Chinese workers to Mauritius. Countries such as Switzerland, France, England, Germany and the USA built their industrial economies with the labour of billions of migrants working in fields, factories, mills and mines (Wimmer & Glick-Schiller 2002: 312). As this period of competitive capitalism intensified, Wimmer and Glick-Schiller (2002) argue 8 that immigrants in Europe were increasingly seen as dangerous to the political stability of nation states as nation building rhetoric began to rise. The idea of citizen and nation as mutually exclusive developed within a changing political and economic climate. As a result, immigrants were seen more and more as politically dangerous to a symbolic national unity and were portrayed as „other‟ in terms of national or racial categories (ibid: 315). However the economic hegemony of Europe and North America continued to influence migration flows into those countries; a phenomenon that continues today, as we observe the number of Africans and others from poor nations, migrating into Europe and North America (For example, the USA hosts 38.4 million migrants and the UK hosts 5.4 million according to 2005 International Organisation For Migration figures).

The next section will briefly outline the history of migration within West Africa, particularly Senegal, and examine the current trend of migration out of Senegal to other countries such as South Africa as well as to Europe and the USA. It will also examine in detail the history of migration in South Africa, paying particular attention to the mine labour system as the history of mine labour migration into South Africa has affected contemporary migration in South Africa and reactions to increasing numbers of migrants.

2.1 West Africa: A Region of Migrants

The West African Region is made up of sixteen countries namely: Benin, Burkina Faso, Cape Verde, Cote d‟Ivoire, Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea Bissau, Liberia, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, Sierra Leone and Togo7. In 2005, the total population of the West African region was 246.6 million people8. It is estimated that by 2020, the total regional population will be about 430 million people (Konseiga 2005: 42).

Numerous authors have noted that migration has a long and significant history in West Africa and Senegal (Swindell 1995; Cordell et al 1996; Konseiga 2005; Riccio

7 www.eia.doe 8 www.eia.doe 9

2005; Zachariah & Condé 1981; Zinn 2005). The causes for this history of permanent, circular and seasonal migration include economic and ecological reasons as well an increasing urbanisation (Swindell 1995: 196), but Zinn (2005: 58) observes that in Senegal, the migration experience is a rite of passage for young men. A similar argument is possible for Burkina Faso, where migration is also perceived to be an initiation process (Konseiga 2005: 35). Swindell (1995: 196-197) notes that in West Africa today, migration is “an integral part of people‟s cultural and social lives.” This illustrates that migration is not always solely an economic or political enterprise but rather a complex and multifaceted phenomenon. This thesis therefore aims to emphasise the cultural element to Senegalese migration to South Africa, providing a more holistic explanation.

Cordell et al (1996: 20) state that the earliest oral traditions in West Africa are tales of migration and movement among warriors, nomads and farmers. In pre-colonial times, extensive networks were established among traders and merchants (ibid: 23). Muslim trade networks were among the most extensive in West Africa, even moving into North Africa (ibid: 24). This emphasises the mobility of people within West Africa even before the advent of the slave trade and colonisation. In addition, movement in the region was affected by religion. Cordell et al (1996: 26) note that people undergoing the pilgrimage to Mecca would settle and trade en route while the “era of jihads” during the late 16th Century also stimulated migration. Warfare, political conflict and military conquest between groups and established West African kingdoms also motivated population movements (Zachariah & Conde 1981: 31; Little 1974: 9). Environmental disasters such as disease and insect infestations also encouraged movement (Little 1974: 10). These examples of pre-colonial migration in the West African Region stress that migration is not a new phenomenon but that historical patterns of movement have been affected by the slave trade, colonisation and state formation (Cordell et al 1996: 31; Adepoju 2006: 32) as well as current global migration, political and economic trends.

During the colonial period, migration patterns in West Africa changed as European labour demands increased and as cash crop production (such as groundnuts in the Senegal Valley) increased (Konseiga 2005: 24). This thesis explores the role of the Mouride Brotherhood in Senegalese migration and as early as the 1880‟s a Mouride 10

Brotherhood was established to aid migrants with settling and organising business in receiving countries (Riccio 2005: 104). Migrations of colonisation, as Cordell et al (1996: 21) define them, were both voluntary and compelled (Adepoju 2006: 26). After the abolition of the slave trade, European commercial ventures, such as the export of groundnuts from Senegambia, were established in the coastal areas of West Africa (Swindell 1995: 197).

As a result, seasonal migration patterns between interior and coastal regions increased (ibid). The establishment of plantations and mines within West Africa created a demand for labour, which was often forced (Cordell et al 1996: 16). Military conscription also affected migration either by moving men into urban areas or through the clandestine movement of men attempting to escape conscription (ibid). In Niger, thousands of Songhay men migrated seasonally to avoid conscription into forced labour by the colonial administration (Coombe & Stoller 1994: 259). The imposition of taxes by colonial governments also affected migration patterns and numbers as more people began to migrate in order to secure wage labour (ibid).

After independence in the West African Region, population movements became increasingly motivated by the search for wage employment (Konseiga 2005: 24). The literature on this period emphasises this fact but does not really explore the cultural factors/impetus of migration. During the 1960‟s and 1970‟s, France underwent an economic boom and demand for unskilled labour was greater than before, increasing the numbers of West African migrants to Europe (ibid). Within the region, two general movements were identified, from the less developed interior to the more developed coast regions (Senegal, Gambia and Nigeria for example) where cash crop production was well established and secondly from rural to urban areas9 (Cordell et al 1996: 5). Rural to urban migration was affected by the increase of landless peasants as poverty became rife and so more people were forced to find wage labour in urban areas (Adepoju 2002: 4).

9 It must be noted that migration flows are not unidirectional, simply following a rural-urban dichotomy. Rural-urban migration trends are part of a larger, more complex migration system (Cordell et al 1996: 36). 11

In the 1970‟s, Nigeria experienced a petrol production boom creating a new demand for labour and a new pattern of wage labour migration in the region (Swindell 1995: 198). Between 1975 and 1983, 2-3 million men entered the country as labourers (ibid). 500 000 men were from Niger and 120 000 were from Cameroon (ibid). In 1983 however, the economy of Nigeria collapsed and political instability increased leading to the expulsion of numerous non-nationals (ibid: 199) and Konseiga (2005: 27) argues that migration systems and patterns within the Western African Region are affected by economic and political upheavals within the region. The fluctuation of opportunities and policies are met by new adaptation strategies whereby migrants find countries with better economic prospects and more lenient immigration laws (ibid: 24, 27).

In 1973, The Economic Community of West Africa was created (Konseiga 2005: 30). The main aim of this body was the unrestricted movement of people and capital within member states (ibid). This body was unsuccessful and in 1975, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) was established (Konseiga 2005: 30). This consists of fifteen member states, which are listed at the beginning of this section.10 ECOWAS promotes the abolition of obstacles to the free movement of people, goods, services and capital and for the recognition of nationals of the member states as “citizens of the community” (ibid: 31). Arguably, the creation of ECOWAS was an effort in part to acknowledge that migration especially was a “de facto phenomenon largely beyond [State] control” (Cordell et al 1996: 13). ECOWAS aimed to create a homogenous economic region given that migration patterns in West Africa paid little attention to borders due to already interdependent economies (Adepoju 2002: 6).

The success of the ECOWAS mandate is impeded by differences in economic strength, political stability, resource distribution and population size between member states (ibid: 13). Border disputes, for example between Ghana and Togo, as well as economic downturns have led to the expulsion of non-nationals (ibid). Adepoju (2002: 14) states that political instability and economic crises often result in negative attitudes towards non-nationals. In 1989 for example, Moors were expelled from

10 www.ecowas.int 12

Senegal due to the ongoing Mauritania-Senegal conflict (Swindell 1995: 200). Although Mauritania is not a member state of ECOWAS, the example reflects how political and economic alterations affect migration patterns in the region. Currently Nigeria and Ghana are pushing for closer regional ties and in order for this to be realised, the diverse laws and economic policies of the member states need to be harmonised (Adepoju 2000: 15).

Larger global political and economic trends also affect migration patterns in West Africa (Konseiga 2005: 27). In 1974, 1981 and the early 1990‟s France‟s immigration policies became stricter especially towards its former colonies such as Senegal and Mali (Findley & Sow 1998: 74). Immigrants wanting to enter France must have a three-year work contract (ibid) making it more difficult to legally enter the country. Salzbrunn (2002: 218) estimates that there are only 128 000 West Africans in France. This trend has affected typical migration patterns and in particular has increased intra- Africa migration (ibid). Moreover, macro-economic structures such as Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAP‟s) in West Africa have led to a job crisis in the region resulting in increased pressure for people to migrate out of the region (Adepoju 2002: 5). Skilled professionals from Ghana and Nigeria are migrating to African countries outside the West Africa Region, such as South Africa, due to better salaries and living and working conditions (ibid: 6).

About 30 years ago, Senegal was economically strong and stable but currently the country is in a precarious economic situation (Riccio 2005: 101), which is compounded by the present famine conditions in the Sahel area. Recurring drought conditions in the country have affected the groundnut export industry and as a result there has been an exodus from rural areas into urban areas (ibid). As such, even university graduates find it difficult to secure employment (Riccio 2005: 102). This has increased the number of migrants into African and European countries and cities and the USA. Downsizing in the French labour economy in the mid 1980‟s meant that more Senegalese migrants began to go to Spain, the USA and Italy (ibid: 103) and recently South Africa.

In addition to the increasing economic, political and environmental factors affecting migration patterns, it is essential to examine the cultural issues surrounding migration 13 in Senegal. Among Senegalese men manhood is part of a triad that includes travel and knowledge (Zinn 2005: 59). The experience of being away from home for the first time and the difficulties of migration forge masculinity according to Zinn (2005: 59) who did research on Senegalese men in Italy. While the migration experience is an initiation right for boys to become men, Riccio (2005: 99) observes that migrant remittances are the “cornerstone of the national economy” and provide subsistence for many families. Remittances are symbolic of the migrant‟s loyalty and solidarity (ibid). Arguably, the economic and socio-cultural implications of migration in Senegal intersect emphasising the complexity of migration, as this thesis will show.

The next section deals with the historical aspect of migration in South Africa as any attempt to understand migration related issues such as xenophobia cannot be removed from historical factors.

2.2 South Africa: A Place of Gold?

The main focus of urban anthropology and migration studies in South Africa has generally been the impact migrants have on their new locations and how their lives change in their new locations. This thesis however examines where migrants have come from and how where they come from helps them to adjust to their new location. Where they have come from and what they bring ensures a form of continuity rather than change.

The system of mine labour migration in South Africa is well known and documented. However, labour migration occurred before the mine labour system began. Before mine migration, Bapedi men from Sekhukhuneland (now parts of the Limpopo and Mpumalanga provinces) worked as farm labourers in the Cape colony (Wentzel & Tlabela 2006: 72). Basotho men were also working as migrant labourers on farms in the Orange Free State while Tsonga men are documented as having travelled from Delagoa Bay to Natal for wage work (ibid). Groups of labourers from modern day Mozambique also migrated to work on farms in the Western Cape (ibid). Consequently, it can be seen that labour migration is not a new phenomena in South Africa.

The discovery of diamonds in Kimberley however, meant that thousands of migrant workers were brought to South African mines (ibid) resulting in the beginning of the migrant mine labour system which Crush et al (1991: 1) argue became a “key distinguishing feature of South African industrialisation.” Thus it can be argued that modern South Africa cannot be fully understood without understanding the migrant labour system (ibid: 4). There are however other forms of labour migration in post- apartheid South Africa.

In 1886, gold was discovered on the Witswatersrand and the system of oscillating migrant labour that began on the Kimberley diamond fields became well established in the gold mines (ibid: 1). In 1874, approximately 10 000 black migrant workers were employed in South African mines (Wentzel & Tlabela 2006: 72). Wentzel and Tlabela (ibid: 73) note that limited opportunities in South Africa‟s neighbouring countries meant numbers of men were willing to migrate and work in the South African gold mines. More and more men, within and beyond South Africa‟s borders, were indirectly forced to migrate in order to earn a wage as colonial governments imposed taxes and seized land forcing Africans into arid, over crowded reservations (Crush et al 1991: 5).

Between 1890 and 1899 black unskilled labour employment rose from about 14 000 to about 97 000 and “virtually every country in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region at one time or another sent migrants to work on South African mines (Wentzel & Tlabela 2006: 73-74). The thousands of young black migrants that went to work in the gold mines of South Africa were employed on a two-year contract basis that was designed to ensure that migrants returned home (Crush 1995: 172). The migrant workers were housed (and still are) in single sex hostels and wives and families were prevented from joining the male mine workers (Adepoju 2003: 7) ensuring that “they remained migrants” (Crush 2000: 19).

Initially in the 1890‟s, recruitment was competitive as mine owners attempted to cope with the increasing demand for unskilled migrant labour (Crush et al 1991: 5). The Witswatersrand Native Labour Association (WNLA), as early as 1904, already had an agreement with the Nyasaland authorities regarding recruitment and in that year 5000 workers from Malawi were employed in South African mines later increasing to 140 15

000 in 1973 (Wentzel & Tlabela 2006: 75). Within South Africa, „runners‟ and agents were used to recruit men from the rural areas with chiefs being paid for young men they recruited to work in the gold mines as well as the system of advance payments, in cattle usually, to secure future labour (Crush et al 1991: 5; Wentzel & Tlabela 2006: 74). By 1939, WNLA had recruited 20 000 „tropical‟ workers and by the 1940‟s had extended across southern Africa and had recruiting agreements with various colonial governments (Crush et al 1995: 34, 45). In 1973, South Africa signed labour agreements with Botswana and Lesotho and with Swaziland in 1975 (Wentzel & Tlabela 2006: 74). In the 1970‟s and 1980‟s, an estimated 40 percent of gold mine workers were from outside South Africa‟s borders, largely from Zimbabwe, Malawi, Lesotho and Mozambique (Crush 1995: 173; Crush 2000: 14). In June 1986, 378 125 foreign workers were registered as gold mine workers (Morris 1998: 1118).

Although the mine labour system is well known and documented, other types of migration into South Africa were also occurring during this period. Crush (2000: 13) observes that there were four types of migration: contract mine migration, informal migration (that included tourism, studying and shopping), white settler migration and refugee migration. In 1910, the Union of South Africa formed and in 1913, for the first time immigration policy was implemented at a national level (Peberdy & Crush 1998: 20). These policies were exclusionary and inherently racist (Crush 2000: 20). The 1913 Aliens Control Act, which was implemented to control the passage of people into South Africa, galvanised apartheid (Boswell & Barbali 2007: 144). Other legislation, such as the Pass Laws and Influx Control, strictly controlled the movement of black Africans around South Africa. White settlers, however, were able to migrate into and around South Africa freely (Crush 2000: 20). These policies are argued to have direct implications for current South African immigration legislation. When the National Party came into power in 1948, it further restricted the movement of black Africans into and around South Africa with all non-whites being subject to Pass Laws that controlled their movements (Wilson 2002: 212). Between 1960 and 1987 about 900 000 whites migrated to South Africa while black migration into South Africa was limited unless within the confines of mine labour (Morris 1998: 1118). After the demise of apartheid in 1994, it was thought that the migrant labour system would disappear but current literature reveals that internal migration and immigration continues to occur (Boswell & Barbali 2007: 146). Furthermore, South Africa also 16 faces the challenge of skilled persons emigrating contributing to the „brain drain‟ phenomenon (McDonald & Crush 2002).

The continued and even increased migration into South Africa, from other African countries such as Nigeria and Somalia, has a number of implications. The next section will deal with one such issue that sometimes results in violent crime, xenophobia. Why does xenophobia occur? The main theories explaining the occurrence of xenophobia are examined as well as factors such as the role of the media, nation building rhetoric, government legislation and the discourse of certain political figures. Do these factors influence xenophobia at a more grassroots level? The following sections answers theses questions and emphasises the complexity involved in attempts to explain xenophobia in contemporary South Africa.

2.3 Xenophobia: The „New‟ Global Racism?

I am aware that there is a long and deep history of xenophobia globally. This section aims to emphasise the global resurgence of xenophobia. The Oxford English dictionary definition of xenophobia is “a deep antipathy to foreigners.”11 The word comes from the Greek, xeno meaning foreigners and phobia meaning fear. Xenophobia has been documented as a major negative response to migrants and immigrants, particularly when immigration is sudden and massive, and especially among the sections of the population to whom the newcomers pose the greatest threat, whether actual or perceived. Recent research has revealed that anti-immigrant sentiments have increased the world over and South Africa is no exception (Benmayor & Skotones 2005: vii, 5-6; Lockey 1999: 26; Teitelbaum 1997: 157; Crush 2000: 106).

2001 was declared a United Nations International Year of Mobilisation against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance and numerous treaties, such as the Vienna Declaration and the International Convention on the Elimination on All Forms of Racial Discrimination, are measures that have been taken

11 www.oed.com 17 by the international community to combat discrimination in all its forms.12 Member states are encouraged to sign and ratify treaties as part of their political and moral obligations as member states of the international community. In 2001, South Africa hosted the World Conference against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance in Durban. The aim of the conference was to confirm that discrimination and intolerance was “a negation of the purposes and principles of the charter of the United Nations,” as well as against the South African constitution, and to highlight the importance of member states to sign and accede to international human rights instruments in order to effectively combat discrimination. With regard to xenophobia in particular, the conference “[acknowledged] that xenophobia, its different manifestations, is one of the main contemporary sources and forms of discrimination and conflict which requires urgent attention and prompt action by States, as well as the international community.” The conference also recognised that xenophobia against migrants is a human rights violation and that states have a responsibility to protect the rights of migrants in their borders.13 Affirmation of the importance of member states adhering (and implementation of) to international protocols and international co-operation as tools for ensuring the eradication of discrimination in all forms was reflected in the report on the conference.

Other international bodies such as Amnesty International, which is active in South Africa, promotes the ratification of international conventions such as the International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of their Families and states that governments are obliged to take measures to prevent discrimination against migrants whose rights are protected by the Human Rights Declaration.14 The official website for Amnesty International is kept up to date with reports of human rights violations around the globe and official statements condemning such actions are available to the public. This shows that South Africa is officially taking steps to combat xenophobia but whether these steps have any effect is debatable.

12 www.un.org: 5-6 13 www.un.org: 7,12,16 14 www.amnesty.org 18

In South Africa, the South African Human Rights Commission (SAHRC) began the Roll Back Xenophobia (RBX) campaign in December of 1998 in an attempt to combat the rising levels of xenophobia in the country. The campaign included a call for the South African government to sign and ratify the International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of their Families and to align immigration legislation with international treaties and instruments.15 It seems, however that the RBX campaign has faded. In a report by SAHRC on xenophobia, the body calls for the revival of the RBX campaign and encourages the government to enforce the Prevention and Combating Corrupt Activities Act 2004.16 The report on xenophobia, available on the official website, states that general xenophobia in South Africa appears to have decreased while “institutional xenophobia is thriving.”17 What is problematic within SAHRC documentation is the use of the term „alien‟ when referring to migrants. This term is dehumanising and is arguably and an othering‟ mechanism (Nyamnjoh 2006: 38). The term alien, when referring to immigrants and migrants is problematic and bodies that aim to combat xenophobia and the proliferation of stereotypes that encourage the violation of human rights, should avoid its use.

The above-mentioned international and national bodies, which monitor human rights and the violations thereof, use political and social obligations of governments to persuade adherence to international treaties and instruments. It does seem however that these measurements are largely ineffective. As such creative methods for combating xenophobia at a more grassroots level is required. What can anthropology do to respond to the issue of xenophobia and related violent crime? Anthropology, by its very nature, challenges assumptions and stereotypes (Hills 2006: 133). I argue that there are a number of ways in which the discipline can respond to the issue of xenophobia especially in the areas of media and policy creation. These two areas will be discussed in the following section and the role of anthropology, especially in South Africa, in combating xenophobia will be detailed in those sections respectively. The issue of xenophobia is a global one and research shows South Africa is perceived as a xenophobic society (Sichone 2003: 130).

15 www.sahrc.org.za 16 www.sahrc.org.za 17 www.sahrc.org.za: 31 19

2.4 From Institutional Racism to Institutional Xenophobia?

The demise of apartheid and South Africa‟s reinsertion into the global economy has influenced migration patterns and raised questions around nation building, economic development and diversity management as well as South Africa‟s culture of violence, which has attracted the attention of numerous scholars (e.g. Harris 2002; Sichone 2003; Valji 2003; Neocosmos 2006). These concerns are also raised in popular literature and in the media. These sources will also be appraised along with the academic literature as they reflect the perceptions and attitudes of non-academics. One question that does not seem appear in the literature regarding xenophobia is whether women are more vulnerable to xenophobic attacks and is a topic that requires examination given the increasing feminisation of migration.

Research reveals that black African migrants are the group most affected by xenophobia and related violence in South Africa (Valji 2003; Mattes et al 2000; Nyamnjoh 2006; Harris 2002; Neocosmos 2006). Harris (2002) uses three hypotheses in an attempt to explain the perceived increase of xenophobic attitudes among South Africans.

The scapegoat hypothesis is a socio-economic explanation that links heightened expectations during the transition to democracy in South Africa to limited resources, increasing levels of poverty and the continued unequal distribution of wealth. As such, foreigners and migrants are perceived as directly competing for limited resources. It does not explain why xenophobic attitudes are sometimes manifested violently, as Harris argues that violence is not an inevitable outcome of a dislocation between social and economic aspirations and reality (Harris 2002: 172). Moreover, most black African migrants reside in predominantly black townships resulting in the perception that migrants are directly competing for already scare economic resources and employment opportunities (Valji 2003: 17; Fisher 2007: 131). Nyamnjoh (2006: 55-56) remarks that black South African intolerance towards migrants is a measure for ensuring that the “crumbs” to which they feel entitled should not be used to “nourish” undeserving people such as migrants. Research in Cape Town suggests that

South Africans view black African migrants as better educated by their governments and that South African‟s did not gain under apartheid, therefore increasing competition for employment (Sichone 2003: 132). That Senegalese in Port Elizabeth do not generally live in townships influences how they experience xenophobia.

The Isolation theory argues that apartheid isolated South Africans from each other and from foreigners rendering people unable to tolerate difference resulting in the foreign migrant as representing the „unknown‟ and thus resulting in anxiety (Harris 2002: 173). However, this hypothesis is arguably flawed in that in assumes that South Africans did not have contact with people of different races or ethnicities until 1994 creating the idea of absolute enclaving by the colonial and apartheid governments. My research participants explained xenophobia in South Africa as being caused by the isolation of the apartheid era. Apartheid did however create powerful ideologies of difference and promoted stereotypes and it is possible that this has encouraged a biased/stereotyped perception of foreigners as criminals and carriers of disease. The particular model of Mouride migration found among Senegalese migrants in Port Elizabeth, which emphasises tolerance and cosmopolitanism, has meant that Senegalese have not been the targets of migrant stereotyping by local people who generally perceive Senegalese migrants positively.

The last theory Harris (2002: 176) proposes is the Bio-cultural theory. Phenotypic differences such as skin colour, dress, inoculation marks and accent are markers of who is foreign suggesting that xenophobia occurs at a level of visible difference between nationals and non-nationals. Valji (2003: 16) adds to this by saying that in South Africa lighter skin has been associated with better socio-economic standing while darker skin is often associated with criminality and poverty. This explains, to some extent, why black Africans are the group most affected by xenophobic attitudes. Senegalese migrants, in general, dress in casual western style clothing and as such are not visibly different and again this contributes to their positive experiences as migrants in Port Elizabeth.

These hypotheses do not illustrate who perpetrates acts of xenophobic violence; they encourage a view of xenophobia as monolithic and do not help us to understand degrees or forms of hostility (Harris 2002: 174). Valji (2003) argues that xenophobia 21 is caused by a complex interplay of economic factors, increased migration and decreased employment opportunities and particular approaches to nation building. Thus the explanation for the rise of xenophobia should be multifaceted (Harris 2002; Valji 2003; Sichone 2003; Nyamnjoh 2006; and Neocosmos 2006). Indeed, Neocosmos (2006: 122) states that current theories attempting to explain xenophobia are largely inadequate but that a tenable explanation is not a remedy to the current problem in South African urban centres.

What does appear to be lacking in anthropological literature regarding the presence of xenophobia and related violent crime is a psychological element. Morris (1998: 1125) does point out in his research among Nigerian and Congolese migrants living in Johannesburg that research and historical events indicate that a majority group who perceive themselves to be in a perilous situation are likely to feel threatened by minorities especially if they are non-nationals. Groups are known to direct their intolerance at those poorer and more vulnerable than themselves (Valji 2003: 14). Given the sub-field of psychological anthropology it should be possible to analyse psychological theories regarding group dynamics and actions when undertaking research within the field of migration and xenophobia. However, this is not within the scope of this thesis.

Four major issues appear in the literature on xenophobia in South Africa. These are the role of the media and how they portray African migrants and the process of migration itself, the discourse of political figures in the public sphere, current immigration legislation and the nation building project. These four issues will be discussed in detail in the following section, showing how a number of complex factors influence the occurrence of xenophobic sentiments in South Africa.

2.5 Jekyll and Hyde: Links Between Nation Building and Xenophobia

The concepts of nation and state emerged in the late 19th Century and were based on the idea of a political community of common origin and history (Wimmer 1997: 28). Seton-Watson defined a nation as “a community of people bound by solidarity, common culture and national consciousness” (in Frankental n.d: 3). Wimmer argues

22 that the creation of the nation stretched the bonds of obligation and mutual support beyond the boundaries of kinship, friendship and professional association and the limits of the state formed a line “beyond which the world of insecurities and dangers began” (Wimmer 1997: 28). The formation of a nation-state then, through the drawing of territorial boundaries, is an exchange of political and legal loyalty for participation, a sense of belonging and security (Wimmer 1997: 29; Franketal n.d: 3). Nations are therefore an ideological construction assuming a link between cultural groups and the spatial boundaries of states (Eriksen 2002: 98-99) and are maintained by a collection of ideological habits (including practises and beliefs), which are reproduced to create the imagined community of nationhood (Billig 1995: 6).

The creation of a nation and a national identity or consciousness is not a natural process but rather one that must be cultivated and maintained through nationalism and nation building. As such, nation building is an ideology able to create cohesion and loyalty among people participating in large-scale social systems and the nation thus becomes a “metaphorical kinship” (Eriksen 2002: 103, 107). The creation of a national identity situates people spatially, spiritually, legally, socially and emotionally thereby providing a „homeland‟ and sense of belonging (Billig 1995: 8). Nations and nation building are exclusionary in nature differentiating between those who are citizens and therefore belong (Valji 2003: 20). National identity is “defined and maintained in opposition or contradiction to some other group, category or classification leading to the creation of a „stigmatised other‟ (Croucher 1998: 657; Eriksen 2002: 103). This can therefore have tangible consequences for marginalized migrants groups as this thesis explores.

In the 19th Century, Italian nationalist, Masimo d‟Azeglio stated: “We have made Italy, now we have to make Italians” (Billig 1995: 25). In 1994, the new democratic leaders of South Africa were faced with the daunting task of building a new South African nation and „South Africans‟ based on what Valji (2003: 18) refers to as a legacy of instilled divisions along ethnic and racial categories. The imagined community of the new South Africa therefore focuses on notion of citizenship as the defining element of post apartheid national identity (Peberdy 2001: 28; Croucher 1998: 656). Peberdy (2001: 27) argues that South African histories, albeit divided, are shared and so those who are seen to stand outside of these shared histories are 23 excluded from the unifying implications of the nation building process. South African nationalism, based on „Rainbow Nation‟ rhetoric, tells South Africans who constitutes „us‟ and Billig (1995: 78) notes, “there can be no „us‟ without „them.‟” Nationalism results in a Jekyll and Hyde duality (ibid: 7) where expressions of racism and xenophobia are argued to be an inevitable outcome of the nation building process (Harris 2002: 183). Indeed, Wimmer (1997: 32) interprets xenophobia and racism as “expressions of ultra nationalist ideology” and Harris (2002: 183) understands xenophobia to be implicit to the technologies that create South African nationalism.

The „Foreigner‟ is a specific character in the age of nation states, representing one who does not belong and stereotypes distinguish between „us‟ and „them‟ thus contributing to claims of a unique national identity (Billig 1995: 79, 81) and a sense of belonging to the nation-state. In South Africa, there is little commonality for a new identity therefore inclusion criteria are difficult to define (Valji 2003: 21). The focus then is on defining who is excluded from the nation (ibid: 21, emphasis added). The presence of migrants is a perceived threat to national identity (ibid: 22) and to the security proffered by belonging to the nation-state. Since 1994, black South Africans have, for the first time, enjoyed the benefits of citizenship and arguably perceive non- citizens as a potential threat to these benefits (Peberdy 2001: 29). The anxiety of the precarious socio-economic situation for the majority of black South Africans is therefore fixed on those who do not belong and should have no claim on scarce resources (ibid: 29) because the experience of membership within a nation-state is materially experienced (Neocosmos 2006: 90, emphasis added). Post-apartheid South African discrimination takes on a more complex form where ethnicity and race intersect with nationality and citizenship whereby the manifestation of xenophobic attitudes is a consequence (Erasmus 2005: 16).

Research shows that rates of criminality and suicide increase during times of social crisis (Wimmer 1997: 30). The continued unequal distribution of wealth and high levels of poverty in South Africa since 1994 are symptomatic of a perilous socio- economic situation and as a result migrants become the target of xenophobic expressions, both violent and non-violent.

The nation-building project of South Africa today is made up of two discourses: „Rainbow Nation‟ and „African Renaissance‟ (Harris 2002: 179). The „Rainbow Nation‟ or „New South Africa‟ discourse is based on ideas of deracialisation, democracy, reconciliation and unity (ibid: 180) but only for those who are citizens of South Africa. In contrast, the „African Renaissance‟ rhetoric emphasises pan African unity (ibid: 180). “Both discourses…contradict each other at the point of nationalism” (ibid: 180) and pit a South African identity against that of an African identity. Thus, “exclusion, alienation and hostility operate in a complex, ongoing spiral across the line of nationality, that is between South African‟s and foreigners, particularly African foreigners” (ibid: 187). Neocosmos (2006: 17) observes that xenophobic practises are not unique to South Africa and asks, “what then is specific about such practises?” Although the manifestation of xenophobia, especially violently, is a complex and difficult phenomenon to explain, South Africa‟s „culture of violence‟ offers some insight. Social relations and interactions in apartheid South Africa were governed through violent means resulting in a legitimisation of violence (Harris 2002: 184). Although violence in contemporary South Africa is no longer political in nature, Harris (2002) argues that violence has been normalised as a legacy of apartheid. Moreover, Valji (2003: 28) argues that the myth of the „Rainbow Nation‟ has been implemented in a top-down fashion presenting a myth of peace that attempts to reconcile those who belong within the boundaries of the state but sets them against those who do not belong. This is exacerbated by the criminalisation and portrayal of non South Africans as parasites on the country‟s resources (Peberdy 2001: 25). For Degenaar (1994), nation-building discourses are dangerous as they enforce uniformity and homogeneity and do not enable tolerance for plurality and diversity (in Croucher 1998: 648-649), thus xenophobia is a “structural feature of state discourse and practise, not an accidental occurrence” (Neocosmos 2006: 25).

Why then are black African foreigners the target of xenophobia in South Africa? Although this requires a multifaceted explanation, Billig (1995:80) argues that nation- building rhetoric draws “obsessively fine distinctions…between different groups of foreigners” resulting in a “hierarchy of prejudice” (Valji 2003: 14). Today, dark skin still carries negative stereotypes and as a consequence, South African citizens place black African foreigners at the bottom of the “pigmentocracy” (Sichone, 2004: 14) showing citizenship to be a form of social closure and exclusion (Wimmer 1997: 28). 25

The next section examines the role South African media in spreading negative stereotypes of migrants and anthropology‟s potential role in combating media related discrimination.

2.6 The Fourth Estate

With regard to xenophobia, it is evident, that the media has contributed to discrimination through the promotion of false images and stereotypes but the media does have an important role to play in the „fight against discrimination.18 Castells (1997) argues that migrants are marginalized resulting in the spread of xenophobic attitudes and the ideological isolation of migrants. Current media discourse adds to the readily accessible set of stereotypes of migrants in South Africa that are used to justify and rationalise negative attitudes (Crush 2000: 109).

In the South African context, one aim of the RBX campaign was to work with and educate media officials to educate them on the complexity of migration and while the rights of migrants was disseminated through television and radio inserts.19 Since this campaign has seemingly faded from the media in general, the portrayal of migration and migrants has largely been more negative. The notion that the media has and is contributing to xenophobic attitudes in South Africa is prevalent among researchers (Crush 1997; Diekmann et al 1997; Danso & McDonald 2001; Harris 2002; Valji 2003; Neocosmos 2006). It is difficult to quantify how many undocumented migrants there are in South Africa but the use of terms such as “flooded” and “swamped” show the media‟s concerns with numbers of migrants and illustrates the impression that the media is creating, that migration is uncontrollable (Valji 2003: 3; Crush 1997; Harris 2002: 178). The term “immigrant” is also pervasive in media discourse. The term is problematical given the connotation of permanent settlement. As Valji (2003: 4) observes, the “inability to distinguish between, or understand, the various migrant categories has led to an expressed hatred of all black foreigners as „illegals.‟” Furthermore, numerous Southern African Migration Project (SAMP) research outputs

18 Report on 2001 World Conference Against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance www.un.org: 16, 22 19 www.sahrc.org.za 26 suggest that migrants in South Africa are not intending on settling in the country on a permanent basis (e.g. McDonald et al 1998; McDonald et al 1999).

The perception that migrants are coming into South Africa in huge numbers does arguably create a perception of social and fiscal instability, migrants as stealing scarce employment opportunities and causing crime (McDonald et al 1998: 1; Danso & McDonald 2001: 116). Neocosmos (2006: 2) is critical of the media‟s participation on what he calls a “culture of xenophobia” and Diekmann et al (1997: 15) insist that the “effects of mass media on attitudes and behaviour must be examined.” In Port Elizabeth, Senegalese migrants rarely appear in the local media, which tends to focus on Nigerian and Somali nationals, and this I argue contributes to the more positive perception local people have of Senegalese nationals.

The media is rife with reports of attacks on foreign citizens but that it is unclear how widespread the abuse is, and as such comment that the media must be careful not to exaggerate, notwithstanding the fact that the violence levels are disturbing (Mattes et al 2000: 204). Other (quantitative) research undertaken by SAMP proposes that the majority of non-South Africans feel they have been fairly treated by most groups in South Africa (McDonald et al 1998). The paper suggests that xenophobia is not as widespread as the media purports (ibid). SAMP research methods are largely quantitative and as Neocosmos (2006: 114) succinctly argues, attitude surveys are problematic as they are acontextual and suggest attitudes are unchanging. Sichone (2003: 136) points out that it is difficult to confidently tell whether victims of violence are always attacked because they are foreign or because they have commodities that attract the attention of assailants. However, Reitzes (1998) notes that while violent attacks may not be widespread as the media suggests, the established incidents serve to remind us that xenophobia must be tackled. In May 2008, xenophobia related violence broke out in Gauteng province and spread throughout the country suggesting that xenophobia is indeed widespread and can manifest violently.

In view of calls for a more public anthropology, it will be important for anthropologists to engage with and create a dialogue with the media. I argue that anthropologists, especially those undertaking research in the field of migration, should not merely comment amongst themselves about the negative portrayal of migrants in 27 the media. Instead, anthropologists should make their voices heard by writing to newspapers (student, local and national) regarding racial or ethnic stereotyping and the very real consequences of such actions by the media. In doing so, the discipline can promote its professional identity beyond academe as Paul Sillitoe encourages us to do (Pink 2006: 3) as well as promote a culture of human rights. Eriksen (in Pink 2006: 16) notes that in Norway, anthropologists play a key role in commenting on public issues. Thus, it is important for anthropology to engage with the public and public discourse to foster a more effective participation of anthropology within the public domain and thereby help combat xenophobia in South Africa.

Can the public discourse of particular political figures contribute to the spread of xenophobic sentiments at a grassroots level in South Africa? The next section examines the current literature that suggests public statements made by prominent figures can have negative consequences.

2.7 The Second Estate

The media also reflects statements made by public figures that are ostensibly xenophobic and Crush (2000: 107) states that this reflects that xenophobia is more than a grassroots level phenomenon. According to Neocosmos (2006: 121), structurally determined xenophobic discourses and practises must be criticised and overcome. The notion that public figures are contributing to xenophobic attitudes is apparent in the current literature. For Neocosmos (2006), the rise of xenophobia in South Africa has an underlying political element that Harris (2002) does not exhibit, to the same extent, in her analysis.

The former Minister of Home Affairs, Chief Mangosuthu Buthelezi, is cited as fuelling the popular stereotype with suggestions that Nigerian migrants are drug traffickers (Valji 2003: 7). Valji (2003) describes Buthelezi as known for his anti- immigrant sentiment. The following quote, regarding illegal aliens, is an example of how popular political figures in South Africa can be involved in the rise of xenophobic attitudes and related violence:

If they [South Africans] are good patriots, I would hope that they know that it is in their interests to report illegal immigrants” (in Valji 2003: 8)

This statement is problematic as it calls for South African citizens to monitor people especially those who look, dress and speak differently and to take action when so called „illegals‟ are seen. The statement alludes to the fact that the presence of migrants within South Africa will largely have a negative impact on citizens and they are responsible for ensuring illegals are caught. What is problematic is that this call to action by the former minister of Home Affairs is reminiscent of the Salem witch trials and McCarthyism that occurred in the USA. Numerous accusations were made against innocent people turning them into scapegoats often with violent consequences. Statements and sentiments like the ones offered by Buthelezi result in xenophobia operating at an ideological level (Harris 2002: 181) although arguably not to the same degree that racism was during the apartheid era. Moreover, the call for South Africans to watch others who look, speak and act differently instigates what I call a „xenophobic gaze.‟

Although not explicitly, the former minister of Home Affairs above statement implies that the presence of migrants is harmful resulting in perceptions among South Africans that migrants are criminals, drug traffickers and a threat to the social and economic stability of the country (Neocosmos 2006: 126; Nyamnjoh 2006: 11). Crush (2000: 115) argues that South Africans generally have little or no contact with foreigners and so the perceptions of migrants come from the media and public figures. Other research outputs by SAMP (e.g. McDonald et al 1999) suggest that migrants largely feel they have been treated fairly by the South Africans they have come into contact with. Crush (2000: 117) argues that there is a correlation between positive attitudes and contact or familiarity with non South Africans. Whatever the critique of quantitative methodology with regard to the collection of attitudes, the SAMP research outcomes suggest that South African perceptions of migrants is being fuelled by something broader than the individual (Valji 2003: 18).

The SAMP research undertaken among different migrant groups in South Africa and how they perceive their treatment by South Africans, suggests that government officials and members of the South Africa Police Service (SAPS) (Crush 2000;

McDonald et al 1999) are perpetrators of harassment encountered by black African migrants. Morris‟s (1998) research among Nigerian and Congolese migrants in Johannesburg however reveals that his research participants felt that black South African men in general were the perpetrators of xenophobia against them. This adds the dimension, raising the issue of aggressive Black masculinity in South Africa. Many of the migrants who were researched by Morris perceived that often the prevalence of particular stereotypes motivated the xenophobia they experienced. Morris argues that the media and those in influential positions have portrayed these stereotypes thereby impacting how South Africans perceive others, particularly Nigerians living in Johannesburg (Morris 1998: 1126). Morris (1998: 1130) also comments that the image of Nigerians as involved in drug crimes affected the way in which the police treated Nigerians. He states that this perception has led to “police actively seeking out Nigerians.” Croucher (2000: 646) observes that although there has been an increase in drug trafficking and crime in South Africa, it is difficult to empirically link this merely to increased migration. Importantly however, the claims that there is a link are resulting in xenophobic reactions (ibid). In an article for the ANC Today (2006), Malusi Gigaba,20 stated the perception crime is committed by non South Africans is problematic given that many South Africans have been incarcerated in foreign countries for drug trafficking. He argues that it “would be unfair if [South Africans] were judged, when travelling, studying or working abroad by the actions of a coterie of criminals who may be sharing the same nationality as we do.” It is essential that the South African government attempt to prevent increasing xenophobic sentiments with articles (and official statements) such as the one written by Gigaba. While ANC Today is available on the Internet, it is unlikely that many South Africans have access to the Internet.

The following section examines the literature dealing with current South African migration legislation and policy. A trend within the literature reveals that researchers link the presence of xenophobia to current national legislation, which many argue is rooted in the country‟s past of institutional racism. Thus, to eradicate xenophobia within South Africa requires a policy and legislative „overhaul.‟

20 Malusi Gigaba is a member of the ANC National Executive Committee 30

2.8 Current South African Legislation and Policy

Crush (1998: 3, 7) argues that immigration policy and legislation is discriminatory in the broadest sense and cannot be separated from nation building discourses because nations are perceived as bounded territories. Immigration policies create dichotomies, drawing „us‟ and „them‟ distinctions (Peberdy & Crush 1998: 18) which determine who does and who does not belong within the boundaries of the state. Several scholars (e.g. Hunter & Skinner 2003; Hayter 2004 & Peberdy 2001), organisations such as the SAHRC and the Centre for Policy Studies as well as SAMP have noted that current South African immigration legislation is contradictory and based on inherited racist policies of the colonial and apartheid eras. The implications of this are the abuse of basic human rights migrants are afforded by international laws21 as well as the institutionalisation of non-democratic attitudes such as xenophobia.

Historically, South African immigration policies discriminated against people based on race, gender and class (Boswell & Barbali 2007: 144). White men and women could move into and around the country freely, while the movement of Indian, Jewish and Black African groups was restricted (ibid: 144). In 1913, the Immigration Regulation Act was introduced as the first nation wide immigration legislation and resulted in the creation of a Department of Immigration (Peberdy & Crush 1998: 20). This act defined black South Africans as „aliens‟ or „non-citizens‟ (ibid: 22). The act was amended in 1937 becoming the Aliens Act which entrenched the migrant mine labour system by allowing black African labourers to enter the country but prevented them from claiming domicile (Boswell & Barbali 2007: 144). Peberdy & Crush (1998: 26) argue that the 1913 Immigration Regulation Act and 1937 Aliens Act “has formed the basis for all subsequent immigration legislation in South Africa.” Neocosmos (2006: 29) points out that the 1937 Act introduced the term „alien‟ into legislative discourse and it soon became synonymous with the term „unwanted immigrant.‟ This demonstrates that anti-immigrant sentiments have long been around

21 Acts such as the Refugee Convention, The Convention on the Rights of the Child and the International Covenant of Civil and Political Rights allows even undocumented migrants basic rights such as equality before a judicial tribunal, treatment with respect and dignity and the right against arbitrary arrest (Landau 2004: 4) 31 and remain pervasive in South African legislation. What has changed is the group who becomes the victim of such sentiments.

In 1991, the apartheid government passed the Aliens Control Act (Peberdy & Crush 1998: 33) and subsequent post 1994 migration legislation is based on this apartheid era act (Hunter & Skinner 2003: 303). The act was amended in 1995 and 1996 to “improve control over immigration” (Peberdy 2001: 17). Hayter (2004: ix) argues that immigration control in South Africa has become increasingly vicious since 2000. Legislative discourse now emphasises the problem of „illegal immigrants‟ and the state stance is the draconian policing of migrants (Peberdy 2001: 19). Although immigration policies have been amended and consolidated since the advent of democracy in South Africa, they remain “an inheritance from South Africa‟s racist past” (Peberdy & Crush 1998: 19).

Indeed, the White Paper on International Migration states that the number of migrants in the country is “unacceptably high” (Reitzes 1999) and it has been argued that the White Paper blames current societal ills on illegal immigrants (SAMP Migration Brief 1 2001: 3). Moreover, in a critique of the White Paper by SAMP, it is stated that: “astonishingly, the Draft White Paper specifically asserts that „in the abstract, the migration policies of the old South Africa could work for the new one‟ (Section 5, paragraph 4, page 11)” (ibid: 10). The Paper also proposes enlisting the help of the general public in detecting and reporting illegal migrants (ibid: 20). In its critique of the Paper, the SAMP policy brief mentions that this proposal is problematic as “it is possible the actions of the public may not be restricted to surveillance and reporting but will extend to acts of violence against any foreigner, whether they are here legally or illegally” (ibid: 20). The outbreak of xenophobic related violence in South Africa in May 2008 is a prime example. Thus, migration policy and legislation in South Africa is problematic in its implicit perpetuation of discrimination and abuse of the basic human rights of migrants.22 The White Paper, in fact, fails to address the issue of xenophobia in South Africa at all (SAHRC 2000: 7).

22 The 2002 Immigration Act, according to Landau (2004: 12), allows the Department of Home Affairs to search, arrest and deport migrants without the correct legal or constitutional protection. 32

The South African constitution begins with the statement: “South Africa belongs to all who live in it” (Landau 2004: 4). However, South Africa‟s current labour and immigration policies are “extremely ad hoc and inconsistent” and need to be standardised (McDonald et al 1999: 11). Moreover, there is a “seeming contradiction between immigration policies of the post 1994 South African state and its apparent commitment to democracy, inclusivity, and human rights” (Peberdy 2001: 15). The Department of Home Affairs (DoHA) is notorious for its inefficiency and corruption. Peberdy (2001: 21) states that the department called on the government to deny access to services such as health care and education to illegal immigrants and the emphasis on the production of an identity document on demand is not unlike the Pass Law system of the apartheid era.

In addition, there are often delays in issuing proper documents to refugees and asylum seekers, increasing the risk of exploitation and vulnerability of migrants (Landau 2004: 9). In Port Elizabeth, dozens of recognised refugees went weeks without valid documents due to the DoHA‟s failure to obtain a printer cartridge (ibid: 9). For asylum seekers, identity documents are often simply pieces of paper with hand written amendments (ibid: 8). These are not recognised as legitimate and as such put migrants at an increased risk of arrest and deportation (ibid: 8). Non-citizens without identity documents can be arrested, detained and deported by officials of the DoHA without access to legal representation (Peberdy 2001: 22). Landau (2004: 11) argues that these above mentioned issues erode the cosmopolitan principles of the South African constitution and African Renaissance rhetoric.

The above section has shown that largely, current South African immigration legislation is compromised by racist and discriminatory policies of the country‟s colonial and apartheid legacies (Peberdy & Crush 1998: 34). The policies emphasise reinforcement and control rather than focusing on the management of legal migration (SAMP Policy Brief 2001: 19; SAHRC 2000: 6). A draconian response to migration will not decrease the number of migrants coming into South Africa (McDonald et al 1999: 32). Instead, South Africa requires a “coherent, positive, pro-active, alternative vision of the role of immigration that recognises immigration, properly managed, can be of great economic, social, and cultural benefit” to the country (Peberdy & Crush 1998: 34). The improvement of the DoHA procedures, speed of processing documents 33 as well as tackling the corruption of its officials (SAHRC 2000: 14) should be paramount if the problem of xenophobia in South Africa is to be dealt with effectively.

The next section explores the role of gender in migration, which has become more prominent within migration literature as researchers have noted that migration is an increasingly feminised phenomenon. Any discussion of migration therefore must remain mindful of gender dynamics. Senegalese migrants in Port Elizabeth are all men and thus a brief discussion regarding masculinity issues in gender studies is presented in the following section.

2.9 The Engendering of Migration

For approximately 100 years, the issue of gender has been largely ignored in migration studies (Portes 1997: 816; Pessar & Mahler 2003: 812). Until the mid 1970‟s migration studies focused on male migrants resulting in the absence of the roles and experiences of female migrants as they were seen to have a passive role in migration (Pessar & Mahler 2003: 814). Sinclair (1998: 350) refers to this as a theoretical and academic failing as well as a missed opportunity in our understanding of migration issues. With the increasing feminisation of migration, a gendered process, anthropology has been at the forefront of a novel research on female migrants (Pessar 2003: 75-76) but as Portes (1997: 816) comments “the analytic focus cannot be exclusively women (or men for that matter).” A more holistic approach is necessary. Although all my research participants were men, women were not absolutely absent and as such I have taken a gender sensitive approach throughout the thesis. For Pessar and Mahler (2003: 814), the invisibility of women within some migration research does not reflect the reality. Research on Senegalese migrants in Italy (Riccio 2001, 2002, 2004; Zinn 2005) and New York (Stoller 2002) shows however that it is largely men who migrate and as such the „absence‟ of women does reflect the reality. Stoller (2002) does point out that some Senegalese women have migrated to New York and as Adepoju (2006: 37) states, independent migration of women in some parts of Africa is low due to religious and cultural ideals.

Donato, Gabaccia, Holdaway, Manalansan and Pessar (2006: 9) note that funding for migration studies in the 1950‟s, especially in the department of sociology at the University of Chicago, was reserved for male academics resulting in “the work of the men in the sociology department that defined those forms of knowledge understood as theory.” Scholars in the field of masculinity studies have commented that until about two decades ago, the concept of a male identity was „taken for granted‟ (Eagar 2004) and Morrell (1998: 613) argues that the rise of women studies in the social sciences paradoxically raised questions and focused attention on masculinity studies. As a whole, gender studies in anthropology over the past 20 years have been an important contribution to new literature and theory within the discipline (Gutman 2007: 15).

The role migration plays in the construction of Senegalese masculinity is significant. As a result it is important to briefly outline the current theoretical threads in masculinity studies. There is a movement away from an essentialist notion of male gender identity towards an understanding of multiple expressions of masculinity (Gutman 2007: 21; Morrell 1998: 610). Gender identities, both male and female, are constantly shifting and “are products and manifestations of cultures in motion; they do not emanate from some primordial essence” (Gutman 2007: 14). Masculinity therefore is a manifestation of practice generated in particular situations, a collective identity where what men „say‟ and „do‟ to be men is important in the realm of masculinity studies (Gutman 2007: 17; Morrell 1998: 607). Masculine identities are complex, fluid regimes moulded by race, class, geographical location (Morrell 1998: 630) as well as other factors such as religion. It is however essential researchers in the field of migration studies and other social sciences remain mindful of both male and female gender identities. As Mahler & Pessar (2006: 29) state “ethnographic research that brings gender into discussions of various aspects of the migration experience enriches the analysis immeasurably.”

2.10 Conclusion

While a number of different explanations and theories for the rise (and sometimes violent manifestation) of xenophobia in South Africa have been examined in this chapter it is essential to understand that the phenomenon is a complex one, requiring

35 vigilant consideration of the interplay between historical and contemporary factors and processes (Erasmus 2005: 18) when attempting to understand and explicate xenophobia and related violence in post apartheid South Africa. The sections have shown that anti-migrant sentiments are found in all sectors of South Africans society and as such the violent outbreak of xenophobia experienced throughout South Africa in May 2008 cannot be simply explained away through simple theories of frustration of the unemployed and impoverished classes. Sectors such as individual politicians, the media and various sectors of government are also responsible for the perpetuation of hostile attitudes towards non South African citizens.

What then can anthropologists do to ensure more people are exposed to information that critiques migrant stereotypes that lead to xenophobic reactions and misconceptions? The release of a racist video filmed by University of the Free State students in February 2008 prompted two professors to engage the public debate in their capacities as anthropologists through public seminars hosted at the University of Pretoria and an article in Business Day.23 Although this example is not related to xenophobia, it is vital for anthropology as a discipline to engage with matters within the public sphere and this response is a good example of anthropology creating a dialogue with the general public. Gledhill (2000: 2) observes that anthropological research is not prominent within public perceptions thus it is imperative that anthropologists within academe and those who are employed in other sectors engage with the public and their concerns.

Anthropology has played a key role and has a distinguished track record in migration research. Ethnographic techniques, such as participant observation, provide a more holistic, nuanced and contextualized understanding of the lived experiences of migrants. If anthropology in South Africa can bring its research into the public domain it will be better able to make the familiar strange (Hart 2004) and have a greater impact on public perceptions of migrants. This approach by anthropologists researching international migration is in line with Tsuda‟s (2007: 30) paper which states that by “presenting [migrants] as human beings with emotions, desires, needs and problems, anthropologists can help the general public understand and empathise”

23 The article can be found on the following link: http://www.businessday.co.za/weekender/article.aspx?ID=BD4A722670 36 with migrants and their reasons for migrating. Tsuda argues that the public impact of anthropology should not be underestimated (ibid: 31) while maintaining a sense of pragmatism.

The subsequent chapter (Chapter Three) provides a more theoretically orientated discussion, presenting three theories that have informed the research process of this thesis. These theories are transnationalism, diaspora theory and network analysis. Using the three theories to analyse my ethnographic data, I argue provides a more nuanced and holistic approach that emphasises the complexity of Senegalese migration and the specific experiences of Senegalese migrants in Port Elizabeth.

Chapter Three: Transnationalism- A Theory of Migration “The urge to migrate is no less „natural‟ than the urge to settle” (Appiah 2006: xviii)

This chapter will provide a typology of migration and migrants. By doing so, I aim to show the complexity of contemporary migration and the difficulty of simply categorising the movements of people. Senegalese migrants in Port Elizabeth do migrate for economic reasons but cultural reasons also influence the decision to migrate. Thus the categories of migrants and types of migrations are overly simplistic but provide a broad understanding of how migration was and is perceived. Moreover, while the difficulty of categorising human movement is acknowledged, the need for grouping in the legal and policy realms of migration management is also recognised.

In addition, the chapter will provide an overview of the broad theoretical and conceptual changes that have taken place in the field of migration studies. I will also introduce the concepts of transnationalism, diaspora studies and network analysis and how these three concepts have affected my research. These three theoretical perspectives influenced my perception of my research participants. I saw my research participants as skilled travellers, embedded within a distinct social network. Using a multi-theoretical approach, I argue, provides a more holistic and nuanced understanding of the complex daily lives of Senegalese migrants in Port Elizabeth, how they experience and respond to xenophobia.

3.1 “Migrants or Immigrants. Does it Matter?”24: Typologies of Migration and Migrants

“Migration takes many forms” (De Jong & Steinmetz 2006: 249) and as a result it is difficult (and perhaps dangerous) to categorise types of movement and people as types of migrants as particular migration events and individual experiences do not fall easily into neat categories (Boyle, Halfacree & Robinson 1998: 1). Additionally, “categorisations always simplify reality” (Koser 2007: 18). With this in mind however, the following section aims to provide a broad overview of types of migration and the general characteristics of each type and how the categorisation of human movement has changed as our understanding of the phenomenon develops.

24 Frankental (n.d: 1) 38

Earlier models for understanding migration were simplistic. Fairchild (in Peterson 1958: 256-257) created a four-tier model of migration: . Invasion-such as the Roman Invasion . Conquest . Colonisation . Immigration

These categories were based on two criteria: whether movement occurred between „high‟ and „low‟ cultures or was predominately peaceful (Petersen 1958: 257). Petersen (1958: 257) criticised this model as being ethnocentric and evolutionist in its determination. Petersen (1958: 259-264) argued the reasons for migration are neither simple nor universal, providing a more refined typology of migration:

. Primitive- this refers to migration where humans cannot cope with ecological factors . Forced-people have no decisive power when moving . Impelled-people retain some decisive power. This category includes flight from conquest and invasion and indentured labour . Free-this includes „Grand Tour‟ migration which is usually individually based and motivated . Mass-Free migration develops into collective behaviour thereby becoming mass migration especially as transportation structures improve

Petersen (1958: 258) also refers to innovative and conservative migration. Innovative migration occurs when “some persons migrate as a means of achieving the new” while conservative migration occurs when people move in response to changes in order to retain what they have (ibid: 258). Senegalese migration is arguably innovative as migration is motivated, at least in part, by a cultural impetus whereby migration is a rite of passage for males. In addition, migration is equated with the gaining of knowledge about the world and the self.

Twenty years later, Basham (1978) published a different model of migration patterns. He defined sedentary migration as movement of people within their home territory 39 only to ritual and ceremonial locations (Basham 1978: 77). Circulatory migration involved movement, usually over extended periods of time, between one‟s place of employment and home community (ibid: 77). Oscillatory migration followed a similar pattern to circulatory migration but a migrant was either unable or unwilling to return home. As such, a migrant would settle elsewhere and simply visit home (ibid: 78). Linear migration was a single, unidirectional movement where one left home and never returned (ibid: 78).

In the 1980‟s, Bohning (1981: 28) categorised migrants as: . Refugees . Economically active people . Tourists, students, pilgrims . Parents, spouses, children of the above categories

Political and economic factors such as warfare and famine (Zachariah & Conde 1981) became important as awareness of the complexity of migration increased. Cordell et al (1996: 21-30), in tracing the changes in migration patterns in West Africa, noted that migrations of colonisation and conquest, religion, slavery and marriage had long existed along side commercial and labour migrations. Other categories of migration patterns found in the literature include voluntary vs forced, economic vs political and skilled vs unskilled migration (Koser 2007: 16) as well as rural-rural, rural-urban, urban-urban and urban-rural patterns (Black 2004: 17). These categories are however redolent of earlier dichotomous theorising of migration which has largely been proven to be redundant within the field of migration research.

In South Africa, migrants are currently categorised as follows:

. Temporary Migrants-including contract labour, tourism and work permit holders . Permanent Migrants or Immigrants-this includes permanent resident visa holders and naturalised citizens . Asylum Seekers-this category includes people who have fled persecution from their home countries but are waiting to be „processed‟ by the Department of Home Affairs (DoHA) and as such is a liminal category 40

. Refugees-asylum seekers who have been recognised and „processed‟ by DoHA . Economic Migrants-people who are fleeing economic hardship and seeking better economic opportunities in South Africa . Undocumented Migrants-people who have no legal right to enter or work within South Africa. This category includes people who have outstayed their visas. Economic migrants can also fall under this category (Landau, Ramjathan-Keogh & Singh 2005: 17-18; Adepoju 2002: 10; South African Human Rights Report 2000: 18)

Skeldon (1997: 57, 59) argues that the separation of migrants into categories is an exercise in the imposition of boundaries, which are in reality porous. While this is the reality of migration, migrant typologies have legal and policy implications (Landau et al 2005: 17). However, smooth management of migration will not follow the application of a correct label as Frankental (date unknown: 1) argues.

The above categories of migration and migrants, while specific to a South African context, are not all encompassing. Other important patterns of movement that have not been mentioned include25:

. Step migration-where people move through a series of locations, aiming towards a final destination. (This is typical among Senegalese migrants) . Culturally determined movement-migration is seen as integral to the initiation of adolescents into manhood. (e.g. among the Basotho, BaTswana and Senegalese) . Pilgrimage-movement is intended to reaffirm religious faith as well as a seek cure for ill health. (e.g. the Hajj for Muslims and Lourdes for Catholics) . Resettlement-forced migration where people are moved to make way for infrastructural development projects (Parnwell 1993: 13-44)

The issue of Development Induced forced migration is a fraught one, which has recently emerged within the realms of migration studies (Turton 2006: 13). Within

25 Although numerous categories describing migrants exist, very little of the literature I read deals with the issue of exile. 41 studies of development induced migration or displacement, scholars distinguish between three categories of affected people. Internally Displaced People‟s (IDP‟s) are forced to move due to civil war or the threat of discrimination and IDP policy is concerned with protecting people within their own country (de Wet 2006:2-3). Refugees are those who have fled from violence in their own country and as such refugee policy concerns people who are no longer within their own country (ibid: 3) and may be unable or unwilling to return to it (Turton 2006: 13). Development Induced Displaced People‟s (DIDP‟s) are people forced to resettle elsewhere and have no chance of return to their home due to the construction of infrastructure (ibid: 15) such as dams. Thus even within the category of forced migration, patterns of migration and people‟s experiences of migration are complex.

The terms used to describe people who move are also problematic. Many migration scholars and anthropologists are reluctant to use the term immigrant, as the term is associated with permanence (Foner 2003: 16). It is for this reason that the term is not utilised within this thesis. A transmigrant is defined as a working migrant, situated in pluri-local spaces and interacts with complex transnational networks (Salzbrunn 2004: 649). This term however does not acknowledge the complexity of transnational migration, transnational links and the different ways of being a transmigrant. It is for this reason that I have chosen to use the term migrant throughout the thesis as the term is broad and implies a sense of continued movement. By using the broad term migrant, a degree of flexibility is introduced and this allows for the heterogeneity that was evident among my research participants.

The phenomenon of migration is studied in a number of disciplines resulting in various theoretical perspectives and different levels and units of analysis (Brettell 2003: 1). Pryor (1981: 113) argues, “spatial behaviour is the meeting ground of economics, sociology, psychology, anthropology, geography and urban environment planning and design.” Numerous scholars have acknowledged the complex and multifaceted nature of migration and called for more nuanced research and sophisticated theoretical perspectives (e.g. Brettell 2003; Smith 2005; Portes 1997; Pessar 2003; Appadurai 1999; Glick Schiller, Basch & Szanton-Blanc: 1995, 1999). What has emerged from the following review of migration literature is that the context of migration research is diverse and as such each study requires a particular

42 theoretical perspective, as specific factors must be taken into account, in efforts to unravel the phenomenon. Thus, there is no „one size fits all‟ theory for migration studies and as Massey et al (1993: 432) argue, the fact that no single, coherent theory or grand theory of international migration can exist means that migration research requires approaches that are sufficiently flexible. For my particular research question, a transnational theoretical framework was employed but I argue that transnationalism, like migration, offers a potentially complex theoretical framework and as Vertovec (2001: 11) argues, “rather than a single theory of transnationalism, we will do better to theorise a typology of transnationalisms.”

3.2 Researching (in) the City: Theoretical Changes in Urban and Migration Studies

Ravenstein‟s (1855) „Seven Laws of Migration‟ were the beginning of theoretical and empirical research on migration and were based on his observations of migration in England in the mid 19th Century (Faist 1997: 189). Sociologists such as Redfield (1947), Simmel (1950), and Wirth (1938) were among the first to theorise migration and urban studies (Richmond 1988: 30). The Chicago School theorists emerged in the 1920‟s and 1930‟s when they began to research mass migration in the USA, setting the foundation for a sociology of migration (ibid: 31; Low 1996: 385). The Chicago School adopted an “organic model of society” where competition for scarce resources led to the assimilation of migrants and ethnic minorities in the city (Richmond 1988: 31). Thus the city was conceptualised as a central core surrounded by adjacent ecological niches (Low 1996: 385). The school had two major theoretical assumptions regarding rural-urban migration:

. Migration as a process involving transition from a close knit, mono cultural rural community to a more heterogeneous, segmented urban environment . Migrants had the lowest social and economic status in the city and would eventually improve their positions and were geographically and socially dispersed within the city (Richmond 1988: 33)

After the Second World War the findings of the Chicago School were criticised as awareness regarding the complexities of migration adaption increased (ibid: 33). In

43 the 1950‟s, the Institute of Community Studies (Bethal Green, London) began to conceptualise the city as a series of urban communities based on kinship and extended familial networks (Low 1996: 385) resulting in a shift from migrant assimilation and adaption models towards network-based analyses.

In the early 1950‟s and 1960‟s anthropology became interested in the field of migration studies (Brettell 2003: viii; Brettell 2000: 97) reflecting the disciplines own move away from the notion of culture as a bounded entity. Also, increasing urbanisation meant that the people „traditionally‟ studied by anthropologists moved to cities and anthropologists moved with their subjects (Eames & Goode 1977: 29) As a result urban anthropology, as a sub-discipline, emerged in the mid 1960‟s (ibid: 28). Urban anthropologists were initially interested in three main areas of study:

. Adaption to life in urban centres . Problems of urban life such as delinquency and failure of urban institutions . „Traditional‟ areas of anthropological enquiry such as religion and kinship within an urban context (ibid: 29).

Thus the emphasis in anthropology was placed on the rural-urban migration dichotomy and on the „peasant‟ in the city (Brettell 2003: viii, x; Brettell 2000: 102) with Mayer‟s (1961) Townsmen or Tribesmen as an excellent South African example. Early urban and migration studies were largely informed by structuralism resulting in the proliferation of models emphasising push-pull factors and the centrality of the core-periphery. The latter is particularly apparent in historical-structuralist approaches such as Dependency Theory and World Systems Theory (Brettell 2000: 103; Zolberg 1981: 3-4). The models of migration fit broadly into three categories: micro- individual models, historical-structuralist models and household models (Cordell, Gregory & Piche 1996: 14). Other theories used to understand the phenomenon of migration included Cost-Benefit Analysis, behavioural models and the Individual Mobility Theory, all of which assumed rationality as the driving force in the decision to migrate (Pryor 1981: 117-121). Although theories fluctuated between macro and micro levels of analysis, migration was largely perceived to be a linear, unidirectional, isolated event characterised by rupture from home and ending in assimilation (Faist 1997: 193; Benmayor & Skotones 2005: 4, 8; Cordell et al 1996: 9). 44

The theoretical shift from structuralism to post-structuralism has influenced theoretical approaches in migration and urban studies. Post structuralism, utilised in a number of different disciplines within academe, calls for a move towards a more complex understanding of the relationship between social actions (such as migration) and culture (Barnard 2000: 139-140). It also emphasises the reductive nature of totalisations (Sarup 1997: 78; Poster 1989: 105, 107), which according to Foucault undermines the importance of self-reflection in research and the realisation of other knowledges. (Sarup 1997: 85; Poster 1989: 112). Migration then has been progressively understood to be a dynamic process exemplified by numerous movements and caused by a plethora of motives. As Coombe & Stoller (1994: 257) succinctly put it, “migration is a complex encounter between multiple cultural worlds all of which are transformed through this encounter.” Our understanding of migration and urban spaces has altered, resulting in a shift in theoretical perspective towards a theory of transnationalism. It is through this „lens‟ that I have looked while undertaking research on Senegalese migrants in the urban locale of Port Elizabeth.

3.3 Transnationalism: Taking Complexity into Account

Transnationalism is defined as “the processes by which immigrants build social fields that link together their country of origin and their country of settlement” (Glick- Schiller, Basch & Szanton Blanc 1999: 1). The concept involves the forging and maintaining of dense, multiple political, cultural, social and economic links that transcend political borders, incorporating migrants and non-migrants alike, resulting in the multi-positionality of migrants across space and time (Smith 2005: 9; Levitt 2001: 202; Portes 1997: 812; Faist 1997: 193; Smith 2005b: 84; Glick-Schiller et al 1995: 48; Koser 2007: 25-26). Although Glick-Schiller, Basch and Szanton-Blanc have been credited with the introduction of the concept of transnationalism in the early 1990‟s, some scholars argue that ties between migrants and their home existed before this time and that technological progress in the realms of transport and communications has contributed to the intensification of transnational ties in the 20th Century (Brettell 2000: 104; Van Hear 1998: 256; Riccio 2001: 583; Van Der Veer 2002: 96; Snel, Engbersen & Leerkes 2006: 286).

Transnationalism as a theoretical framework rejects the notion that migration involves rupture and permanent uprooting or alienation from one‟s country of origin and that people are bounded and territorialized according to national boundaries (Glick- Schiller et al 1999: 1; Appadurai 1999: 463; Leonard 1997: 120; Beck-Gernsheim 2007: 276). Instead, transnationalism is “redolent of multiplicity, pluralism and fertile hybridity” (Van Hear 1998: 253) and it is itself a heterogeneous system of being-in- the-world where transnational practises, ties and experiences are continuous, diverse, multifaceted, meaningful and purposeful (Riccio 2001: 596; Cordell et al 1996: 41; McAuliffe 2007: 311; Snel et al 2006: 285; Boyle, Halfacree & Robinson 1998: 1; Vertovec 2001; 11; Smith 2005: 6). Given that the majority of the world‟s population are not migrants (Wimmer & Glick-Schiller 2002: 326; Van Hear 1998: 260), movement is therefore not necessarily a requirement for engagement in transnational practises and processes (Levitt 2001: 198; Snel et al 2006; 286).

Transnational involvement includes transnational activities and transnational identification (Snel et al 2006: 288). Transnational activities include cross border practises such as remitting money, investing in the country of origin as well as political participation while transnational identification is the extent to which migrants identify with their compatriots within the diaspora or at home (ibid: 288-289). Thus, by the act of receiving and using remittances, people who are not migrants are also involved in transnational activity. It is important then to conceptualise transnational ties as multi-directional and not simply extending from the migrant in a host country towards his or her home country. Furthermore, as Coe and Bunnell (2003: 449) comment, transnational networks are not necessarily between the home and host countries but between multiple nodes around the world. Senegalese migrants in Port Elizabeth not only maintain links with Senegal but also with other Senegalese in Italy, Spain, France and the USA, albeit to different degrees of intensity. Also, as Brettell and Hollifield (2000: 15-16) argue although transnationalism emphasises links with home, the implicit implication is that return is not definite, hence the need for a discourse about transnationalisms.

3.4 Diaspora Theory

While transnationalism does acknowledge the diversity of contemporary migration, it does not explain why Senegalese migrants retain and maintain cultural capital in the process of migration. Transnationalism helps with the theorisation of the macro processes of migration but does not explain the micro aspects of Senegalese migration. Diaspora studies also offer a useful framework to examine Senegalese migrants in Port Elizabeth. Although the notion of diaspora implies permanency of settlement, newer theories conceptualise diasporas as products and outcomes of transnationalism (Adamson 2008: 1).

Initially the concept diaspora was related to notions of displacement of a group of people from their homeland along with the belief that this group would not be accepted or integrated into the new host community (Tsagarousianou 2004: 54). Later Cohen (1997) diversified the definition to include: victim, labour, imperial, trade and cultural diasporas. These typologies of diaspora however “do not recognise the dynamic and fluid character of both diasporas and the volatile transnational contexts in which they emerge” (Tsagarousianou 2004: 56). New ways of thinking about diaspora therefore place emphasis on connectivity rather than on displacement (ibid: 52). Van Hear (1998: 6) redefines diaspora as a population dispersed from the homeland with an enduring presence abroad although travel can and does occur between the home and host countries. Can Senegalese in Port Elizabeth be considered a diaspora despite their small numbers and relatively short time of residence in the city? Adamson (2008: 8) comments that diaspora as a term is increasingly used to describe any population considered deterritorialised or transnational and as such my research participants can be considered diasporic to some degree.

Diaspora emerges as a strategic social construction with the aim of facilitating a shared collective identity and a network based on a collective characteristic such as ethnicity or religion (ibid: 12-13). The presence of a continuum between diaspora and transnational movements (ibid: 23) means that Senegalese in Port Elizabeth constitute a part of the global Senegalese diaspora, which is likely to grow in size as more

47 migrants arrive and settle permanently. Tsagarousianou (2004: 61) calls for scholars to view diasporas not as groups or populations but as contextualized within the broader processes of migration and globalisation. In doing so, diaspora becomes a concept that refers to “constellations of economic, technological, cultural and ideological and communications flows and networks” (ibid: 61).

3.5 Network Analysis

The importance of networks is emphasised in the new conceptions of diaspora. My findings show that Senegalese in Port Elizabeth have a strong socio-economic and religious network, that of the Mouride Brotherhood, and this contributes significantly to their experiences as migrants. Early notions of urban associations saw them as catalysts enabling migrants from rural areas to settle with people from their own ethnic group and cope with the hostile urban environment (Tostensen, Tvedten & Vaa 2001: 22). The religious brotherhoods found in Senegal are the “linchpin in the cohesion of Senegalese national identity” (Simone 2001: 51) and as such a network- based analysis of my findings is essential.

This network of Senegalese in Port Elizabeth is embedded in webs of relationships that not only facilitate access within the urban setting such as accommodation and financial help (Lourenco-Lindell 2001: 30) but also solidarity in the face of hostility such as xenophobia and other crises that migrants may face. Islam and membership to a Sufi brotherhood allows the creation of complex, highly flexible transnational networks from which Senegalese derive valuable information, generate trust and receive economic, social and spiritual support (Stoller 2002: 62-63). The notion of a social network was pioneered by Clyde Mitchell and Barnes who define it as “ a set of points defined in relation to an initial point of focus (ego) and linked by lines (relationships) either directly or indirectly to this initial point of focus” (ibid: 53). The links between Senegalese are dense given their common religious and national identities. This network is not exclusive and the intensity of links with other people in Port Elizabeth is dependent on proximity of national identity and other factors, which affect the nature of interactions (ibid: 55,57). Using “a network approach then appears to offer a deeper understanding of human behaviour” (Noble in Stoller 2002: 54) and allows us to understand how migrants make social dislocation meaningful, 48 transforming “urban social instability and uncertainty into economically productive social continuity” (ibid: 58).

The complexity of migration in an increasingly globalising world can be best understood through what Marcus calls an “ethnography of complex connections” (Smith 2005: 29). Social relations, the nature and impact of these relations are the foundation of transnational migration (Glick-Schiller 2003: 101-102). The three theoretical approaches that have been outlined above emphasise a move away from notions of people as spatially bounded, stressing the significance of social, cultural, political and economic ties connecting people across time and space. By using multiple theories, I hoped that my research would be more nuanced and holistic. How and what then can anthropology contribute to the multi-disciplinary field of migration studies?

3.6 Anthropology‟s Contribution to Migration Studies

The multi-disciplinary nature of migration studies has resulted in different levels of analysis. For example, political science focuses on the state, economics on labour markets and sociology on institutions (Brettell: 2003 xix). The current trend of holism in anthropology means that anthropologists “acknowledge the significance of each of these units or levels of analysis and try to attend to all of them” (ibid: xix), thereby producing ethnography that is simultaneously aware of macro and micro causes of migration as the discipline acknowledges that the individual is not isolated from broader social fields (Smith 2005: 29; Levitt 2001: 197). Faist (1997: 188) refers to this in-between level of analysis as the meso-level, which focuses on the social ties between individuals and larger social structures. An anthropology of migration seeks to capture the experience and meaning in being a migrant in addition to the “who, when and why of migration” (Brettell & Hollifield 2000: 4). How does anthropology achieve this? I argue through a combination of theory and the „mechanics‟ of the discipline.

Anthropology understands that individual migrants act within historical and structural contexts and not within a vacuum (Brettell 2003: 2; Faist 1997; Brettell & Hollifield

2000: 9) thus the micro level analysis of migrant experience and meaning cannot be understood in isolation from broader concerns. Bourdieu conceptualises individual action and practise as occurring within a broader culturally defined framework, between objectivity and subjectivity, defining this concept as habitus (Barnard 2000: 142). The challenge to anthropologists in the realm of migration studies is the sophisticated merging of macro and micro perspectives as the causal processes of migration operate concurrently on multiple levels (Brettell 2003: xix; Massey et al 1993: 455). “Marcus & Fischer have argued that one challenge for anthropology is „how to represent the embedding of richly described local cultural worlds in larger impersonal systems of political economy‟” (Brettell 2003: 7).

Transnational migration is recognised as being linked to, and affected by globalisation (Glick-Schiller et al 1995: 49; 1999: 1; Lionnet & Shih 2005: 5). People, ideas, money, information and goods are no longer spatially confined26 (Van Der Veer 2002: 107) resulting in a fragmenting of space and place (Stoller 1997: 81, 91; Crush & McDonald 2000: 8). Indeed, post coloniality has resulted in the repartioning and reinscription of space (Gupta 2003: 321) and Wimmer and Glick-Schiller (2002: 302) call for a shift away from what they term “methodological nationalism” which assumes that the nation state is a natural socio-political form of the contemporary world. Despite this, it is important to be mindful that the nation remains dominant in the lives of individuals as well as the collective and transnationalism remains contextualized within the notion of nation states (McAuliffe 2007: 311,323) and as Grillo (2004: 868) comments, transnationalism is not post-national.

An intensification of globalisation and transnational migration has transformed how spaces and places are conceptualised by anthropology. Appadurai (1999: 464) coined the term ethnoscape which he defines as a “landscape of persons who make up the shifting world in which we live: tourists, immigrants, refugees, exiles, guestworkers…” Space and place are no longer perceived as static or stable and “nothing is fixed and settled in the urban space” (Van Der Veer 2002: 105; Coombe & Stoller 1994: 256). Migrants occupy numerous social locations and as such what is required is “an ethnography of places” (Smith 2005: 5; 2005b: 83). Anthropology no

26 Although it is argued that visas, passports, quotas etc do still confine people spatially. Sichone (2004) refers to this as “global apartheid” 50 longer conceives of spaces as simply existent but as socially produced and is therefore concerned with the relationship between space, power and identity within the locale of the city (Bank 2002: vii).

To better understand the experience of migrants in urban spaces, Smith (2005b: 91) utilises a theory of “transnational urbanism” which is a way of understanding the subjectivity of place-making, understanding that people shape cities more so than cities shape people. There are therefore, numerous ways of being a migrant and migrants from one country should not be perceived as a unitary group of people (Riccio 2001: 23). The subjective nature of „creating‟ cities has led to Low (1996) categorising cities as ethnic, divided, gendered, contested, deindustrialised, global, informational, modernist, post-modern, fortress, sacred and traditional, highlighting the complexity of urban spaces and “space as practised place” (Bank 2002: 14).

With this understanding of urban spaces as unbounded, complex spaces characterised by flux, anthropological methods of research and data collection have much to contribute to the overall understanding of migration and the experiences of migrants in urban spaces. Ethnography and its long-term engagement with migrants in urban spaces is well suited to revealing if and how and why people maintain transnational connections (Foner 2003: 28) and how these connections may change in intensity. As McAuliffe (2007: 308) points out, it is important to understand transnational relations by considering these links along a dynamic temporal scale. The life stages of a migrant affect how the individual thinks and relates to their homeland (ibid: 308). Through the tradition of holism, relativism, ethnography, empirical data and cross cultural comparison, urban anthropology has counteracted earlier views of the city space as impersonal and characterised by a loss of deep personal ties (Eames & Goode 1977: 62, 157). The city is no longer a predetermined space (Bank 2002: 15) where urban anthropologists carry out fieldwork. Thus, transnationalism requires a “suppleness of imagination” (Stoller 1997: 91) by the researcher within the field of migration studies.

3.7 Conclusion

Just as migration is characterised by complexity, the multi-disciplinary nature of migration studies has resulted in a plethora of theories and levels of analyses that can be drawn upon in order to understand migration. The above chapter has examined the changes in theory within migration research, introducing the more recent theoretical frameworks that have been developed to accommodate the intricate nature of human mobility. Transnationalism has proven to be the theory best suited to the study of Senegalese migrants in Port Elizabeth and is the „lens‟ through which the rest of the thesis is viewed. Research of migration must be context specific and as such a certain “epistemological suppleness” (Stoller 1997: 91) is necessary as the examination of migration “through multiple theoretical lenses [is vital] because a single lens offers only a partial truth” (Brettell 2003: 4). I have therefore also used diaspora studies and network analysis in my theoretical analysis. For Hammar & Tomas (1997: 13) international migration requires but lacks inter-disciplinary research. Thus, the chapter included a section on what anthropology has to contribute to the migration research „table.‟

Chapter Four introduces my field site and my research participants. The chapter discusses the research methods utilised while I undertook fieldwork. I also discuss the experiences of doing fieldwork as well as the final writing up process. In doing so, I present the context(s) in which the research took place.

Chapter Four: Research Methods and the Fieldwork Experience “The hallmark of anthropology is to experience the force of detail in practical life and to recast it in a theoretical mode that transcends it” (Hastrup 1995: 22)

This chapter will „set the scene‟ of the field site, give a brief biographical outline of the Senegalese involved in the research and introduce the key research participants as well. It will also outline and discuss the methods used while undertaking fieldwork including some of the ethical issues I considered during and after the fieldwork experience. In addition, this chapter will present my experiences of doing fieldwork among Senegalese male migrants in Port Elizabeth.

4.1 Background and Context

Port Elizabeth, a city, is situated in the Eastern Cape province of South Africa and is one of four main metropolitan areas that dominate the South African economy.27 Cities like Port Elizabeth are therefore attracting migrants, as there is a ready market, self-employment opportunities and the conveniences of an urban centre such as access to the Internet, telephones, a harbour and an airport. As such, Port Elizabeth was a viable field site for undertaking research among migrants. Furthermore, newspaper articles showed that xenophobia related violence had occurred in Port Elizabeth28 in previous years. Port Elizabeth was therefore a prime location to undertake anthropological fieldwork that aimed to examine how migrants, specifically Senegalese migrants, cope with xenophobia. Also, I chose to conduct research in Port Elizabeth because much of the available literature on migrants in South Africa was based in Johannesburg, Cape Town and Durban (e.g. Adepoju 2003; Sichone 2003, 2004; Hunter & Skinner 2003). Thus I wanted to investigate the situation of migrants in a relatively under represented urban locale in order to add to the current literature on migrants and issues of xenophobia in South Africa. In addition, Morris (1998: 1117) observes that with a few exceptions, the lives of Francophone migrants in South Africa have not been examined and as such I chose to do my research among Senegalese migrants.

27 www.southafrica.info 28 For example, in December 2007, three Zimbabwean men were killed in the townships of Port Elizabeth. The Herald, 29/12/2007 53

4.2 Port Elizabeth: A City of Juxtapositions

Despite Port Elizabeth‟s proximity to Grahamstown, I had never spent any time in the city before undertaking research there between April and August 2008. The first few days after I arrived were spent walking around Central Port Elizabeth, orientating myself in my new surroundings, which after four months of intensive fieldwork became familiar and more like „home‟ than I had anticipated. In the first few days of walking around in the new and unfamiliar setting I was struck by numerous juxtapositions. Bird Street, one of the main streets in Central, is epitomised by enormous buildings many of which are historical buildings that now house law firms with manicured lawns and well kept gardens. The High Court is situated on Bird Street, as is the exclusive St George‟s Club. Parked along this street are expensive looking cars being driven by lawyers and attorneys, dressed impeccably in costly suits wearing designer sunglasses, the women with flawless make-up and hair-styles. In contrast, situated along the street are derelict buildings with boarded up windows, with rats scuttling in and out of cracks in rotting doorways and garbage spilling out into the sidewalk. Across from the elite St George‟s (members only) Club is a shabby looking building. In this building, directly next to an imposing yellow historic building that houses a posse of attorneys, there is a nightclub which pumps out loud pop music as well as many drunken party goers late into a Friday night. At night, prostitutes who roam the street corners looking for clients replace the classy looking lawyers (and their clients) who traverse the street during daylight hours. Running parallel to the opulence of Bird Street is a street more redolent of the inner city, characterised by faded shop windows, overcrowded flats and rundown buildings.

Further into the central part of the city is Govan Mbeki Avenue (GBA). This is the main street of Port Elizabeth and it is where the majority of informal traders work. The avenue is where I spent my days, interviewing traders and observing and participating in the hustle and bustle of daily urban life. The street itself is also characterised by juxtapositions. In order to get to GBA from where I was living involved a 5-minute walk down Bird Street, into Castle Hill, which was an extremely steep hill where I could see the sea, the harbour, the exquisite clock of City Hall, the

54 derelict historical Post Office29 and an expanse of the city to my right. Turning the corner into the top of GBA took me past the library with its Sicilian marble statue of Queen Victoria.

Figure 1: View of Port Elizabeth

In 2007, I was able to visit GBA to „scout around.‟ At the time the avenue, from the library, was undergoing road works making it difficult to look and walk around due to the chaos of heavy machinery. As such, when I first turned the corner into GBA in April 2008, I was pleasantly surprised, writing in my field diary later I remarked: “last year there were plenty of road works-now I see the fruition of that.” The sidewalks had been repaved with brick and the middle of the avenue was now demarcated for traders allowing more space on the sidewalks in front of the shop windows and entrances. It was early on a Wednesday morning and not many people were around. I sat at a table on the pavement, part of a small coffee shop, and drank in my surroundings writing: “the centre of the avenue has what I call vendor boxes. They are

29 Renovations on the Post Office, owned by property magnate Ken Denton, began sometime in July 2008.

55 rectangular with three tables in front. Back to back, each box has space for six stands with what appears to be room (with shelves) for people to display and later lock up their stuff. Each side has three big doors with good, strong locks.” The mid-section of the avenue is also newly paved; with black lamps dotted along at regular intervals and new tree saplings have been planted in between the vendor boxes. I later found out that rent for a stall is R75 per month, payable to the Mandela Bay Development Agency (MBDA) and this fee contributes to maintenance, electrical repairs, security and cleaning.

Figure 2: Upper Govan Mbeki Avenue

Further down GBA however, I saw the familiar sight of heavy road working machinery working in the centre of the road. Here, vendors sell their wares from rickety tables, constantly wiping the dust of the road works from their eyes and from their goods, fighting to be heard over the drone of the machines. They are all set up on the sidewalk in front of shops and the GBA becomes more congested. Later, as I contemplated my observations about GBA, I wrote the following: “GB is essentially in two parts. I shall refer to them as upper and lower. The upper part has been redone

56 and has the vendor boxes while the lower half is more tatty.” It is important to note here that these observations took place between the library at the top of GBA and the Russell Road traffic lights. GBA continues past this point into the suburb known as North End, which is adjacent to Central. I ventured onto this side of GBA more and more as my fieldwork intensified. The aim of this description is to illustrate the contrasts found in a stretch of GBA, to emphasise why I describe Port Elizabeth as a city of juxtapositions. This multiplicity emphasises that urban spaces are not mundane, but characterised by a cacophony of sounds, voices, structures, spaces, smells and sights that weave a complex fabric of daily life that make „doing‟ anthropology in urban spaces an exhilarating experience.

Figure 3: Road Works in Lower Govan Mbeki Avenue

4.3 A “Trend Setting Street”: Rejuvenating and Reviving Govan Mbeki Avenue

Figure 4: Advertising the Spirit of Growth Campaign

As I spent more time in GBA, I noticed advertising posters along the sides of the vendor boxes and on flag along the street with phrases such as “Feel the Rhythm,”

“Re-Vitalising” and “Feel the Beat.” I soon found out through my observations that the MBDA was responsible for the campaign. I noticed a large pink building at the top of GBA with a sign for the MBDA. I found the MBDA website using the Internet and was able to contact Mr. Mcebisi Ncalu who is the Operations Manager. He agreed to meet me and we set up an afternoon appointment. I was aware that this interview would be different from the interviews with traders on the street. I decided, given the more corporate nature of the interview, to dress more smartly than I usually did for my days of fieldwork. When I arrived in the building named Kwantu Towers I went up to the MBDA offices. The reception was pristine with flowers and old photographs of Port Elizabeth along the cream coloured walls. High above GBA, the noise and bustle of the street that I know so well was silent, blocked out by the large windows. The offices were an opulent oasis of calm and tranquillity. A softly spoken man with glasses approached me and introduced himself as Mr. Ncalu. We sat in a small seminar room furnished with comfortable leather chairs and we sat and spoke for quite some time. Mr. Ncalu was friendly and knowledgeable, answering my questions concisely. On the walls of the room we were sitting in, were older pictures of a shop window30 in GBA that I recognised as I had come to know the owner quite well as he was Senegalese. Most of the information gained from this interview pertains to traders and will be discussed in detail in Chapter Seven.

The MBDA is a special purpose development company established in Mandela Bay in 2003. The agency aims to regenerate Port Elizabeth‟s inner city with the intention of promoting development and tourism.31 The agency, in its information handbook that Mr Ncalu gave me, states that the central part of a “city is the heart of the city‟s identity.” On this basis, a number of projects have been identified as essential to the reinvention of the city centre making it safe and desirable to visit but also a place valuable to investors. With regard to GBA, there are two main projects running in the street: physical changes to the structure of the street and increased security and cleanliness. GBA, between Russell Road and Market Square, where the library is situated, is the “most congested roads in the central business district” according to the MBDA‟s website. In order to upgrade and rejuvenate the road, the tar on both sides of

30 The location and the name of the shop are withheld to protect the identity of the shop owner at his request. 31 www.mbda.co.za 59 the street was lifted and replaced with brick paving. Streetlights, toilets, trees, „street furniture‟ and a reduction in traffic vehicle access have been introduced to make GBA more pedestrian friendly and relieve congestion in the street. Additionally, security guards are employed to patrol the city centre (as well as other parts of Central Port Elizabeth) on a 24-hour basis throughout the week. Cleaners have also been employed to increase the cleanliness of the street.32 The Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality provided R25 million for Phase One of this environmental upgrade, which was completed in November 2007.33

While I was conducting fieldwork, the second phase in the lower portion of the street was underway and the traders have been advised that the project will be finished in May 2009. The agency‟s pamphlet concludes, “The Nelson Mandela Metropole is at the threshold of a very exciting future. The mood is buoyant and various factors indicate that an economic upswing is anticipated.” Many of the traders along the upper part of GBA say that the introduction of the vendor boxes has had positive outcomes; they no longer have to rely on owners of nearby shops to keep their good safe over night and many traders feel that the increased security presence has meant more people shop in GBA. The traders in the lower part of GBA are excited about moving into the vendor boxes and many expressed that they will be relived once the road works are completed and the lower part of the street will no longer be noisy and dusty. Moreover, I often saw members of the MBDA, such as Mr Ncalu, walking around GBA talking to traders and shop owners alike. The „vibe‟ on GBA was upbeat, particularly on a Friday afternoon, and people were generally optimistic about the upgrades occurring in Central Port Elizabeth. However, many traders did complain “business is slow” but feel that once the upgrades are complete more people will come into the centre of the city and the 2010 FIFA World Cup soccer tournament is a source of great anticipation regarding better business among traders in GBA.

32 Throughout my fieldwork experience, I saw security guards and street cleaners wherever I went in Central Port Elizabeth and this did contribute greatly to my sense of safety. 33 www.mbda.co.za 60

4.4 A Biographic Profile of the Research Participants

My ethnographic data shows that a multiplicity and multivocality of experiences and personalities characterises the „community‟34 of Senegalese traders. Over the course of four months, I interviewed sixty-three Senegalese, all of whom were Muslim men and five became my key research participants. The men differ in age, marital status and education levels demonstrating a mosaic of personalities and experiences. Thus my interactions with each of the men were different in intensity, rapport and length. All the Senegalese in Port Elizabeth, with the exception of five men who rent shops, are street traders along GBA.

Hamadou told me early on in my fieldwork that asking about age was a taboo subject so I never directly asked the men about their ages but rather tried to use specific questions during life history interviews to gauge age but it proved difficult to estimate as some of the men mentioned they were unsure of dates of important events in their lives. The men were approximately aged between 28 and 56.

Four of the five key research participants are married and have between one and two children each. I was unable to meet the wives of my research participants although I did, on one occasion, meet the young son of one of my key research participants. The length of stay in South Africa varies with the shortest span being two years and the longest being fourteen years. I did not ask participants to divulge details regarding whether they were legally or illegally resident in South Africa. The majority of the men come from Dakar and Touba, Senegal‟s capital and one of the largest economic urban centres respectively.

I can only assume that they also differ in ethnicity. The question of ethnicity among my research participants was always answered with a statement about being “a Senegalese.” Sedar told me he is Serer35 but that he speaks Wolof, the lingua franca of Senegal (McLaughlin 2001: 159) and not Serer. He felt that it was important to tell me where the other men would not because “then you will understand that in Senegal

34 I use the term community will full knowledge of the problems inherent it its use. 35 Senegal has 3 major ethnic groups: Wolof, Serer and Pulaar but it is estimated that there are approximately 20 different ethnic groups (Villalon 1995: 47) 61 we are all the same, we do not see differences between ourselves.” Thus, while I refer to my research participants as Senegalese, I am fully aware that they are not a homogenous group. Riccio (2001: 584) comments on his research among Senegalese migrants in Italy: “there is a considerable diversity among these Senegalese migrants which derives from the timing and trajectory of their migration.” Thus, while I refer to my research participants as Senegalese throughout this thesis, I am aware of a vast heterogeneity that characterises the men I came to know very well. Migration from a country is characterised by a varied group of people who possess different social and personal abilities, they come from different cities, backgrounds and classes (Riccio 2001: 589).

In addition to the Senegalese men I met, interviewed, befriended and hung out with, I also met numerous people of different ages, races, genders and nationalities whom added to the rich tapestry of connections I made while I undertook ethnographic fieldwork. Thus while the voices of some people are silent within the text, the impact those people have had on me as an anthropologist and as an individual have contributed to a transformed self who is different from the person who left Grahamstown for Port Elizabeth in April 2008.

After the first few days spent walking around and „finding my feet‟ so to speak, I was ready to begin fieldwork in earnest. Before leaving Grahamstown, I had been put in contact with Carla Collins, a student who had just finished her MA studies in anthropology at the Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University (NMMU). I made contact with Carla when I first arrived in Port Elizabeth and she agreed to show me around the city and where she had done research among refugees. One day, driving around various parts of the city, Carla and I discussed my research and she mentioned that she had interviewed three Senegalese men while doing fieldwork. She told me that one of the men she interviewed had been in Port Elizabeth for eleven years and had been in the same spot on GBA for most of that time. Carla showed me the spot he usually occupied but he was not there. The next day, Carla and I ventured into GBA in the late afternoon, walking to the spot she had pointed out. No one was there but sitting in the middle of the road on a drum holding up the plastic mesh aimed at keeping pedestrians separate from the road works, was a tall man.

We walked over to him and greeted him. Carla began to explain that we were researchers looking for a trader when the man interrupted her saying “I remember you, you interviewed me.” I asked the man where he was from and he replied, “I am from Senegal.” At this point Carla recognised him as the man we had been looking for. I introduced myself and explained why I had been looking for him. “I am Malik,”36 he said shaking my hand. I asked him if I could come back in the morning and explain in greater detail the aims of my research and interview him. “You are welcome to come tomorrow, come after 10.30.” I asked Malik if there we many Senegalese in Port Elizabeth and he smiled, nodding his head. “My brother at the first stall at the top has also been here for many years, you can go speak to him also. Tell him I sent you.” I left Malik sitting in the middle of the road in the cool of the afternoon, elated and eager to begin my fieldwork.

We strolled up towards the top of GBA looking for the man Malik had told us about. The first vendor stalls, all three tables on the one side were covered in an array of fabrics, African carvings and bright beaded jewellery. Standing at the stall was a man who greeted us enthusiastically. I introduced my research, and myself telling him we had been sent by Malik. He introduced himself as Hamadou and said he was willing to talk to me the next day, as would his brother “you will meet him tomorrow, I will tell him you are coming. He has been here longer than me.” Hamadou then encouraged Carla and I to look at bracelets that he assured us were from Senegal. “It has been a quiet day and I have not been home to Senegal in a long time. Even if you buy these for just R30 it will be better for me.” Carla and I each bought a bracelet, which for me has become symbolic of the time I spent in Port Elizabeth among Senegalese traders, without whom, this thesis would not have been possible. I returned home energised, excited and somewhat nervous. I felt that I had a „foot in the door‟ and the next day I truly began the tumultuous experience of fieldwork in Central Port Elizabeth among Senegalese migrants.

36 All names are pseudonyms to protect the identity of those who took part in this research project. 63

4.5 Introducing Key Research Participants

Malik, Hamadou, Sedar, Alassane and Jawara were my key research participants and I spent most of my time with Malik, sitting behind his table and peering over his leather handbags observing people and traders go through the routine of daily life. Malik was the first Senegalese man I made contact with and I spent the majority of my time with him. He has been in South Africa for eleven years and has had his stall in the same place ever since he arrived in Port Elizabeth. Malik is very friendly with a number of the traders along GBA and is well respected among the Senegalese men in Port Elizabeth. A number of the traders I spoke with along GBA had seen me spending time with Malik and he later told me that some of them came to him asking his opinion about me and my research. “I told them they must speak with you because you can be trusted and you will write for us, you will be our voices.” When approaching Senegalese I would mention that Malik had suggested I talk with them and this was often received with an invitation to sit down and many of the interviews and conversations ended with statements about being welcome back anytime. Malik was easy going and our conversations were always easy going and lengthy. I always felt at ease in his presence given his big smile and deep throaty laugh, redolent of his sense of humour.

Figure 5: Malik

I met Sedar when I returned to Hamadou‟s stall the next day for an interview. He was very welcoming, asking numerous questions about myself, stating that he was willing to help me learn everything I needed to know. Sedar and I had many long conversations when he was around which was not often as he left Hamadou to run their stall. This in fact was the cause of some tension between Sedar and Hamadou which I was unable to observe as one of them would be running the stall while the other was running errands elsewhere in Central. The first interview I conducted was with both men but there after I generally spent time with each of them separately.

A few times both men were present at the stall and I noticed Hamadou would be unusually quiet leaving Sedar and I to talk. It was only after some time when I had established a good rapport with Hamadou that he confessed that Sedar was causing him frustration, “he is lazy and wants to show everybody that he is boss. I just keep quiet because I have enough problems. I am fighting with my wife and I don‟t want more fights. It makes me tired. She complains I am not making enough money. Why am I sitting here when I can speak seven languages? I am wasting my time.” I sat

65 quietly and allowed Hamadou to vent his frustrations. “Sedar waits for me before opening but he lives right here and I must come from Motherwell.”37 I listened intently to Hamadou for some time feeling a sense of sadness for him but I was also aware that this meant Hamadou felt he could trust me and I as anthropologist, was in a therapist role where Hamadou could speak frankly to someone who was not directly involved in the situation. “Ah sister I am sorry, I am not in a good moment. It is my own fault for having a child with that woman. Ah it is not that bad.” A few times throughout the fieldwork, I asked after Sedar saying I would like to speak with him and Hamadou replied, “I will answer your questions sister. You know that you can come here anytime. Here is my cell phone number in case you ever need to contact me, you must use it anytime you need anything.”

A few days after Hamadou vented his frustrations, he called me over looking excited. He had been speaking to the CEO of the MBDA about becoming a tour guide. “I am sure there is no-one in South Africa who can speak as many European languages as me. I don‟t want to sit here any more with all these problems. I spoke to the CEO of the agency; you know the one I mean? He said I must find out about courses and they will help me with the fee for the course. I found one that is three or four months. Then I can take tourists and show them around the city.” The topic of the tour guide course was something I asked Hamadou about daily and after a few weeks Hamadou was enrolled in a course and he proudly showed me the material he had to read for his first assignment.

As I write Hamadou is doing exceptionally well in the course and is getting more eager about beginning a business on his own and earning more money. When I conducted a life history with Hamadou, I asked him about his education and where he had learnt speak so many languages. He told me he had done a diploma in Spanish and German in Dakar, something he was proud of. “I learnt other languages through my travelling. I speak fluent French, Italian, German, Spanish, Arabic, English and Swedish.” I recall clearly, two German tourists coming to look at Hamadou‟s craft stall and he began to address them in German. They were thrilled as Hamadou explained the meaning of the masks he sells that he claims come from Nigeria. “You

37 Motherwell is one of Port Elizabeth‟s larger townships and Hamadou is the only Senegalese man who resides in a township. The rest live in Central and North End. 66 see sister, I have an international stall here! When I begin guiding the tourists, I will bring them here to my stall and they can buy these African crafts. Life will be better for me.” I asked Hamadou about the stall and who would run it for him. “My brother must do it and if he does not, I own most of the goods here so I will employ someone to look after it for me.” I speak German fairly fluently and as such some of the conversations between Hamadou and I were in German. Before I began my fieldwork, I did not envisage myself speaking with a Senegalese research participant in German.

Figure 6: Hamadou

Sedar never mentioned the tension between himself and Hamadou during any of our long conversations. I did not see Sedar on a daily basis as I did Malik and Hamadou but our conversations often lasted an entire afternoon and I found them very interesting and stimulating. I enjoyed Sedar‟s company and we had similar interests and are close in age. On the days that we spent talking, we would sit behind the metal table of the stall with our heads close together. Sedar would often wait for me to finish scribbling notes down and would emphasise certain points by touching my arm to communicate the importance of what he was saying. I recall the first interview I conducted with Sedar; I noticed that he was a good-looking young man, well dressed

67 with fashionable sunglasses. He sat down close to me and I remember smelling his cologne. I later wrote in my field diary: “Sedar arrived later after I had finished speaking with Hamadou… He wears a greenish ring on his left finger and smelt very good! Very far from the pervasive stereotype of a dirty, disease carrying migrant.” Sedar was always warm and friendly and I knew I was always welcome at the stall. At the end of every conversation I would thank Sedar and he would smile “you are very welcome sister. I will see you soon and we will talk more. Your head will be full of knowledge about Senegal.” I described Sedar as someone who “is a natural nurturer of those who love to learn” to someone who asked me about my research and how the fieldwork was going. I met Sedar in Grahamstown during the annual National Arts Festival and he introduced me to Senegalese men from Cape Town who mentioned that Sedar had told them about me. The expressed joy at meeting me and I was able to sit with them and interview them about their experiences and thoughts regarding xenophobia.

Alassane was another young Senegalese man I spent much time with. He was one of the first men to begin addressing me as „sister‟ and he often greeted me with a handshake. Alassane has been in Port Elizabeth for two years. I also met up with Alassane in Grahamstown during the National Arts Festival and I conducted three interviews with him here. We sat together in his stall along High Street discussing the May 2008 xenophobic attacks. When I first found his stall in Grahamstown, he greeted me enthusiastically showing me his stall and his goods. He also introduced me to the Senegalese men who had stalls close to his, introducing me as “my anthropologist and our sister.” I enjoyed Alassane‟s company, especially the way he told stories with flair that conjured up vivid images of Senegal and Dakar. The visual images I have of Senegal come from the conversations with Alassane and he would often encourage me to visit Senegal. “You must go. You will be safe there. Not like here. If someone hurts you, the police will catch him.” When I said goodbye to Alassane after four months of fieldwork, I was sad and told him that I would miss his stories about Senegal and he insisted I take his cell phone number and give him mine so “that we can continue to talk sister. When are you going to come back and visit?”

Figure 7: Alassane

Jawara owned a shop in GBA. Malik mentioned that I should go and talk to him. I entered the shop and introduced myself. Jawara smiled broadly and said he had been expecting me to come and visit. Malik and he had spoken about me and Jawara had expressed an interest in helping me. Jawara was very softly spoken and smiled often. Although I never grew as close to Jawara as I did with Malik or Alassane, I did enjoy our conversations in the cool air of his shop away from the noise and dust on the street. Jawara mostly enjoyed speaking about the role of Islam with me. Jawara was elected by the other shop owners to ask me not to mention their real names or give away the locations of their shops, as they felt more vulnerable after the outbreak of xenophobic attacks in May 2008.

The majority of Senegalese were willing to talk with me and share their experiences and thoughts about xenophobia. One man seemed uneasy to speak with me and after some time of trying to speak with him, I left him saying he could just call me over anytime if he ever did want to speak with me but he never did. I asked Malik if he knew why he was unwilling to speak with me but he simply shrugged his shoulders

69 and said he did not know. I was unable to find if there was a specific reason for his reticence.

4.6 “The Ethnographer‟s Gaze”38: Research Methods

Fieldwork is for anthropology “our basic research tool” (D‟Alisera 2004: 25) and there are a number of methods that can be utilised to collect data. Participant observation, as the corner stone of anthropology, was my main research method throughout my four months of fieldwork. Participant observation facilitates the collection of data on social interactions (Burgess 1984: 79) allowing the anthropologist a chance to compare what people say with what people actually do. Observation allows the ethnographer to watch the gestures, adornment and movement of the human body (Coffey 1999: 59), which can reveal a great amount of information. The first few days spent in the field site were spent simply observing the rhythms and flows of people in GBA.39 As I began to build rapport and get to know the Senegalese traders better, I spent endless days sitting with my research participants at their trading stalls „hanging out‟, participating in and observing their daily actions and interactions, watching the ebb and flow of people going about their business in Central Port Elizabeth.

The issue of informed consent (Burgess 1984: 200) was important. Each research participant was fully informed about the research I was conducting, the reasons for the research and the choice to participate or not. I assured people that there real names would not be used in the writing up process and that no one would have access to my field notes. Hamadou, one of my key research participants and a well respected among Senegalese in Port Elizabeth, assured me that he would help me explain the purpose of my research if I ever felt someone did not fully understand. Although I never called on Hamadou to help in this way, I am sure some participants may have questioned him when I was not present.

38 Coffey 1999: 46 39 Due to the fact that all Senegalese traders work along GBA, the problem of “geographic dispersal” of research participants that Eames & Goode (1977: 303) argued could be problematic for urban anthropologists was not problematic for me. 70

Researchers use a variety of methods, which usually complement each other (Burgess 1984: 143). Burgess (1984: 102) defines interviews as “conversations with a purpose” and as such I used unstructured interviews in addition to participant observation. Initially, the interviews I conducted were semi-structured but as I got to know research participants better, the interviews became more like conversations. I approached people usually a few hours or a day before I hoped to interview them, asking them if they would mind speaking with me about a particular topic and what time they would prefer to be interviewed. With my key research participants however, I often stopped to chat with them in between interviews with other traders and my conversations with them were more flexible and I felt less obliged to plan the time I spent with them. My relationship with each research participant was different and as such I remained flexible regarding the methods I used to collect data. “The hallmark of being a field researcher is, therefore, flexibility in relation to the…problem at hand” (Burgess 1984: 143) and I became more aware of what made each participant comfortable. Some preferred to be asked questions they could answer and others preferred to be told the gist of what I wanted to know from them and then speak at length. Thus, the researcher is “an active decision maker” (Burgess 1984: 5) within the context of the field, and fieldwork is not a linear process but a “complex interaction” (ibid: 5).

In a session presented by Deborah Posel, on interviewing that I attended at the „In Search of Solutions: Methods, Movements and Undocumented Migrants in Africa‟ workshop hosted by the Forced Migration Studies Programme,40 we discussed interviewing as an art, dependant on the personality of the interviewer. Thinking about the session later when I returned to the field, I was aware of the impact that the personality of the interviewee also has on the interview process. Thus the interview is a space where complex factors are at play. Posel defined the interview as a “space of disclosure” with the unique advantage of being one on one and the disadvantage of being unable to observe what people say they do. Interviews however can also be a scripted performance that can conceal information. As such, each research tool is imperfect emphasising the need to use multiple methods and “the importance of triangulation” (Burgess 1984: 144). Additionally, the researcher can be well read on

40 University of Witwatersrand, July 1-2 2008 71 how to successfully conduct interviews but there is dislocation between the reality of fieldwork and the presentation of „neat instructions‟ on how to do fieldwork in monographs. Researchers must remain heedful to the fact that field sites are full of imperfections. Additionally, my own experience of fieldwork emphasised the impact the mood of research participants and my own mood had on the process. This was something I gave a lot of thought to and as Cesara (1982: 66) eloquently says: “Human beings are always in a mood. It is astounding therefore that anthropologists have commented so little upon moods or states of mind of either the researcher or those being researched.” For all my careful planning in the field, my own mood or that of my research participants would largely affect the rhythm of my fieldwork and I quickly learnt to be more flexible.

Life histories are autobiographical material presented in the research participant‟s own words (Burgess 1984: 125). I collected the life histories of three of my key research participants. This aided my understanding of the „culture of migration‟ in Senegal as well as the mechanics of the process of migration and the role of Islam in this process. The life histories also emphasised the individual experiences of migration, allowing me a deeper understanding of the process of migration and living in a foreign country. My own experiences of leaving Zimbabwe to live in a European city and of being a foreigner in South Africa aided my understanding of the stories my research participants related to me. These personal experiences not only helped me relate to my research participants but also were influential in what they were willing to tell me. The fact that my family live in Ireland and I do not get to see them often was a point of commonality that negated our differences in race and gender. My own experiences as a migrant and living on a different continent to my family allowed me to have emotionally charged conversations with my research participants where much did not have to be explicitly stated but were implicitly understood and acknowledged. Previous personal experience therefore facilitates understanding in the field. Just as life histories were shared with me, I was invited to share my own life history on a number of occasions. Although the ethnographer becomes an apprentice of his or her research participants, “multiple dialogues” (West 2005: 268) characterise the experience of fieldwork.

Before I began fieldwork, I intended to use focus groups as part of my research methods. Posel discussed the merits of focus groups saying they show the researcher group interactions and behaviour. Senegalese traders in Port Elizabeth generally own and run their stalls independently. As such, focus groups were not possible. Four young Senegalese men ran one stall and interviewing them was the only opportunity I had to use the focus group method.

Malik was the first Senegalese I made contact with. He then pointed me in the direction of another Senegalese man at the top of GBA, Hamadou, who had been in South Africa for a number of years. Hamadou then introduced me to Sedar, his trading partner and from there I began to meet more Senegalese. This snowballing technique worked well as many of the men were happy to speak to me once I told them I had been sent by someone they knew. Each time I spoke with someone, they recommended another person I should contact.

Burgess (1984: 75) comments that key research participants are often selected because of their knowledge. The individual personalities of Malik, Hamadou, Alassane, Jawara and Sedar and their willingness to talk with me at length meant their positions as key participants was not premeditated. For example, Alassane was a similar age to me and for this reason we had much in common despite our obvious differences. Burgess (1984: 31) argues, “much will depend upon the researcher [and] those being researched.” My own personality and that of certain participants meant we naturally warmed to each other resulting in certain men becoming my key research participants. It was these five men that I spent the most time with and ultimately learnt the most from. As Sichone (2004: 22) states it would be “impossible to travel or do fieldwork if it were not for the hospitality that people give to others.” Eames & Goode (1977: 303) comment that close, intimate relations are frequently absent or at least difficult to achieve when doing fieldwork in an urban setting. For me this was not the case, I found Senegalese in Port Elizabeth quickly welcomed me and I developed warm relationships with my research participants. Relationships in the context of the field have the potential to become multi-stranded, transcending the researcher- researched dichotomy. This is important as “the more marginal regions of the world are not simply producers of data for the theory mills of the north” (Appadurai 1999:

230), research participants do not remain the Other (Hastrup 1995: 25) and nor does the anthropologist.

A number of ethical issues had to be considered. Before I left for the field, I decided that questions regarding the legal or illegal status of research participants could potentially affect the building of rapport and trust. In addition, I did not want research participants to feel vulnerable should they be residing in South Africa illegally. Very few participants revealed their status openly although a few did. When the xenophobia related violence of May 2008 broke out, I was worried that my presence in GBA could spark animosity towards my research participants. The day after the news broke; I went to seek the advice of Malik and Hamadou. They did not feel that they were in danger and encouraged me to continue as usual. After the outbreak of violence, I endeavoured to assure all research participants that they did not have to speak to me if they felt they were in any danger. The Senegalese shopkeepers in GBA expressed concern and I agreed not to reveal the name or location of their shops.

During the course of the fieldwork, I had been taking a number of photographs of people and places along GBA. After attending the aforementioned workshop at the Forced Migration Studies Programme in Johannesburg I gave the issue of vulnerability a great deal of thought. In one session we discussed the issues with protecting vulnerable research participants. The question regarding whether research can increase the vulnerability of research participants was raised along side the issue of group versus individual vulnerability. This struck a chord with me due to the connection I had made with my research participants. I spoke with the men I had taken photographs of and asked them if they would prefer me not to use these in the thesis. Many did say they did not want their photographs used. When I asked if they would like me to delete these photographs many said that they were happy for me to keep them for personal reasons. As a result, the photographs throughout this thesis have been included with the permission of the individuals. Other photographs representing the field site have been chosen as I feel they do not explicitly expose the location of Senegalese traders and shops along GBA. The traders did not feel that I needed to conceal their location in Port Elizabeth but I have not revealed the location of the few homes I visited.

4.7 The Field as a Third Space

Field research is seen as a rite of passage where issues of gender, race, ethnicity and age affect the activities that the anthropologist can and cannot engage in (Burgess 1984: 11, 89, 90-91). In reflecting on my fieldwork experience, I felt it was a space characterised by liminality. Indeed, Hastrup (1995: 20-21) comments that “the ethnographers presence in another world” is characterised by liminality and occurs “outside history.” West (2005: 267-268) refers to fieldwork, characterised by a connection between the ethnographer and research participants, as a “third time space” as fieldwork is an “elsewhere” that transcends time and space. This third space West (ibid) argues, is internalised by the ethnographer affecting our writing, thinking and even further research. Although we physically leave our field sites and return home, the third space remains internalised within the ethnographer and as such “a moment in the field is connected to the past, present and future” (ibid: 274). It is the experience of this third space as a “memory aided by notes, statistical data, photographs and the rest, which has to be ordered and communicated in an acceptable and intelligible way” (Burridge 1975: 565).

The anthropologist in the field is both the observer and the observed and has a number of roles to inhabit while undertaking field research (Kloos 1969: 509). The ethnographer has three reference groups namely the group of people being researched, his/her personal society and the academic community (ibid: 509). Kloos (1969: 509, 512) comments that the field site is therefore a complex one where the different roles the researcher must occupy may come into direct conflict. For example, publishing may be harmful to certain research participants while not publishing may be harmful not only to academe but to the researcher‟s career and reputation (ibid: 511). A great degree of sensitivity on the part of a researcher is therefore vital (ibid: 512). The field site and the process of fieldwork is never a neutral endeavour (Coffey 1999: 12) requiring anthropologists to negotiate and renegotiate their social roles across a maze of cultural boundaries (Stoller 1994: 358). Stoller‟s (1994: 358) counsel regarding the role of the anthropologist is worth following: “ethnographers must be critically aware of the senses, attentive to voice and recognise the implications of their work.”

4.8 Writing Up: A Fourth Space?

“Ethnographers attempt not only to make contributions to social theory but also to tell the story of a people or a person with depth, respect, and poetic evocation” (Stoller 1994: 353). After conducting fieldwork, writing up is the next phase in the anthropological endeavour. I have called the writing up phase a fourth space, following from West‟s (2005) notion of the field as a third space. Here, the anthropologist is expected to act an “archivist” representing a “swirl of discordant voices” (Stoller 1994: 354, 359) for the academic audience, among others. In writing up, the anthropologist must recall the memories of fieldwork by reading through field notes and in doing so again transcends time and space, entering a fourth space that is both within and outside of the field setting. The ethnographic labour, including writing, is therefore “more temporally and spatially slippery than has previously been discussed” (West 2005: 274). Part of the writing up process for me involved going through my field notes and diaries. I found this an enjoyable process as I recalled my days in the field but this was tinged with nostalgia as I found myself transported back in time through my memories. As I sat in front of my computer felt as if I was situated not only in the present but also in the past as well as the future as I thought about the outcome of the final „product‟ as well as imagining retuning to my field site and the people I met there.

Writing up is therefore a “(re)construction of fieldwork…an intertextual event affected by memory, emotions, reactions and interactions” (Coffey 1999: 111). The write up then, is the anthropologist‟s interpretation not a record of social realities (West 2005: 267, emphasis added). This thesis therefore is my interpretation based on my fieldwork and analysis of existing literature dealing with migration, xenophobia and other ethnographies regarding Senegalese migrants. In writing up, I have attempted to remain scientifically objective while also weaving the subjective elements of fieldwork into the fabric of this ethnography. As Coffey (1999: 22) states “the ethnographic self engages in complex and delicate processes of investigation, exploration and negotiation. These are not merely professional tasks. They are also personal and social.” The next section of the chapter will briefly detail the more subjective aspect to my fieldwork experience, emphasising the difficulty in neatly

76 separating the anthropologist/professional and the person who undertakes field research.

4.9 Becoming an Anthropologist

West (2005: 267) argues that the ethnographer‟s experience of fieldwork is an under examined element of ethnographic practice. For this reason, I have included this section as my experience of fieldwork has ultimately impacted on the writing up phase of my research. Kloos (1969: 516) agrees that the anxieties, frustrations and expectations of the researcher all have an impact on the research process. Going through my field notes and diaries, I came across this excerpt: “fieldwork is traditionally a secret rite of passage where the daily experience of fieldwork seems to be a closely guarded secret of the anthropologist. This is quite frustrating for me as a novice, going through my own rite of passage into the discipline.” For this reason, having begun to establish a friendship with Carla who had just finished her research was most beneficial and many of our conversations revolved around our experiences of fieldwork and why it was that more experienced anthropologists tend not to discuss their stories with younger anthropologists.

Before I left for my field site a number of funding problems had to be organised, increasing my frustration at not being able to get into the field and begin collecting data. Fieldwork can be “an anxiety producing situation” (Kloos 1969: 516) and I was concerned about my safety, as numerous people had told me how dangerous Central Port Elizabeth could be. I was anxious as friends drove me to Port Elizabeth but also eager. Arriving at the backpackers where I was going to stay allayed many of my anxieties, as the owners were friendly and I quickly felt that I would not experience the terrible loneliness that some anthropologists have alluded to experiencing while doing fieldwork. All that was unfamiliar soon became familiar and I soon felt more and more at home in Port Elizabeth. I soon realised that the issue of safety was not as bad as people had told me and my presence around GBA became routine for myself as well as those who were also on the street everyday.

The first few days of fieldwork were difficult but Carla‟s help with finding Malik meant that by the end of my first week in the field, I was beginning to meet more 77

Senegalese traders and build rapport with the men who became my key research participants. I wrote in my field diary: “the field is a strange interweaving and interconnections of the personalities and characters involved-their daily challenges, desires, wishes-a tapestry of humanity all impacting on the senses of me, the anthropologist.” Two days later, my field diary begins: “So, officially I feel I can call myself an anthropologist!” I had conducted two interviews that had each lasted well over two hours. I was tired, unsure I would ever be able to decipher my own field notes but elated. From that day, my fieldwork progressed steadily as I made contact with more Senegalese traders in GBA who reacted towards me with acceptance and sincerity. My difference in race, gender and religious background appeared to have less of an impact on my research than I had initially thought.

This acceptance of me by the people I was researching was simultaneous with the friendships I was building with the two owners of the backpackers, Carla and an Italian-American who was also staying at the backpackers. These relationships were important, and remain so, to my experience of fieldwork. I did not experience much loneliness throughout my four months in Port Elizabeth. Given that the personality of the researcher is an issue in the collection of fieldwork data (Kloos 1969: 516) I was grateful for these deep friendships as I find loneliness debilitating. It is important to keep in mind that “anthropologists are nearly as varied as the societies and problems they investigate” (ibid: 514). As I thought about these issues while I was in the field, I became aware that I was an anthropologist as well as a social self (West 2005: 269) and the boundary was difficult to delineate. Each conversation and situation was possible data and I agree with West (2005: 269) who says in the field “life is work” and the “social is always data and I am always the anthropologist.” Living in a backpackers meant I came into contact with numerous people of different nationalities, genders, races and classes who asked me why I was in Port Elizabeth. Through these informal conversations I was able to gain a broad understanding of how the average person perceived the xenophobia related violence of May 2008.

Despite some moments where I experienced exhaustion, isolation and even a lack of enthusiasm my experience of fieldwork was a very positive one that not only benefited me as an anthropologist but as a person too. I entered the field site different to the person who left. Fieldwork then is a subjective, personal experience where the 78

“construction and production of self and identity occurs both during and after fieldwork” (Coffey 1999: 1, 68) and discussion around the experience is part of the anthropological endeavour.

Leaving the field was as difficult as entering it. After spending four months establishing and maintaining relationships with a range of different people, leaving was emotionally taxing. As I left in the same car, with the same people who had driven me to Port Elizabeth I felt a sense of déjà vu and having come full circle, which required me to now shed the third person identity that Hastrup (1995: 51) comments an ethnographer uses to operate within the field. I was however aware that although my fieldwork was over I still had to rise to the task of writing up, and this was a challenge that I relished in despite its own worries.

Chapter Five deals with the cosmopolitan nature of Senegalese migrants and I outline how I believe this influences the experiences of Senegalese migrants in Port Elizabeth. The chapter also stresses the cultural importance of migration in Senegal. In addition, the chapter examines migrants‟ experiences such nostalgia for the homeland as well as the difficulties of returning „home.‟

Chapter Five: Seasons of Migration to the South41-Senegal‟s Culture of Migration

Dressé un même peuple, un peuple sans couture, Mais un peuple tourné vers tous les vents du Monde42

Map 1: Senegal 43

41 This title is taken and slightly adapted from the book: Season of Migration to the South by Kole Omotoso. 42 “A People rising as one, in seamless unity. Yet a people facing all the winds of the earth.” An excerpt from the Senegalese national anthem (www.wolofconnection.com/wolof/Anthrm.htm) 43 Source: http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-01498-9144/unrestricted/Senegal_19879.gif

On the eve of President Senghor‟s retirement, Senegal was deemed a“remarkable success story” (Coulon & Cruise O‟Brien 1989: 145). However, Senegal has been facing difficult economic crises that have put the country under the control of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), experienced rapid population increase and cycles of drought, which has resulted in the near collapse of the agricultural sector (Coulon & Cruise O‟Brien 1989: 154; Riccio 2001: 585; Bayo Adekanye 1998: 176). The growing youthful population has created a dependent population and young university educated Senegalese find it difficult to gain employment and as such many Senegalese migrate to seek out better socio-economic opportunities (Riccio 2001: 3, 13; Appleyard 1998: 4). Due to the “complexity of contemporary migration” (Riccio 2001: 583) and empirical evidence gathered by various scholars among Senegalese migrants, a simple economic push-pull factor framework is an inadequate explanation (Zinn 2005: 53) of Senegalese migration.

This chapter will examine other reasons for Senegalese migration such as a „culture of migration‟ linked to issues of masculinity. It will also explore the construction of Senegal as the homeland in the imaginations of my research participants; the attitudes people have in Senegal towards migrants as well as the importance of family.

5.1 A Triad: Travel, Knowledge and Masculinity

I noted during my fieldwork that my research participants did not refer to their movements around the globe or the African continent as migration(s) but as travel. Zinn‟s (2005) ethnography about Senegalese migrants in Bari, Italy reflects a similar sentiment, as her research participants perceive themselves as tourists. Although some Senegalese in Port Elizabeth mentioned that they travelled to find better economic opportunities, my key research participants mentioned other reasons. Sedar was forthcoming about the role travel in “making a man out of a boy.” Although I am a female, Sedar spoke candidly with me about masculinity and what it means to be a Senegalese man, although it is possible that he did withhold certain information from me on the basis of my gender. The excerpt below is a portion of a conversation Sedar and I had about the importance of travelling for Senegalese men. Given that I can only

81 have a limited understanding of what it means to be a man, I prefer to allow Sedar‟s voice to explain:

Sister, I am sure that you understand. You have travelled from your home country. That is how you learn about the world. By travelling. In West Africa there is no money for school so there is work you must do in the house. That is how they teach us. You work and you learn. The mind is most important. It is the education of the house you are born into. Your family teach you to survive, how to talk and act to other people. Education of the house is about human nature. In Senegal, the duty of the men is very hard. Men in Senegal must look after their mother. By the age of 16 or 17, you must help to bring in money, food, clothes. We work hard everyday to look after our father and mother. Even if we cannot see them because we have travelled far, we must look after them. I thank God everyday that I have even if it is difficult. After 14 years I cannot go home but sometimes people come here and they can go home again after 2 years and I wonder why it is that way. But there is a reason. When I can, I provide for my mother and sisters. It is better to be here and provide for my family than be at home and I cannot provide. That is being a man. Being a man means life must be tough for you. I lived in my grandfather‟s house and sitting talking with him, learning from him when people came to get his advice. I learnt plenty there. Now, this has taught me how to talk to people, how to be a man. It made me strong so I know I can survive anything, anywhere. I can survive so I am a man. Travelling and experiencing difficulty made me turn from a boy into a real man.

Alassane also mentioned that travelling, learning how “to survive in a different place teaches you to be a man. To really become a man you must learn from difficult times.” Migration has a long history in West Africa (Coombe & Stoller 1994: 258; Konseiga 2005: 24) and travelling for Senegalese men is perceived as a rite of passage, an initiation process, explaining in part Senegalese long distance migration (Zinn 2005: 590; Konseiga 2005: 35; Black 2004: 6). The “culture of migration” is a training experience for Senegalese men (Riccio 2004: 929), a way for them to lay claim to their masculine identities. One of Riccio‟s (2004: 934) Senegalese research participants commented, “Italy is like a school.” Travel, for Senegalese men is akin to a voyage, where difficult situations are endowed with meaning (Zinn 2005: 59), which creates the masculine self. This „culture of migration‟ linked to concepts of

82 masculinity explains why most Senegalese migrants are usually young unmarried males (Konseiga 2005: 30) although this is not a holistic explanation.

Masculinity is an important factor in the „culture of migration‟ in Senegal but gaining knowledge about the world as well as the self is another essential factor. Hamadou explained to me “we travel because we are curious. We want to learn about the world.” Senegalese perceive travelling as a broadening of one‟s horizons (Zinn 2005: 590). For Sedar, “we Senegalese are clever because we travel and that means that sometimes people don‟t like us. West Africans have been travelling for a long, long time. Senegalese were the first ones to travel.” Sedar sees travelling as an education:

Everyday I learn something new, everyday here is an education. If I say I don‟t want to talk to you because you are white, I won‟t learn anything. When we communicate, you learn from me but I also learn from you. I talk to people from different places. I learn about where they come from them. When you tell people about Senegal and they ask you if you have been there you tell them „I have spoken with many Senegalese so I have been there.‟ Talking to you about Zimbabwe, I have been there now even if my body has not visited there but I have learnt from you.

For Zinn (2005: 59, 65) travel, knowledge and masculinity are a triad, a “Grand Tour realm composed of home, stop-overs, lay overs, seasonal moves” that imbibes migration with significance emphasising the complexity of migration in the contemporary world. The “travel tradition” for Senegalese is an art, a means of “world making” and “self fashioning” (Adler 1989: 1365, 1385) and not simply an economically driven endeavour.

According to Riccio (2001: 584), Italian sociologists were puzzled by the seemingly ambivalent attitudes Senegalese migrants had to Italian society. On one hand, they appeared to have a self sufficient, even closed community but they were also involved, albeit in differing degrees, in the local community (ibid: 584). Before my conversations with Sedar about the importance of travelling for Senegalese, I was struck by the open, tolerant attitudes Senegalese in Port Elizabeth had while also maintaining close ties between Senegalese in Port Elizabeth. This stands in direct

83 contrast to the pervasive image of “intolerant Islam” (Van Der Veer 2002: 97).44 For Werbner (2003: 7) “Sufi followers easily integrate into worldly contexts of work and contemporary politics” while maintaining a commitment to a peaceful and tolerant co- existence that stresses the importance of group amity and mutual support. The tolerance of Sufi‟ism is based on the notion that all humans are creatures of God whatever their religion may be (ibid: 93). The Sufi philosophy of sulh-i-kul or peace with all (Ahmed 2002: 49) along with Senegalese values of hospitality, respect, dignity, moderation and tolerance (Riccio 2002: 192) clarifies the “solidarity between migrants in different countries…[that] persists alongside the migrants‟ integration into the host society” (Kane 2002: 246). Senegalese then embody the notions of cosmopolitanism, which will be discussed in the following section.

5.2 „Afropolitanism‟ and Cosmopolitanism among Senegalese in Port Elizabeth

The term „cosmopolitanism‟ was coined in the 4th Century by Cynics meaning “citizens of the cosmos” and was a symbolic rejection of “the conventional view that every civilised person belonged to a community among communities” (Appiah 2006: xiv). According to Hannerz (1990) cosmopolitanism is “an orientation, perspective, state of mind entailing a relationship to a plurality of cultures, a stance, an attitude towards diversity itself” (in Frankental n.d 5). Cosmopolitanism is about curiosity and engagement with those who are different (Appiah 2006: 168), and Hamadou‟s discourse of curiosity and Sedar‟s notion of “everyday is an education” is a sign of their cosmopolitan nature. The refrain “we are all African” that was common among my research participants reflects an attitude of „Afropolitanism‟ which is a genuine African Renaissance discourse. For Sichone (2004: 9, 30), migrants are cosmopolitan as they move in and out (and negotiate within) numerous cultural settings, which is antidotal to the resurging nationalism in a globalising world. The “cosmopolitan post colonial subject” is therefore not necessarily highly educated but, like Hamadou, speaks numerous languages and has lived in numerous countries (ibid: 30) and like Sedar learns by engaging with the Other. For these reasons, I argue Senegalese in Port

44 During a discussion about my research, Prof. Boswell noted that it would be interesting to conduct research among Muslim and Christian migrants noting how Islam may be beneficial in helping migrants adapt and integrate in new societies thus contradicting the notion of Islam as an intolerant religion. While this is not possible within the scope of this thesis, it may be the basis for further research. 84

Elizabeth have to cope with little xenophobia in their daily lives and Senegalese migrants in Italy and the USA are, by and large, welcomed as „good migrants‟ (Salzbrunn 2004: 477; Riccio 2004; 930; Zinn 2005: 62) although not all Senegalese are cosmopolitan to the same degree. As Riccio (2001: 597) comments: there are “different „cosmopolitanisms‟ among the Senegalese. Some are more open to negotiation...others more inward.” However, the Mouride ideology of hard work and respect for the cultural values and institutions of „host‟ environments is the basis of the “strength of the Mouride model of migration” (Riccio 2004: 937). The combination of Sufi Islam, a „culture of migration‟ and a cosmopolitan attitude appears to be the basis of a positive travel experience for my Senegalese research participants despite the hardships they experience, such as nostalgia for Senegal and distance from family.

5.3 Yearning for Home

Stoller (2002) notes that West African traders experience a sense of loss despite adapting well to life in New York. The sense of loss and longing however differs between individuals (Frankental n.d: 4). When I first met Hamadou, he urged Carla and I to buy something from him as he had not been to visit Senegal in a long time and was hoping to return as soon as “money will allow it.” Throughout my fieldwork, many of my research participants urged me to visit Senegal, painting mental images of a perfect homeland while expressing nostalgia for home. Pattie (1999: 6) comments that the depiction of homeland within a diaspora is usually a “utopian vision of paradise.” Alassane was the most emphatic about me visiting Senegal, “you really must go sister. It is safe and beautiful.” Alassane desired to return to Senegal as soon “as I have succeeded here in my business. Dakar is so wonderful. There are many people there and there at home the food tastes better!”

Sedar reminded me on a few occasions when I remarked how much I liked Port Elizabeth that “Senegal is more beautiful than here. Senegal has nothing but it is rich in blessings. There is no hunger, no fighting and I am very proud to be Senegalese. All over the world people want peace and Senegal has that already.” If one peruses newspaper articles regarding Senegal, there is fighting in the Casamance region of Senegal and as Jawara mentioned, “we migrate because at home the economy is so

85 bad.” It is apparent that the vision of the homeland is a subjective one that differs between Senegalese as the vision of the homeland is “shaped by personal memories and experiences, ambitions and hopes” (Pattie 1999: 5). Although the construction of the homeland is subjective, there is a collective memory and myth surrounding the homeland (Cohen 1997: 54). Senegalese in Port Elizabeth all encouraged me to visit Senegal because of its beauty, also assuring me that I would be safe even if I were to go alone. Thus the homeland is recalled and spoken about with reverence and a sentimental pathos (ibid: 105; Mathews 2000: 191-192).

The traditional notion of the homeland is a place central to the world of the migrant, a place where one can return (Rapport & Dawson 1998: 6). Jawara told me that he last visited Senegal in 2005 and he would like to return for another visit as soon as financially possible. I asked him if he would consider returning for good and he replied “I am happy here and have a family here so I will only return for visits until I die and then I will be buried there at home. There are no Senegalese buried here.” The different life stages of a migrant affect how the homeland is perceived (McAuliffe 2007: 307) and the issue of return is an ambiguous one (Pattie 1999: 5). Hamadou feels that he cannot return to Senegal as he has a young son born in South Africa. “He is young so you cannot uproot him. It would not be good for him.” Sedar would like to return home with his young son but for him financial constraints mean he cannot return just yet. For the younger Senegalese such as Alassane, the aim “is to make good business here and then go home to Senegal.” I asked Alassane if he wanted to go elsewhere in the world. “I am not sure. I miss Senegal too much and I want to settle there.” Hagos would like to return to Ethiopia but he seems pragmatic. “You know we want to go home but it is not always better to go home. Maybe one day we can return home but you know I am not sure.” Hagos was open about the difficulties of living in Ethiopia as was Jawara about Senegal. Alassane however only ever spoke positively about Senegal.

However ambivalent the conception of the homeland among Senegalese in Port Elizabeth, Senegal physically orientates the memories of individual migrants (Rapport & Dawson 1998: 6-7) thus creating a „third space‟ (Moreta-Robinson 2003: 28), which migrants can inhabit. This third space is constructed through a “machinery of nostalgia” (Gunew 2003: 47) and is central to what Nash (2003: 199) calls an 86

“imaginative geography.” While the migrants are physically far from Senegal, it “still continues to resonate throughout the imaginations of the diaspora” (Carter, Donald & Squires 1993: vii) linking them to Senegal and their families. Sufi groups also usually have strong ties to their homeland (Bowen 2004: 3). Just as Senegal is recalled with a sacred quality and is symbolic of belonging (Cohen 1997: 106; Chamberlain 1997: 70), Touba, discussed in greater detail in Chapter Six, is also vital to the construction of the third space or imagined geography because of its centrality to the Mouride brotherhood. Touba, like the Church in Armenia, is a “central symbol in diaspora” and is important in linking the diaspora with the homeland (Pattie 1999: 5) Home is thus recreated and reinvented through memory and nostalgia (Ahmed, Castaneda, Fortier & Sheller 2003: 9) into a “sacred geography” (Chamberlain 1997: 70). While travel releases the self from a fixed location, the self is always located somewhere (Kaplan 2003: 210). That is the homeland constructed and experienced in the third space.

5.4 Modou Modou: The Symbolic Construction of Migrants in Senegal

Just as migrants symbolically construct the homeland, in Senegal migrants must bear the burden of a “complex symbolic baggage” (Riccio 2005: 117). The landscape of Senegal has changed and is changing, for example through the building of double story houses and through the remittances that migrants send home (Riccio 2001: 585). Remittances are argued to be the corner stone of Senegal‟s economy and they are certainly symbolic of migrants‟ loyalty to their families and to Senegal (Riccio 2005: 99). Indeed, migrants are seen as contemporary heroes who live far from home but always remember their families and as such are celebrated in songs such as immigres by Youssou N‟Dour who sings: “we thank you and pray for you” (ibid: 105; Riccio 2001: 588). As Sedar said: “It is better to be here and provide for my family than be at home and mother needs R50 but I cannot provide it.”

Attitudes towards migrants, according to Riccio (2001, 2005) are ambivalent as the return of a migrant is often an ostentatious affair, which sometimes results in jealousy and bitterness. Migrants are sometimes perceived to have gained their wealth through nefarious means and are thus viewed with suspicion and moral critique (Riccio 2005: 111). Sedar explained to me that returning home to Senegal is difficult because of the 87 attention one receives when returning. “Everyone will know that Sedar has returned home and then they begin to talk.”

Going home, if I cannot provide or build a house for myself and my mother is shameful. My enemy will laugh at me so it is better to stay here than go home. When you go home, people are happy to see my face but they are expecting something from me. It makes it difficult you know sister. We don‟t make a lot of money here and all of us here send money home when we can. But to visit? The expectations are too much.

The pressure of familial expectations is enormous and Riccio (2001: 591) comments that his Senegalese research participants voice similar concerns to Sedar. After time away in foreign countries, migrant traders are afforded local reverence “if and only if they return home with goods and perhaps enough money to retire…as a respected elder” (Stoller 1997: 87). For Senegalese in Bari (Italy), many intend to move to France to find more lucrative economic opportunities or else remain in Italy until they can return to Senegal without losing face (Zinn 2005: 56). Homecoming then can be what Cohen (1997: 106) refers to as a bittersweet occasion. For migrants, the adventure of travel is circumscribed by the weighty expectations of family and broader Senegalese society.

5.5 The Importance of Family and the Mother Figure

Although no female Senegalese were present in Port Elizabeth, my research participants often talked about their mothers and sisters. Just as the Mouride brotherhood is central in linking the diaspora with Senegal, family is the „cement‟ in diasporic communities (Pattie 1999: 5). Access to the Internet, cellular telephones and other technologies of communication has resulted in a “death of distance” (Van Der Veer 202: 96). People are closer together if not spatially and as a result, migrant communities become diasporic networks with a multiplicity of nodes (ibid: 96). Senegalese migrants not only maintain close links with Senegal but also with migrants in other parts of the world. Malik would often tell me about his brother in Italy and I would often ask after the families of my key research participants as I had heard many stories about them. For Jawara, a cell phone was “a blessing as my mother knows she

88 can get me at any time. I am always there if she needs me.” Many Senegalese men told me it was their duty to look after their mothers in Senegal. For Sedar “showing respect even though we cannot see mother is important. We respect by sending money home and providing for mother and my sisters whenever we can.” I noticed that when men speak about their mothers, they did so with reverence and I sensed that the men did indeed miss their families.

Stoller (2002: 160) notes that the absence of family did have psychological ramifications for West African traders in New York. Key research participants such as Hamadou and Malik would ask after my own family who live in Ireland, asking me when I last saw my family and my mother. I had numerous conversations with Hamadou and Malik about the sense of loss one feels when family is far away especially during holidays or important events such as the birth of my niece. My own experiences of living in two foreign countries as well as the distance of my family meant that I had experienced and thus implicitly understood the sense of loss of familial support and the longing for one‟s homeland expressed by my research participants. Although Senegalese in Port Elizabeth are optimistic about life in general and appear to enjoy life in Port Elizabeth where they experience very little xenophobia, I was aware that the enjoyment of daily life was somewhat tainted by the distance of the men from their families and other loved ones and the inability of kin in both countries to participate in important life events. It saddened Sedar that his mother has not had the joy of meeting her grandson.

5.6 Conclusion

The tolerant and cosmopolitan/afropolitan attitude of Senegalese migrants has meant that they are largely successful as migrants in that this approach has meant that Senegalese in Port Elizabeth have not experienced stereotyping and scape-goating as other African migrants have. For Sichone (2004: 1), anthropologists are citizens of the world as we are able to move in and out of cultures other than our own and migrants display similar competencies. In my research, the research subjects were „citizens of the world.‟ Hamadou is a true global citizen, having lived and worked in numerous countries, learning several languages along the way. The desire to learn about the world makes Senegalese in Port Elizabeth open to different people and cultures and it 89 is for this reason that they do not experience much xenophobia. The strength of the Mouride model of migration is the non-exclusivity (Stoller 2002: 12) of economic and social networks. That the Senegalese are not numerically large in Port Elizabeth45 explicates the positive response of local traders to Senegalese migrants in GBA. The cultural element to Senegalese migration illustrates the inadequacy of an economic model to explain why Senegalese leave Senegal. Not only is the explanation for migration diverse and complex, but so are the migrants themselves. Being a migrant for a Senegalese man is demanding. He must navigate between the adventure of becoming a man and gaining knowledge about himself and the world with the weight of familial financial expectations, the difficulties of learning a new language, adapting to a new culture, enduring racism and xenophobia in addition to experiencing a longing for home and the ramifications of being far from kin. As Stoller (2002: 143) remarks “there is something heroic about West African traders.”

45 Prof. Boswell pointed out to me in a meeting that Senegalese in South Africa are rarely in the news unlike Nigerians and Somalis, who are often in the daily newspaper in Port Elizabeth. It is likely that this lack of media coverage has contributed to the positive reception of Senegalese by local people in Port Elizabeth. 90

Chapter Six: Senegal- A Land of Brotherhoods ______

“Work is a part of religion” Mouride Proverb

“Religion makes Senegal what it is today. Our culture and our religion are close.” Sedar‟s statement was the first introduction I had to the role of religion in the lives of not only my Senegalese research participants but also Senegalese in general. I began to ask more questions about religion. I became aware of the importance of Islam in Senegalese life and the role Sufi brotherhoods play in the organisation of migrants, as well as those left behind in Senegal. This chapter seeks to outline the history of Islam in West Africa and Senegal, the rise and proliferation of Sufi brotherhoods and their organisation and present my ethnographic findings. It also seeks to emphasise the role of the Mouride Brotherhood in promoting a transnational Senegalese identity and community. Finally, this chapter discusses the intersection of transnationalism, diaspora and social networks in the brotherhoods.

6.1 Islam in West Africa and Senegal

Islam is the second largest religion after Christianity with an estimated 1 000 million followers worldwide (Horrie & Chippindale 2007: 3). Although there are numerous discussions around the existence of a diversity of Islams rather than an essentialised or singular Islam (e.g. Grillo 2004; Lapidus 2001; Villalon 1995; D‟Alisera 2004) it can be defined as:

A complete way of life governing dress, economics, business ethics, rates of taxation, justice and punishment, weights and measures, politics, war and peace, marriage and inheritance, family and domestic life, the care of livestock and animals, sexual relations within marriage, education, diet cookery, social behavior, forms of greeting and rules of hospitality (Horrie & Chippindale 2007: 3-4)

Extensive trade networks between Mediterranean Africa and the Central Islamic world slowly, and largely peacefully, introduced Islam into North Africa and West Africa in the 11th Century, thriving in the 18th and 19th Centuries (Crowder 1967: 107; Cruise O‟Brien 1975: 4; Rosander 1997: 3; Hunwick 1997, 30; Neres 1962, 9; Diop

1987: 138-139). These commercial networks were based on Islam as a common religion and Arabic as a common language facilitating mutual trust between traders and as such “conversion to Islam became necessary for those who wished to join the commercial networks” (Levtzion & Pouwels 2000: 3). Thus, conversion to Islam created bonds of solidarity in trading networks that incorporated members across ethnic boundaries, acting as a bridging and bonding mechanism (Meagher 2005: 227).

African Islam tends to be of Sufi orientation, a sub-sect of Islam (An-Na‟im 1997: 80; Horrie & Chippindale 2007: 159) illustrating the diversity within „Islam.‟ The word Sufi originates from the Arabic word suf meaning wool and is a reference to the woolen garment worn by Sufi mystics (Gerholm 1997: 137). Sufi‟ism is characterised by its organisation of followers into monastic orders or brotherhoods with an emphasis on detachment from the pleasures of the mortal world and is rarely militant or revolutionary (Horrie & Chippindale 2007: 161; Werbner 2003: 5). Sufi ideology teaches that it is possible to become one with Allah while on earth through „holy intoxication‟ achieved through practices such as spinning and ritual dance, as characterized by the Mevlevi Order of Ottoman Sufi‟s (Whirling Dervishes), walking on coals or chanting of religious incantations (Werbner 2003: 162). According to Werbner (2003: 25) there are numerous Sufi cults and each one “is distinctive and embedded in a local cultural context” while sharing a deep, underlying set of ideas.

In Senegal, 94 per cent of the population is Muslim, Sufi‟ism is the mode of Islamic devotion and there are three major Sufi brotherhoods namely Qadiriyya, Tijaniyyah and Mouridiyya (Cruise O‟Brien 1975: 10, 156; Villalon 1995: 60-65; Riccio 2004: 931; Riccio 2001: 5). The term brotherhood comes from the Arabic term tariqa (Vikor 2000: 441). The term‟s meaning is twofold: firstly it refers to a Method or Way that a Muslim can follow to reach a personal religious experience (ibid: 441). Secondly, it refers to a framework that transmits knowledge about the Way (ibid: 441). All Senegalese in Port Elizabeth belong to the Mouride brotherhood. As such, this will be the focus of this chapter.

6.2 The Mouride Brotherhood

Amadou Bamba founded the Mouride brotherhood in Senegal in the 1880‟s (Riccio 2004: 931; Stoller 1997, 2002; Vikor 2000: 449) and the order is uniquely Senegalese (Villalon 1995: 68). Bamba was born in the 1850‟s in the Baol region of Senegal to a religious family and received a solid Islamic education (Coulon 1999: 197; Cruise O‟Brien 1975: 36). He was deeply pious and spent much time in meditation and prayer, aiming to develop and increase his religious knowledge (ibid). Bamba was initially a member of the Qadiriyya brotherhood and for this reason; the Mourides maintain close links with Qadirs (Villalon 1995: 68). Ibra Fall, an extremely devout follower of Bamba was disliked by other followers, who forced Bamba to choose between “us or him” (Cruise O‟Brien 1975: 45). Bamba chose Ibra Fall and “this…moment was effectively that of the foundation of the saint‟s new Mouride brotherhood” (ibid: 45). Bamba and Ibra Fall established a new settlement in the Baol region of Senegal and Ibra Fall began to recruit new followers (ibid: 45). Ibra Fall is nicknamed „Lamp” as he ensured Bamba‟s miracles did not pass unnoticed (ibid: 50). In contemporary Senegal, an unorthodox sub branch known, as the Baye Fall exists (Villalon 1995: 69). The Baye Fall adherents are known as soldier monks who are dedicated to Bamba, as Ibra Fall was, and are characterised by their dreadlocks and long flowing robes (Coulon 1999: 201).

Although Bamba withdrew from the affairs of the world, seeking tranquility he amassed a great following of talibes or disciples (Cruise O‟Brien 1975: 37, 40). The French colonial government was concerned about Bamba‟s popularity and exiled him twice: to Gabon between 1895 and 1903 and Mauritania between 1903 and 1907 (ibid: 40; Coulon 1999: 198). By the time of his death in 1927, Bamba had an estimated 70 000 talibes in Senegal and he remains a venerated figure in the country (Coulon 1999: 198). The only remaining photograph of Bamba is displayed in homes; taxis and offices in Senegal (ibid: 197; Salzbrunn 2004: 472) and many Senegalese in Port Elizabeth portray his photograph in their homes. When speaking about Bamba, it was clear my research participants venerate him.

Figure 8: The only surviving photograph of Amadou Bamba (Source: http://www.ips.uiuc.edu/ilint/mt/iir/online/1- %20Historic%20photo%20of%20Amadou%20Bamba.JPG)

6.3 Structure of the Mouride Brotherhood

“I submit to you in this world and in the next. All that you order me I will do. Everything you forbid me I will abstain from doing.” According to Cruise O‟Brien (1975: 44) these are standard words spoken by a Mouride talibe. Adherence begins with this declaration of oneself as follower of a marabout (Muslim Religious leader, also referred to as a Saint) (Villalon 1995: 64). The organisation of Sufi orders involves a relationship of dependence between a marabout and talibes (ibid: 116); this

94 relationship is the core of Sufi brotherhood structure (Riccio 2004: 931). Within the Mouride brotherhood, the highest position is that of the Khalifa General who is the eldest surviving male kin of Amadou Bamba (ibid: 931). The current Khalifa General is Bamba‟s eldest grandson, Serigne Lamine Bara Mbacke46 who is the 6th Kalifa General of the Mouride brotherhood since the death of his uncle, Serigne Saliou Mbacke in December 2007.47 Under the Khalifa general is a hierarchy of marabouts to whom talibes express their devotion. This maraboutic system, which cuts across ethnic groups to a large degree, existed in pre-colonial Africa (Diop 1987: 162) and exists in contemporary Senegal.

Marabouts are believed to be intermediaries between Man and the spiritual world (Diop 1987: 168; Rosander 1997: 4; Cruise O‟Brien 1975: 10). Allah imbibes marabouts or saints with spiritual grace or baraka, which is symbolic of their special relationship with Allah and their position as religious elite (Cruise O‟Brien 1975:10; Levtzion & Pouwels 2000: 3). Baraka empowers a marabout with the ability to redeem souls, efficient use of magical and spiritual powers and to bless his talibes (Lake 1997: 217; Villalon 1995: 145). Thus a marabout is responsible for the spiritual growth and well-being of his disciples and is a patron and protector (Coulon 1999: 206). A hierarchy of baraka exists within Sufi brotherhoods based on familial hereditary and personal skill (Cruise O‟Brien 1975: 102, 104). The greater the baraka or charisma a marabout is perceived to have, the bigger his following is and his influence is directly related to the number of talibes who are devoted to him (Villalon 1995: 145). According to Vikor (2000: 463), marabouts typically come from families with a reputation of learning and scholarship.

Bamba‟s teachings emphasised an ethos of hard work and submission to a marabout (Villalon 1995: 68; Salzbrunn 2004: 484). In colonial Senegal, the Mouride brotherhood organised its talibes in agricultural and farming communities especially in peanut cultivation (Cruise O‟Brien 1975: 63). The French administration wanted to capitalise on the cash economy of peanut cultivation and began to build infrastructure in northern Senegal for the transport and marketing of peanuts (ibid: 65). Mourides

46http://www.toubausa.com/nyc/TheCaliphs/SerigneMuhamadulamineBarambacke/tabid/130/Default.a spx 47 http;//www.usatoday.com/news/religion/2007-12-30-senegal_N.htm 95 were given assistance in building into the Senegalese hinterlands and land was given to marabouts who converted it from pastoral to cash crop zones (ibid: 65). Thus marabouts and their followers were “holy [pioneers]” organised in daaras or agricultural institutions (ibid: 63, 68; Westerlund 1997: 329). A daara comprised of about twelve landless, unmarried men who would express their devotion to their marabout by working on the land cultivating and harvesting peanuts and work on the daara was part of initiation into the brotherhood (Cruise O‟Brien 1975: 68; Vikor 2000: 464). The harvested crop would then be given to the marabout and the men would receive the necessities for subsistence (Cruise O‟Brien 1975: 68). The men would work during the wet seasons and return home after harvesting during the dry season (ibid: 68). According to Cruise O‟Brien (1975: 69) the talibe settlers would eventually be rewarded with their own plot of land. The men would then return home to marry then return to begin a new family on their newly acquired plot of land (ibid: 69). This saw the founding of a number of villages, which remained under the control of the founder marabout (ibid: 69) illustrating the aspect of economic allegiance to a marabout that also characterises the Mouride brotherhood.

After the Second World War, migration to urban centres in Senegal increased due to ecological pressures as well as a decline in the peanut industry (Cruise O‟Brien 1975: 72, 80; Villalon 1995: 69; Riccio 2004: 933). Cruise O‟Brien (1975: 73) argues that talibes who migrated to urban towns did not abandon the brotherhood but developed new associations while maintaining their links to the powerful rural organisations. In urban Senegal, talibes were, and still are, organised in cells called daairas (Villalon 1995: 152). Daairas are organised by neighbourhoods or employment (much like guilds) and serve to unite the talibes of a particular marabout (ibid: 153). The first Mouride daaira was formed in Dakar between 1946 and 1947 and the daaira has become a permanent part of Senegal‟s socio-religious landscape (ibid: 149,151). Villalon (1995: 150) comments that if “Sufi‟ism can be called „the Senegalese mode of Islamic devotion‟ the daaira is the Senegalese mode of urban Sufi‟ism” as the name and structure of a daaira is original to Senegal. The role of the daaira includes fostering a sense of community, facilitates the participation of talibes at religious festivals, the collection and delivery of funds to a marabout and the organisation of mutual aid especially during life cycle rituals (ibid: 158). The daaira is thus an adaptive function that provides cohesion to talibes devoted to a particular marabout 96 where the urban landscape is characterised by the spatial dispersion of the faithful (Riccio 2004: 933). Where the characteristic mode of production of daaras was agriculture, trade is the main economic activity in urban daairas (Riccio 2001: 587). Stoller notes “Mourides quickly became a fabulously wealthy merchant cartel, wielding considerable power in both colonial and independent Senegal” (2002: 39)

Malik‟s life history allows a glimpse into the movement of an individual talibe. He grew up in a big house with his parents and siblings and at the age of eleven was able to attend a Q‟uranic school.

When I was about sixteen or seventeen, I was sent to work in agriculture for four months. There you work for the saint, giving him everything you grow and harvest. We learn much about togetherness and hard work. Then when you return home after that time you take some food stuff with you that the saint gives you. If you are clever, you sell some of it and make a profit. I sold some and gave some to my parents then I went to Dakar with a belt. Then you must sell that and make a profit until your money gets bigger. The government owes to nothing so you have to work for what you want. So, I lived in Dakar selling. You just have to try whatever business is good for you and your head. Some try driving taxis, some the halal butchery whatever. Then when you make enough profit you can look for visas. There were none for overseas [France, Italy] but I had a brother in Jo‟burg so I came here and now I am here [in Port Elizabeth].

The marabout/talibe relationship is the underpinning of the Mouride Brotherhood (Riccio 2004: 931) and maraboutic affiliation is “virtually universal in Senegal” (Villalon 1995: 196). The relationship is a fairly stable one, albeit asymmetrical, and is based on reciprocity (ibid: 116). Talibes can switch allegiance or reduce their affiliation to a nominal level and this can negatively affect a marabout‟s influence (ibid: 193). Thus competition between marabouts for talibe devotion occurs demonstrating that talibes are not passive victims of exploitation (ibid: 181, 186). The competition between marabouts obliges them to regularly legitimise and reinforce their appeal that initially attracted devotion from a talibe (ibid: 116). The Mouride talibes expect material as well as spiritual reciprocity for their devotion (Cruise O‟Brien 1975: 63) and marabouts use their spiritual capital gained through the size of their following and their baraka to exert economic and political power (Levtzion &

Pouwels 2000: 5). Marabouts are expected to feed talibes in times of scarcity, help find employment and even wives (Villalon 1995: 187) in addition to their spiritual responsibilities.

As a result, “the Mouride brotherhood has historically been a vehicle for economic emancipation and of a relative social advancement (Cruise O‟Brien 1975: 64). Devotion to a marabout grants a talibe access to what Riccio (2004: 929) calls vertical and horizontal ties. Vertical ties include devotion to a particular marabout and the Khalifa General (ibid: 932). A talibe therefore has indirect access to his or her marabout‟s wider social networks including important marabouts within the brotherhood (Villalon 1995: 159). Horizontal ties include the solidarity between talibes of certain daairas and within the brotherhood in general (Riccio 2004: 932). These ties are essential as they result in tangible material benefits for members (Villalon 1995: 159). Cruise O‟Brien (1975: 63) argues, “the economic life of the brotherhood must therefore be understood as a historical process” where talibes and their prospective marabouts started out as holy pioneers, then peasant villagers and urban migrants. Ethnographies on Senegalese by scholars such as Riccio (2001, 2004, 2005), Zinn (2005) and Stoller (1994, 1997, 2002) and my own research show that Mourides are increasingly international migrants and „global citizens‟.

6.4 French Colonial Administration and Islamic Leaders

French hostility to Islam has its roots in the French Revolution and establishment of the Republic, which separated the state and church (Triaud 2000: 170). Cruise O‟Brien (1975: 10-11) argues that the bureaucratic state imposed by the French colonial government lacked legitimate sanction and as such colonial administrators were forced to acknowledge the power of the Sufi marabouts. Not only were marabouts intermediaries between talibes and the spiritual world but also within the political sphere of life in colonial Senegal. Despite this, the French never did officially recognise the marabouts‟ power (Triaud 2000: 169). Some marabouts did collaborate with the French administration but did so at a price (Cruise O‟Brien 1975: 105). As a result, while marabouts had no official authority in the structure of the colonial government, they were able to exert influence over French officials. For example, marabouts helped talibes escape conscription and later they negotiated 98 access to uncultivated land for followers (ibid: 106). “Islam had helped to conserve self respect, permitting at least a cultural distance from the conqueror” (ibid: 108). French attitudes towards Islam in French West Africa were ambivalent. Islam was considered halfway between barbarism and progress as it has a written culture but officials perceived the structure of the various brotherhoods as subversive and dangerous to French rule (Triaud 2000: 171). Some officials felt no concessions should be made to Muslims under French rule, while others hoped French education would „train‟ a new class of pro-European Muslims (Harrison 1988: 11). This ambivalence was reflected in the fluid Islamic policies of the French administration throughout its colonies in West Africa (ibid: 172). According to Harrison (1988: 15), pragmatic gestures aimed at forging an alliance with West African Muslims were often followed by antagonistic acts. In Senegal under the governship of Faidherbe, a tolerant attitude towards Islam was cultivated but brotherhoods were categorised as „good‟ or „bad‟ (ibid: 173).

During World War 1, Muslim troops proved their loyalty thus dispelling the notion of an “Islamic danger” but the colonial administration still intended to reduce the significance of Islam among its „subjects‟ (ibid: 175). Leaders of the main Sufi brotherhoods in Senegal, including Bamba, cooperated with the colonial system but the truce between marabouts and colonial officials was always uneasy (ibid: 177) but relations did improve over time (Coulon & Cruise O‟Brien 1989: 156). “Peasants in all likelihood would simply be helpless victims of government exactions” without their marabouts and brotherhoods. The benefits of belonging to a brotherhood have long borne positive outcomes for talibes and this continues to be the case, as the following section will illustrate.

6.5 Benefits of Belonging

Cruise O‟Brien (1975: 73) comments that the Mouride brotherhood “acts to provide mutual aid between disciples, some minimal degree of social security as well as assistance for those seeking employment,” providing an ethic of mutual solidarity between talibes. He argues further that “the trustworthy are one‟s relatives, one‟s co- believers, those who share one‟s local origins” and these bonds, especially when combined, are most effective (ibid: 165). Belonging to the Mouride brotherhood 99 therefore offers “a training and solidarity system well adapted to situations of change and crisis” (Riccio 2004: 931). Mouride networks are characterised by self-sustaining ties of belonging and trading networks (Riccio 2001: 592) based on solidarity and reciprocity with tangible material benefits. Whether migration occurs within Senegal or across international boundaries, migrants are not abandoned and uprooted but “are able to move in a universe of meanings that are actually known and familiar” (Riccio 2001: 594).

Mourides can be found doing business in French and American cities (Hunwick 1997: 32) and increasingly in South African cities too. Coombe and Stoller (1994: 260) refer to Senegalese as the “aristocracy of African merchants” due to the powerful financial backing of the Mouride network and note that the majority of Senegalese traders are Mourides. In the 1980‟s, France‟s borders began closing and Mouride traders began to migrate towards Italy and the USA (Riccio 2004: 933) In 1986, a few hundred Senegalese Mourides set up the first daaira in New York (Salzbrunn 2004: 478) and by 1990, Senegalese had a “lock hold on informal vending space in most of Manhattan” (Stoller 1997: 85). In both Italy and the USA, the characteristic occupation of Senegalese is street selling (Riccio 2004: 933) as is the case in Port Elizabeth. The structure and organisation of the Mouride brotherhood “is also a structure of aid and support, material as well as spiritual” (Riccio 2001: 5), thus when a migrant arrives in a new place he or she can count on well organised associations of fellow countrymen (Kane 2002: 251-252), wholesalers who will supply goods for resale and people who can teach him or her the strategies of street selling in a particular country (Riccio 2004: 934). The strength of the Mouride networks has meant that Senegalese have gone “to win a place for themselves as international migrants in New York City, in northern Italy and …all over the E.U.” (Cruise O‟Brien 2008: 11).

My meeting Cheikh during my fieldwork emphasised the ethos of solidarity and mutual assistance between Mouride talibes in Port Elizabeth. One day I was talking with Alassane when a young man approached us and began to speak to Alassane. He was holding a few pairs of sunglasses, a couple of leather wallets and slung over his forearm was three leather handbags. After a few minutes he left and I began to ask Alassane questions about the young man he obviously knew well. “That is Cheikh. He 100 has just arrived here in South Africa and he does not speak English otherwise I would have told him to talk to you sister. I know you want to speak to all Senegalese here.” I questioned Alassane further about Cheikh‟s arrival.

You see, we are all brothers. So when he wanted to come here, he called someone and it was organised for someone to meet him that side at the airport in Jo‟burg.48 Then they put him on the train to Port Elizabeth and I went to collect him at the train

Alassane went on to explain that one of the younger Senegalese men was living in a flat with space for Cheikh and so they organised accommodation for him. In the following days Cheikh would have been introduced to the other Senegalese in Port Elizabeth. In addition, “we are showing him around, the best places to sell and we have to teach him the money here.” For about two months Cheikh will be expected to walk around Port Elizabeth with his small amount of stock, learning English and trying to make a profit so he can begin to build up enough cash to set up his own stall along GBA. “He must learn how business works here” but the Senegalese brothers provide financial support and advice as well as spiritual support. Cheikh arrived in Port Elizabeth in my final month of fieldwork and because he was not established properly, he was never in one place for long. I never did get to interview him but I often asked Alassane how Cheikh was coping and Alassane always responded positively. I did see Cheikh a few times along the beach front selling his meagre stock and these glimpses reminded me of how difficult I found my first few months in a foreign European country. For Cheikh and other Senegalese migrants however, the difficulty a migrant usually faces in a new place is balanced by the spiritual and economic point of reference provided by belonging to the Mouride brotherhood (Riccio 2004: 935). Riccio (2001: 591) states how when one of his research participants arrived in Italy, “as a beginner he followed someone else” and this is exactly what Cheikh did emphasising the ethos of Mouride solidarity.

Reports from the Centre for Southern Africa Studies show community cohesion among migrants in South Africa showed that “the least cohesive communities appeared to be from further afield” mentioning Senegal (Sinclair 1998: 347). Sinclair

48 Questions regarding the legal status of foreign traders were never raised to prevent any problematic ethical circumstances. Additionally, I felt questions of this nature could negatively affect trust and rapport between research participants and myself. 101

(1998: 348) goes on to argue that where migration is an individual choice such as is the case among many West African migrants, community cohesion is less needful. My ethnography shows that this is in fact not the case. Belonging to the Mouride brotherhood provides a strong support network among Senegalese in Port Elizabeth but also among Senegalese in other parts of South Africa and indeed other countries as the next section will demonstrate.

6.6 Port Elizabeth‟s Daaira

Sedar was one of the first Senegalese to arrive in Port Elizabeth. He arrived here at the age of nineteen and is now thirty-three and has been in Port Elizabeth for fourteen years. Sedar was one of the few men to give me their age willingly (as was Alassane).49 Hamadou and Malik have both been in Port Elizabeth for eleven years and together these men began Port Elizabeth‟s first daaira and thereafter “more of our brothers came to Port Elizabeth and we told them life was peaceful and good here.” Now, according to Malik there are about 67 Senegalese men in Port Elizabeth. They are organised in a daaira as Senegalese in Senegal and other parts of the world are organised. Little (1965: 89) observes that voluntary associations keep migrants in touch with people at home and fellow countrymen, providing useful contacts and networks. Membership to the Mouride brotherhood and the creation of daairas is however different from other migrant voluntary associations as the structure of daairas is transplanted wherever Senegalese migrants go rather than created anew in host countries. Studies of Senegalese stress a strong sense of solidarity, a cohesive group-centric organisation that provides new migrants with advice and financial help (Riccio 2001: 3).

Stoller (1997: 87) notes that almost all the West African traders he came into contact with during research in New York were practising Muslims who would try to pray five times a day and observed pork and alcohol taboos. Most of my research participants could not pray during the day but they pray every Friday at midday and meet every Saturday at the local mosque. The weekly meeting between adherents of a

49 Many of the men did ask me about my age and about where my family was. I volunteered the information and I think my age was an advantage as I never felt I was perceived as a young and immature. D‟Alisera (2004: 16) also notes that she was warned against asking about age amongst her Sierra Leonean research participants. 102 brotherhood is known as dhikr (Vikor 2000: 442). Daairas usually meet weekly and the time is spent discussing and planning upcoming events or celebrations as well as listening to a sermon (Villalon 1995: 160). In Senegal, dhikr typically occurs on Thursday evening.

According to my research participants, the Saturday meeting allows the men a chance to pray together, eat together and socialise with each other. Saturday is the only day that Senegalese get together exclusively as a group. During this time they discuss business matters, such as whether anyone needs financial help, organising assistance for a new arrival such as Cheikh as well as the presence of a curious young anthropologist. Given my status as non-Senegalese and as female, the men were reluctant to give me closer details about the dhikr. Alassane did mention that the younger men are encouraged by the older men to remain “good Muslims and not get involved in nonsense”50 and as such the daaira provides a metanarrative of faith and proper practise (D‟Alisera 2004: 9). Alassane also told me that during important celebrations on the Muslim calendar, Senegalese from smaller urban centres such as East London and Grahamstown travel to Port Elizabeth to celebrate with the Port Elizabeth daaira. These collective rituals (D‟Alisera 2004:10) such as communal Saturday prayers help migrants cope with the conditions of migration “entailing an encounter with the multiplicity of the „other‟ and with [foreign] conditions on their own terms” (Van Der Veer 2002: 106).

At other times during the week, Jawara explained that local Muslims are very welcoming and “we pray together, they call us to come pray with them. We have no problems with each other.” Islam is a minority religion in South Africa and according to Vahed & Jeppie (2005: 252, 264) relations between refugee and Indian Muslims in Johannesburg are tense. This does not appear to be the case in Port Elizabeth. I befriended a Muslim couple who own a spice shop in a small mall at the top of GBA and spent many hours in their shop chatting with them. Mohammed is originally from Bangladesh and his wife Haji is South African. I asked them about their relationships with Muslims from other countries and whether the mosques in Port Elizabeth were frequented by Muslims from different nationalities. Both Mohammed and Haji said

50 Such as drinking alcohol and fighting 103 that the mosques were integrated and that very few local Muslims had problems with Muslims from other countries.

One day I met Sedar at his vending stall and he invited me to sit with him and talk more about religion in Senegal.51 I was happy to do so as I always enjoyed talking with Sedar and I found him an insightful and exceptionally interesting young man.

Sedar: About 95% of Senegal is Muslim…Brotherhood is about togetherness. We don‟t say I am whatever tribe. We all speak Wolof-one language. Me, I‟m Serer but I don‟t speak the language. Silvana: Can you explain more about what you mean by brotherhood? Sedar: Everyone in Senegal belongs to a brotherhood. Senegal is in two parts. Mouride and Tijaniyyah. But, the majority is Mouride. We have saints who lead us. But being in the brotherhood is about communicating with anybody. It is better to have people than money. When you are alone in your big house, sick in bed I know that it is not money that will help you. Communicating with people is what makes me rich even if I have no money. Money is a visitor, it comes and goes.

At this point I recalled Malik showing me a card with the Senegalese flag and Arabic writing on it during on of my first interviews with him. I had asked him about the significance of the card and he told me “it shows we belong to out leader.” At that time I was asking questions about xenophobia and was unaware of the significance of the card until later when I began to learn about the Mouride brotherhood. I mentioned this to Sedar and he told me that although they are not in Senegal they are visited by a marabout “about two times a year.”52 Grillo (2004: 865) notes that the talibe/marabout relationship operates across borders and links Senegalese diaspora, emphasising the transnational nature of Sufi brotherhoods. Talibes in Italy are frequently visited by “itinerant marabouts” (Riccio 2004: 935-936). Money is collected for the visits of marabouts and these visits serve to “keep alive the ethno- religious-scape” and bestow blessings and advice on talibes far from home (Riccio 2001: 594). These visits therefore reaffirm the link between talibes and Senegal (ibid:

51 People were most willing to speak with me when they were sitting alone and I often felt that conversations with me were a way of alleviating boredom. 52 Questions about what happens when he visits them and where he stays were met with reticence and were one of the few instances where my research participants were unwilling to openly answer my questions. 104

594) and reflect an image of a “transnational Islam” (Bowen 2004: 2). Transnational movements along religious lines can be found among Hindu, Christian and Jewish migrants, “offer[ing] migrants complex understandings and answers to …the demands…of immigration” (Van Der Veer 2002: 107). Just as the kapok tree is symbolic of home for Sierra Leonean migrants in the USA (D‟Alisera 2004: 44), maraboutic visits and membership cards among Senegalese in Port Elizabeth are also symbolically significant as these migrants negotiate daily life in a non-Islamic country.

Figure 9: The mosque in Port Elizabeth where Senegalese go to pray

6.7 The Individual vs Collective Dialectic

Just as the current debate calls for the recognition of different inflections and diversity of an underlying „universal‟ Islam (Grillo 2004: 863), it is essential to recognise that Mourides are less homogenous than they are often portrayed (Riccio 2001: 587). Cohen (1989 in Riccio 2001: 592) argues, “we should try to extend to the „others‟ we study recognition of the personal complexity which we perceive in ourselves.” I was

105 aware of the various personalities that I came into contact with while doing fieldwork among Senegalese migrants. Often these differences impacted the way I conducted interviews and the combination of my personality and that of a research participant affected the level of rapport, trust and friendship highlighting the complex nature of fieldwork. For example, some people found conversation easy to maintain, and I found such people much easier to talk to as I felt uncomfortable in situations where people simply answered my questions without engaging in further conversation.

When Hamadou and I began to talk about his desire to become a qualified tour guide where he would be able to earn more money and put his language abilities to work, he was concerned about finding the money to pay for the training. I asked him if he considered taking a loan from the daaira. He shook his head saying “it is something I want to do myself.” Riccio (2001: 18) notes that membership within a brotherhood or daaira is more complex than simple acclamation of group solidarity and members often must constantly negotiate between individual desires and “landscapes of group identity” (D‟Alisera 2004: 5). Just as Hamadou desires to become a tour guide, Riccio (2001: 17) observed that some of his research participants in Italy also would prefer a different occupation to street trading.

The tension between Hamadou and Sedar is significant in that it illustrates relations between „brothers‟ in daairas are not always unproblematic and that power asymmetries exist between members. In Italy, Riccio (2001: 592) observed that risks in business were not shared among traders with one of research participants saying, “in selling everyone plays his own game.” The difficulties Hamadou faces with Sedar as a business partner shows that perhaps individual trading business is less risky. I did meet and interview four young Senegalese men who had decided to travel to South Africa together, pooling their money to buy stock and rent three vending spaces in GBA. They aim to earn enough money to travel to Italy or New York together. They were not key research participants and as such I am unsure whether their shared business was running smoothly. However, Riccio (2001: 592) comments that group reciprocity does not prevent the development of different trajectories and representations of individual autonomy. Hamadou‟s decision to find a better occupation for himself is a perfect example. None of the other Senegalese mentioned Hamadou‟s decision to train as a tour guide and I was unsure how many people, if 106 any, he was willing to divulge this information to. I therefore did not ask any of my research participants their opinion about Hamadou‟s decision.

I began to ask research participants where they were from in Senegal and I was struck by how many answered, “I come from Touba.” I asked Hamadou about this and he smiled, telling me enigmatically to read about “Touba on the internet and you will begin to understand.” I asked Hamadou where he was from and he told me Dakar.53 I left feeling puzzled but Hamadou was right, once I began to do some research I began to understand the importance of Touba for my research participants. The next section will outline the importance of Touba to Mouride talibes.

6.8 Touba: Senegal‟s Mecca

Touba is the capital of the Mouride brotherhood, Senegal‟s second largest urban city after Dakar and is home to the largest mosque in Sub Saharan Africa (Cruise O‟Brien 1975: 59; Grillo 2004: 865; Riccio 2001: 586; Coulon 1999: 195, 199). Touba is considered the earthly embodiment of Bamba and the Mecca of West Africa (Riccio 2001: 9; Riccio 2004: 932) and is believed to have been revealed by Jibril (Gabriel) as the „New Jerusalem‟ to Bamba (Coulon 1999: 199). The mosque is symbolic of the economic devotion of talibes although the colonial administration as well as Senghor‟s political party, Union Progressiste Sènègalaise (The Progressive Union Of Senegal), provided a large part of the finance (Cruise O‟Brien 1975: 76). Construction on the mosque began in 1927 and it was inaugurated in 1963 (Coulon 1999: 199,201). For Mourides, burial in Touba means expediated entry into paradise (Villalon 1995: 159) signifying the centrality of Touba to Mouride talibes. By claiming to come from Touba, Senegalese in Port Elizabeth and other parts of the world, are linked as diaspora making Touba a transnational space (Grillo 2004: 865).

53 According to Cruise O‟Brien (2008), Senegal‟s population is approximately 10 million. 2 million of these people live in Dakar and about 1 million Senegalese live and work abroad. 107

Figure 10: Touba‟s Mosque (Source: http://frysingerreunion.org/africa/senegal508.jpg)

In Senegal, very few people make Hajj (pilgrimage) to Mecca (Villalon 1995: 31). The Grand Magal is an annual Mouride festival and pilgrimage to Touba (Coulon 1999: 195). The word magal is Wolof meaning celebration or anniversary and the pilgrimage is a time for talibes to receive blessings from Bamba whose baraka suffuses the Mouride community even after death (ibid: 196). The Grand Magal is a two-day ritual event that brings Mouride talibes together to commemorate Bamba‟s departure to exile in Gabon (ibid: 196, 200). This is significant as exile in Sufi tradition is a source of trials that bring an individual closer to Allah and for a talibe to set foot in Touba‟s holy places is to receive blessings that will benefit them in this life and the next (ibid: 200, 201). According to Coulon (1999), the Grand Magal is also a time of enjoyment and gaiety where people met and socialise together. In addition, many talibes use the pilgrimage to visit Touba‟s enormous market and many return home laden with goods (ibid: 204) emphasising an economic element to the Grand Magal. During the Magal, the Khalifa General grants audience to prominent political figures as well as leaders of other brotherhoods (ibid: 202). This ceremonial visit

108 shows State recognition of the importance of religious communities in Senegal (ibid: 202) and visits by leaders of other brotherhoods shows the links maintained between different brotherhoods, showing the political element to the festival. Brotherhoods co-exist peacefully in Senegal due to a shared commitment to Islam (Cruise O‟Brien 1975: 160). Thus, for two nights and the day in between, the city of Touba becomes the devotional, commercial and entertainment capital of Senegal (Villalon 1995: 166).

During the Magal people from various ethnic origins and social status mingle, giving talibes a chance to develop, maintain and reinforce ties with marabouts as well as strengthen a sense of belonging to a collective „us‟ (Villalon 1995: 167; Coulon 1999: 206). Moreover the Magal reinforces internal cohesion while carving a place for talibes in the world of Islam while directing their gaze inwards (Villalon 1995: 169). Sufi celebrations, by bringing widely scattered talibes together are a truly transnational movement that is not hindered by national boundaries or ethnic and class differences (Werbner 2003: 5).

6.9 Women, Migration and the Brotherhood

No female Senegalese are present in Port Elizabeth. Stoller (2002) and Riccio (2001) both note that the number of Senegalese women migrants in New York and Italy respectively is increasing. This is largely due to family reunions (Riccio 2001: 584). Women are visible in the political events and religious celebrations in New York daairas (Salzbrunn 2004: 484) especially in the organisation of events. There are female only daairas in New York (Salzbrunn 2004: 484) and in Fatick, Senegal (Villalon 1995). Indeed, Bamba‟s mother is attracting interest amongst female Mouride talibes (Salzbrunn 2004: 484-485). According to Salzbrunn (2004: 485), the dedication of Bamba‟s sister was institutionalised in the Grand Magal calendar in 2002 showing the increasing importance of women in the Mouride brotherhood.

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Figure 11: Senegalese women at Bamba‟s Tomb, Touba (Source: http://cache.daylife.com/imageserve/02Tc7yK5kV6hN/610x.jpg)

6.10 Conclusion

The Mouride brotherhood and its hallmark organisation of talibes into daairas is exclusively Senegalese. Talibes express devotion to marabouts whose role is that of a spiritual guide, teacher, healer, prayer leader and redeemer (Cruise O‟Brien 1975: 103) who is also a “conduit of redistribution” as he is often the centre of economic networks from which his talibes also gain material benefits (Villalon 1995: 190). The role of Sufi brotherhoods and that of the Mourides provides talibes with social, intellectual, charitable, religious and economic support (Gerholm 1997: 138) in Senegal and abroad. By belonging to a Sufi brotherhood, “migrants are transplanted to foreign lands and renew a unitary, cross national, religious identity (Werbner 2003: 5). The brotherhood offers ongoing transnational networking but also provides spiritual points of reference and support (Riccio 2001: 937) once Senegalese migrate to different places around the world. Senegalese traders are part of a larger network connected through fictive kinship, ethnicity and national identity (Stoller 2002: 57) embedded within membership to the Mouride brotherhood in particular. The continued vitality of Sufi‟ism is due to its positive response to modernity and change and the provision of mutual support in work contexts (Werbner 2003: 6-7). 110

Transnational migration and membership to a transnational Sufi brotherhood however is not a homogenous system but is characterised by a wide range of different and varied practices (Riccio 2001: 596). The transnational, networked character of the Mouride Brotherhood provides solidarity and support for Senegalese in Port Elizabeth, ultimately preventing them from becoming victims of violent xenophobia.

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Chapter Seven: “We are all Africans”: Xenophobia in Port Elizabeth

Map 2: Map of Port Elizabeth (Source: http://www.sa-venues.com/maps/images/pe_city.gif)

This chapter will introduce explore how Senegalese experience and deal with xenophobia in Port Elizabeth. In addition, the chapter will discuss the May 2008 outbreak of xenophobia related violence in South Africa and the reactions of traders, both foreign and local, in GBA.

7.1 Experiencing Xenophobia: Senegalese Migrants‟ Voices

Sichone (2003: 128) comments that post-colonial South Africa is characterised by “multiple identities, multiple voices, and multiple truths are possible.” It is estimated that approximately nationalities from one hundred countries are represented in South Africa (Adepoju 2003: 3). Research shows that foreign African migrants in South Africa tend to work in the informal and lower level service sectors (Sichone 2003:

112

132) and Adepoju (2003: 12, 15) comments further that foreign traders in South Africa are “the most visible and abhorred category of immigrants” and are seen as the cause of societal ills. Stereotypes of migrants abound and Morris‟s (1998) study of Nigerians and Congolese migrants in Johannesburg demonstrates that the idea that Nigerians are drug dealers is a widespread one. The media perpetuates this stereotype (Morris 1998: 1126) and numerous local people in Port Elizabeth I spoke with articulated similar thoughts regarding Nigerians in Central.

Sichone (2004: 7) mentions a Cape Town newspaper that covered a story about Nigerians living in the city feel they must keep receipts for everything that they purchase to prove legal ownership should their places of residence be raided by police. While I was attending a 2-day workshop in Johannesburg at the University of the Witwatersrand in July 2008, I was talking with a fellow Zimbabwean who is studying at the Forced Migration Studies Programme and he told me that black Zimbabweans are said to be car thieves. Other Zimbabwean traders I spoke with since then have corroborated the presence of this stereotype among local people in Port Elizabeth. In general, migrants are perceived as being in South Africa illegally, stealing job opportunities and involved in criminal activity (Danso & McDonald 2001:124; Crush 1997; Nyamnjoh 2006: 13-14, 37; Fisher 2007: 131; Klotz 2000: 834). The novel, Welcome to Our Hillbrow, by South African author Mpe Phaswane poignantly explores the perception of migrants as carrying and spreading diseases especially HIV/AIDS. This novel appears to be one of the few contemporary South African novels that deal with issues of migrants in South African society and how local people react to migrants in their communities.

One morning, a Pakistani trader stopped me saying he had noticed my presence and he wanted to know what I was doing. I explained to him the purpose of my research and he invited me to sit with him and share some tea he had just bought. Imran has lived in Port Elizabeth for two and a half years. He left Pakistan six years ago and has travelled to Hong Kong and South Korea but he felt he wanted to go “somewhere very different.” Imran enjoys Port Elizabeth saying, “it is a good place, a nice place and the people are friendly. The Xhosa people and coloured people are friendly and kind but I am sorry to be saying, the white and Indian people are not always friendly like you.” Imran has never experienced any kind of xenophobia and he felt that people 113 in South Africa were more tolerant than local people in South Korea although he mentioned that the Indian people he has met here are “selfish.”

Imran‟s main concern about living in South Africa is the crime rate and although he has never been the victim of crime he intimated that he is fearful of being robbed. For Imran, xenophobia was not a “big worry for me every day.” In May 2008, xenophobia related violence broke out in Alexandria, a township in the Gauteng province. Imran was in Johannesburg at the time visiting friends and he told me when he returned to Port Elizabeth that he had been very fearful for his safety and that of his friends who own shops in the Johannesburg area. He described how tense people were, “they shut their shops because they were scared of being killed so I am glad to be back in Port Elizabeth because I feel safer here. It was not nice being there, we were suspicious of everybody. We did not know if someone was going to come behind us and then try to hurt us. So I am glad to be back.” Imran‟s stall is located in between two local female traders. The three of them have a close relationship and the women often look after Imran‟s stall while he goes to say prayers in the local mosque and he does the same for them when they need to do some shopping or other business.

When Imran was in Johannesburg for a week, he gave the women the key to his stall and they displayed and sold his goods for him. I took the opportunity while he was away to ask them about their relationship with Imran. They both mentioned that they had been wary of him at first but over time “we spoke more and more and now we work happily together and he never causes any problems.” Imran was always willing to speak with me and he often called me over when he saw me, offering me tea or food when it was lunchtime. Imran told me he was still a bachelor and he was interested in finding a South African wife. He did ask me to marry him (the second time I spoke with him) and when I mentioned that I was in fact a Zimbabwean he replied, “it‟s ok Zimbabwe is close enough to South Africa.” Despite rejecting his marriage proposal, Imran remained friendly and willing to answer my questions about relations between traders in GBA.

All together I met and spoke with 63 Senegalese men. Their experiences of xenophobia are quite similar and no one I spoke to mentioned experiencing violence while in South Africa. Also, during the May attacks, I did not hear of any Senegalese 114 being affected and when I asked the Senegalese in Port Elizabeth if they knew any one who had been hurt, they all replied negatively and assured me that if Senegalese had been hurt they would have known. The Senegalese I met in Grahamstown from Johannesburg, Cape Town and East London said they had not been affected. However, they did not mention whether they had experienced verbal abuse.

Senegalese in Port Elizabeth do not live in the townships. With the exception of Hamadou, all the men live in Central and North End, which is the suburb, located adjacent to the Central Business District. All the foreign traders I spoke with in GBA perceive the townships as unsafe and violent places and a common statement among the traders was “the townships are not safe for us but we feel safe here in town. We have no problems here.” During the outbreak and spread of xenophobia related violence across the country in May, the traders in GBA assured me that they felt quite safe in Central Port Elizabeth and they did not think they would encounter any problems despite violence breaking out in other areas of the Eastern Cape such as George and Kynsna which are close by. No attacks broke out in the townships of Port Elizabeth due to an increased police presence in areas where violence between Somali and local shop owners had occurred in previous years. This strongly suggests that the location of migrants is also important to their not experiencing violent forms of xenophobia.

In July, Carla and I visited some Ethiopian migrants that she had become friendly with during her fieldwork. Ruth told us that her husband and some his friends usually conduct business in the various townships in Port Elizabeth. She related to us that she was nervous and asked her husband and the other men not to go into the townships during May and also for some time thereafter. She was the first person I had spoken with who expressed anxiety about the xenophobia spreading to Port Elizabeth. I asked Hamadou about Motherwell everyday during the xenophobia related violence and he never expressed any anxiety about his safety. I asked him why he lived where no other Senegalese was willing to live. He told me that he married local woman who was already living in Motherwell.

While I was asking Hamadou about living in Motherwell, Sedar interjected: “you will find what you are looking for. If you look for peace you will find peace. The world 115 will give you what you are looking for.” Hamadou nodded in agreement. He mentioned that because he is respectful of other people, they respect him in turn. During the four months I spent getting to know Hamadou, it became more apparent that he is wise man who commands respect wherever he goes. When I was conducting the interview with Mr. Ncalu at the MBDA, he spoke about Hamadou and his tour- guiding course. It was obvious that Mr. Ncalu had a lot of respect for Hamadou and the fact that the agency helped Hamadou financially speaks volumes about his character and how other people perceive him. Mr. Ncalu also mentioned that they would be willing to allow Hamadou to use his stall as an information spot for tourists in central Port Elizabeth once he gets his accreditation. Hamadou is hoping that they will give him a blue „i‟, which is an international symbol for an information centre.

The responses to my questions about experiencing xenophobia54 were standard among Senegalese men. Most of the men have never experienced violence in Port Elizabeth whether they perceived it to be xenophobia or just crime in general. The men mentioned that they enjoy living in Port Elizabeth because “it is peaceful, we have no problems here in town.” Mostly, they have had to deal with verbal insults as people pass by. Most of the men mentioned hearing the term amakwerekwere when people pass by. Although the use of the term can be damaging, Senegalese have not felt affected by the use of the term as the Mouride Brotherhood helps build a strong sense of identity and community. According to Sichone (2004: 12) the term means „babblers‟ and comes from the term used by Tonga to describe Ndebele migrants. In contemporary South Africa, the term carries negative connotations and is used to insult foreign nationals and migrants. When asked about verbal experiences of xenophobia, Senegalese responded saying that South Africans use terms such as amakwerekwere because they are ignorant. Malik‟s response was as follows:

You ask them what is the meaning of these words that you say to me and they don‟t even know what it means. They are ignorant. They walk past and see us and they say look as these people, we don‟t want them here on our pavements. It is because they are jealous of our success but they are lazy.

54 For example: Have you experienced xenophobia here in Port Elizabeth? And if so can you describe those experiences to me. I did not have to explain further what xenophobia was to my research participants. 116

The stereotyping of local South Africans, men in particular occurs among the traders. They perceive local men to be lazy and jealous of the hard work and success of foreign traders. They also view South Africans as ignorant. Among Senegalese, the notion that South Africans are ignorant and thus xenophobic is as a result of apartheid isolation and because they do not travel outside of the country. Hamadou said:

They do not know the outside and they are not willing to learn. We are curious about the world and so we travel. The problem is that South Africans are too apprehensive and some people will stay with what they believe even if it is wrong. Xenophobia is an attitude in the mind and it will take time to change. It is a lack of education that is causing this and the government is not doing enough. There is too much talk and not enough action. Education through media is the key. How can you make people aware without acting? They should educate people using television, drama and acting.

Fisher‟s (2007: 136) foreign research participants also responded to questions about xenophobia by saying that the problem in South Africa can and should be addressed through education programmes. The South African Human Rights Commission (SAHRC) in a report on xenophobia stressed the importance of providing nuanced and accurate information through media in order to dispel the myths surrounding migrants and to disseminate knowledge regarding migrant rights (SAHRC 2000: 49).

Sedar‟s response to my question about xenophobia in South Africa was as follows:

They need to take time to know themselves after apartheid. There is no communication between people in South Africa and they must talk more to each other. There are too many divisions. Everywhere in Senegal there are different colours but we are all the same. We live the same way. Here there is no support from the family, there is no education of the house you are born in. family should teach you how to survive, how to talk and act with other people. Here there is no understanding of others because there is no education of the house. Education of the house teaches you about human nature.

Many Senegalese felt that there was no respect for people who are not South African because they are not taught to respect all people and that South Africans see other people as enemies. There was an emphasis on the importance of respect among all the

117 research participants. Sedar felt that the “education of the house” was vital while he was growing up in Senegal; it involved daily training which benefited him as he became an adult and learnt how to succeed in life wherever he may be in the world. He feels that South Africans need to “learn to love one another. They can learn from us Senegalese-we are togetherness, we are strongly together. There is no fighting in Senegal. All over the world, people are crying for peace and in Senegal we have that already.”

Sinclair‟s (1998) study among Chinese minority in the United States of America demonstrated that the Chinese did not internalise the inferior status given to them by the majority of Americans. The Senegalese men in Port Elizabeth simply ignore the verbal comments that they come across in daily life perceiving xenophobic utterances as symbolic of South African jealousy and ignorance. Senegalese migrants in the Italian city of Bari cope with racism from local Italians through a discourse of what Zinn (2005: 61) calls „Italian ignorance‟ and by positioning themselves as more knowledgeable than local people because they have travelled and seen the world. Zinn (2005: 62) argues that in doing so Senegalese migrants revert the notion of Senegalese as „primitives‟ living among more „developed‟ Italians.

Despite this, Italians perceive Senegalese as „good immigrants‟ in contrast to other migrants groups in Bari, Italy (ibid: 62). This attitude of Senegalese as „good‟ migrants is also found among South African traders along GBA. Zanele is a local female trader who sells vegetable and fruit produce. She is a younger woman trying to feed her twin daughters and she was always willing to speak with me about life in GBA. I asked her about how she feels about traders of other nationalities and especially about Senegalese traders.

You know, there are some people who should not be allowed to come here. Those Nigerians are just too much trouble for us. Selling drugs and using local women as prostitutes. You know the ones you see walking wherever you go in Central. But the people from Senegal. They are soft, not violent like Somalis and Nigerians. They go to [mosque] and they work hard here with us who also work hard. They treat us with respect. But you know Silvana the other traders, ah, it depends. Some are friendly and they work hard but some I think they are also criminals when they go home at night.

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The notion of Senegalese as „soft‟, meaning not violent or involved in criminal activity was a common word local traders used to describe Senegalese traders. Local traders in GBA often described Nigerians and Somali nationals in negative terms. Nigerians are seen as hard criminals involved in selling drugs and brothels and generally morally corrupt while Somalis were perceived to be ruthless businessmen who are putting local spaza shop owners out of business. To my knowledge there are no Somali traders along GBA and there are three Nigerian men who trade along the street. Perceptions among the local traders of these men were more positive. Lindiwe, a local female trader, descried them as “different from the others. You can see they are working hard and honestly here with us.” During an interview with Malik about xenophobia and relations between traders of different nationalities in GBA, he stated that:

People who know me take me as their friend. They don‟t see me as different but those who don‟t know us insult us. Here in Central many of us who come from different places live together in houses even with South Africans. I live with a coloured guy you know and we never have any problems. Here in the street, the traders have no problems with each other because we all know each other but sometimes there are the ones who are difficult but they ignorant. They won‟t take time to know us. They are the ones who are the problem but there are not many of them here.

Sichone (2004) also concludes that South Africans who befriend or know foreigners reach the conclusion that they are not so different. Malik told me a story about a drunk South African man who harassed him. “I think it happened in 1998. Along time ago. I tried to talk to him and ask him why he was saying these bad things but he was just shouting. So I beat him and he ran away but that was the only time since I have been here.” Malik is a large, strong man and I laughed along with him as he related the story saying “Malik he must have been drunk to try and fight with you!” Malik dismissed the incident, mumbling about ignorant and lazy South African men.

Quantitative research supports Sichone‟s idea view that South Africans have little contact with migrants, the data demonstrates that approximately 80 per cent of South Africans have no direct contact with non South Africans while 4 per cent have a great

119 deal of contact with foreigners (Crush 2000: 115-116). It is argued that there is a correlation between those who have little or no contact with non-South Africans and negative opinions about migrants (ibid: 116). This seems to be the case in Port Elizabeth among the traders. Local people who work in close proximity to traders from other countries did express more positive attitudes. For Lungisa working next to Hagos, an Ethiopian trader is “so interesting. He tells me all about his country and teaches me words in his language and I teach him Xhosa words. We talk while we are working so the day is not so boring for us.” I spent a lot of time with Hagos especially while I was waiting for my research participants to set up their stalls and the relationship between Hagos and Lungisa is a warm one. They share the cost of buying the Sun newspaper and they read it together in the mornings while sipping on cokes. One day soon after the xenophobia related violence broke out and was spreading throughout South Africa, I was chatting to Hagos about the situation and his thoughts about it. A local man on crutches approached us and asked Hagos for some food. Hagos asked him to come back when we had finished talking; the man bowed towards Hagos and said “brother you always look after me when I ask.” This encounter was fascinating, a young Ethiopian eking out a living selling clothing helping a local man while in other parts of the country non South Africans were being injured, displaced and even killed by local people. At that moment Port Elizabeth did seem to be an oasis of calm for migrants in South Africa.

7.2 The “Dark Days of May”

On the 14th of May 2008 the South African Broadcasting Commission (SABC) aired detailed news about the violence that broke out in Alexandria Township in Johannesburg which later spread to other parts of South Africa. Foreign nationals were being targeted by mobs and the “Dark Days of May” began. These outbreaks of xenophobic violence were discussed, photographed, analysed and debated in great detail on both national and international television and radio stations as well as newspapers and other media. I had already spent a month participating in and observing the daily lives of Senegalese traders, asking numerous questions about their experiences of xenophobia in South Africa. The next morning I literally ran to my field site to find Hamadou, Sedar and Malik. Malik was waiting for me, having set up his trading stall early. “I got here early Sister. I knew you would come to find me 120 early. Ah now, now all this violence, it is disgusting. Why must they kill people? It is good that you are here so you can tell these people what is really going on with us. We don‟t take anything from them, you are the only way people will hear what we have to say.” Malik was angry. “Have any of your brothers been hurt?” I asked but he assured me that he would have heard if any Senegalese had been affected.

My reasons for being in GBA was, at this stage, a well known fact among the traders and many, locals and foreigner alike, wanted to speak with me about the attacks. Most of the foreign traders I spoke to that day expressed anger at South Africans perpetrating the violence and numerous traders mentioned that it is the “youngsters who are lazy” who are xenophobic. “They see us expanding our businesses and they are jealous so they say we are taking their jobs but I sit here on the pavement and work hard. I make my own work”. Speaking with Sedar later, he said “Xhosa people have more understanding, the Zulu‟s they don‟t like you if you are not Zulu even if you are black”. Alassane, who was usually relaxed and easy going, saw me on the other side of the street and beckoned me over. He was irate and even had trouble standing still as we spoke. “They are killing your people but Zimbabweans are so friendly and hard working. Life is too difficult for you already and now these animals make it worse. They are animals.” Shaking his head and expressing his sorrow for Zimbabweans he shouted “But we are all Africans, race doesn‟t matter you were born in Africa so you are an African, I am an African there is no difference between us so I am not foreign. This is nonsense, it is shit. I came here with my own money and have my own business. No one gave me these things. I am Muslim, life here is hard but working hard is better than doing nonsense.” I asked Alassane whether he was worried about his safety or that of his brothers in other parts of the country, he shrugged saying “if things get worse I will go home to Senegal.” In the weeks following the first xenophobia related attacks that continued throughout much of May, Senegalese discourse about xenophobia in South Africa changed. The phrase “but we are all Africans” came up in almost all interviews.

I went to see Abou55 in his shop and asked him about his reactions to the news. “ I know I am safe in my home but we are worried about the shops you know sister. We

55 Abou is one of 5 Senegalese who rent shops in GBA. 121 are worried they might attack the shops because we are successful. You know they attack the Somali shops sometimes so we are all worried.” I visited the other men who own shops and they expressed similar worries to Abou. On the 27th of May, a Chinese owned shop was petrol bombed in GBA. There was not much damage to the shop and the local newspaper, The Herald56 quoted a police spokesperson as saying they did not think the attack was related to the xenophobia affecting other parts of the country. After this incidence, Abou spoke with me and he expressed a fear for the safety of the Senegalese owned shops in GBA. On behalf of the five men who rent shops, he requested that I do not reveal the location of their shops while writing up and that I do not reveal their real names. I assured Abou that I would not reveal this information. These men were the only Senegalese who asked me to use pseudonyms for them. I assured all research participants that I would not use their real names but many Senegalese simply shrugged at this and said they were not worried if people learnt their true names. Pseudonyms however have been used for all research participants.

I was also interested in local reactions to the news regarding xenophobic violence in Alexandria and I spent time with local traders such as Lungisa and Zanele. Lungisa was angry “what is this nonsense? It is these young boys who are good for nothing doing this and now the whole world will see this and think we are all hating other people.” I also spoke with South Africans who are not traders such as the domestic worker who I knew from the backpackers I was staying in for the duration of my fieldwork. Pamela complained about migrants taking “our job opportunities” but felt that the government was to blame “because they are the ones letting these people into our country so they must fix the problems of jobs.” However, she did express disgust at the levels of violence occurring throughout the country.

I asked Senegalese research participants to tell me what they thought was the cause of the seemingly sudden outbreak of xenophobia related violence. Malik answered without missing a beat saying, “alcohol makes these young guys do crazy things.” For many Senegalese in Port Elizabeth, young men were at the heart of the violent attacks, which exploded due to alcohol consumption. Many felt that the perpetrators of the violence were young, unemployed men who “want money but they are too lazy to

56 The Herald, 28th May 2008 122 work.” The stereotype of local men as lazy is a pervasive one among non South Africans living in Port Elizabeth and Sichone‟s (2003: 133) research confirms this, showing that foreign migrants living and working in Cape Town perceive local men as lazy, taking leave from work after drinking binges over weekends as well as living from hand to mouth without saving.57

While the current theories for the presence of often violent xenophobia in South Africa have been discussed in greater detail earlier, it is important to mention here that xenophobia is arguably “an emotional not a rational response” (Cohen 1997: xv). Diekmann (1997: 15) argues that youth who are under-educated and unemployed have largely committed violent acts of xenophobia in South Africa and according to Neocosmos (2006: 118) violent manifestations of xenophobia can be linked to perceptions of powerlessness. The explosion and spread of xenophobia related violence in May 2008 could also be explained in part by the notion of what Nnoli (1998: 220) refers to as a “xenophobic collectivism” which is associated with a need to reaffirm a sense of belonging within the collectivity. The rapid spread of violence from the Gauteng province to other provinces in South Africa is difficult to explain but Tilly‟s (2003:4) description of collective violence is excellent: “collective violence is like the weather: complicated, changing and unpredictable.” Explaining further about the dynamics of collective violence, Tilly (2003: 1, 226, 238) argues that it often occurs where young, single men congregate for long periods especially where there is access to liquor and collective violence “emerges from the ebb and flow of collective claim making and struggles for power” and escalating along networks. The „mob mentality‟ in collective violence can also be explained by the need to conform and the mechanism of social influence (Foster 2006: 37), which could explain why women were also involved in the perpetration of violence against foreign nationals.

What does appear to be lacking in migration literature regarding the presence of xenophobia and related violent crime is a psychological element. Valji (2003: 14) notes groups are known to direct their intolerance at those poorer and more vulnerable than themselves. The Social Dominance Theory (SDT) is based on the notion that every society is hierarchically structured, assuming that there is always a dominant

57 It is essential that researchers remain mindful that stereotyping is not unidirectional 123 group which is superior to at least one subordinate group (Meyer & Finchilesau 2006: 67). This theory assumes that inequality between dominant and subordinate groups is maintained through discrimination that is justified through group relevant ideologies and beliefs or “legitimising myths” (ibid: 68, 72) such as negative stereotypes of migrants as criminals, diseased, taking employment opportunities and stealing local women. Meyer & Finchilesau (2006: 73) comment that “the greater the consensus about this myth, the greater its potency.” Furthermore, social psychological theorists may also explain the presence of xenophobia in South Africa due to relative deprivation or as a defensive process (Kiguwa 2006: 131) vis-à-vis the scarcity of resources as well as the continuing unequal distribution of resources in post-apartheid South Africa. Given that migration has multiple causes, it is important that anthropology analyses psychological and/or other theories regarding group dynamics and actions, when attempting to explain migration and xenophobia, as the explanation for the presence of violent xenophobia is certainly a multifaceted one.

7.3 Trader Relations in Govan Mbeki Avenue

Sichone‟s (2003: 131-132) research shows that in South Africa, foreign Africans tend to work in the informal sector and as such it is where conflict between groups is most likely to occur. Since the mid 1990‟s there has been an increase in the number of foreign black African street traders working on streets in South African urban centres (Hunter & Skinner 2003: 301). Morris (1998: 1132) notes that anti-foreigner sentiment among traders in the informal sector is high resulting in numerous attacks and protests taking place in 1997 where local traders demanded that foreign traders be prevented from trading on the streets of Johannesburg. According to Klotz (2000: 839), the DoHA regard jobs in the informal sector as requiring protection from foreign traders and as such foreign traders have borne the brunt of institutional xenophobia. The majority of migrants in South Africa tend to set up small businesses such as trading stall rather than seek wage employment (Adepoju 2003: 13) due to visa restrictions and difficulties in gaining work or residency permits (Anderson 2006: 100).

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However, trading is something of a double-edged sword in South Africans cities for foreign traders. The South African media perpetuates anti-foreigner sentiment by alleging that foreign traders are “unacceptably encroaching on the informal sector” and therefore on the livelihoods of poorer South Africans (Danso & McDonald 2001: 124). Migrants are seen as “alien intruders” and a threat to the socio-economic security of South Africans (Castles & Kosack 1997: 75) many of whom are already living in a precarious economic situation. This can result in the polarisation of local and foreign traders on the streets of South African cities (Nyamnjoh 2006). Scholars such as Adepoju (2003: 11) have shown that foreign traders actually contribute to the South African economy and that notions of migrants as parasitic has no empirical basis. Research in Cape Town shows that Ghanaian owned barbershops allow foreign migrants to get directly involved in the South African money economy as local assistants are employed (Sichone 2003: 135). Profits made from sales in trader stall are spent in local shops and traders not proficient in English often employ local women (Adepoju 2003: 13) thus creating jobs for local people rather than „stealing‟ employment opportunities from local people. Fisher (2007: 132) argues that in reality foreign traders have had a positive economic impact on the South African economy through the circulation of money in local shops as well as the creation of employment opportunities for local people, particularly local women. Research among foreign traders in South Africa challenges the perception that migrants have little or nothing to contribute to their host country (Neocosmos 2006: 126).

Senegalese traders, as well as traders of other nationalities, do contribute to the local economy mainly through the buying of food and other household goods in the local Shoprite supermarket. Food from the KFC fast food chain was also popular among many of the traders during lunchtime. Imran pays the two local traders to look after his stall when goes to conduct business or visit friends elsewhere in GBA. Hagos pays a local shop owner R100 per month to keep his merchandise and tables safe overnight. In addition, he pays a man to help him move the merchandise and tables between the shop and the corner where Hagos sets up daily. This amounts to R20 per day. This man, Neville, is also helping Hagos learn Afrikaans and they have a close relationship. Neville would always bring me a chair to sit on when I would spend time with Hagos, something I told him I appreciated greatly. Malik sets up his stall in front of a pie shop. He leaves his goods in the shop overnight, paying the owner R75 per 125 month to do so. Malik is on exceptionally good terms with the owner and employees of the pie shop, often sitting and chatting with them inside the shop while watching his stall through the big glass window. A number of interviews and conversations were conducted in the pie shop during days when the noise of the heavy machinery made talking outside difficult. The owner of the shop always welcomed us warmly, even though we did not always purchase food or drink from him.

One day I saw Malik sitting outside behind his tables even though the air was think with dust. I noticed he looked tired and I enquired after his health. “I am tired today sister. I was up late reading these verses,” he said while holding up pages of Arabic script. “The people inside [the pie shop] want to play with me today but I am too tired.” I left him saying I hoped business went well, aware he was not in the mood to talk or be interviewed. The pie whop owner saw me and waved and I went inside to greet him. “Malik is tired today. He does not want to talk with us. I feel sorry for him you know. It is a hard life but we like having him here by the window. He is our friend and we will miss him when they finish the road works and he can move into the vendor stall.” The traders in the lower part of the street have been told that construction will be finished by early next year. They will then be able to move into the vendor boxes that will be located in the middle of the street, and as such traders will move a few metres forward from their current locations. The shop owners will lose some income, as the traders will be able to safely lock their goods away in the vendor boxes as night. The Senegalese men who own shops employ two or three local to women to work with the in shops particularly to help female customers chose and fit on dresses and shoes.

I spoke with the seven women a few occasions when I noticed that the Senegalese owners were away. Sally, the most talkative and animated of the women said “I love working here. I get up in the morning and I am happy. I have a good job, Abou pays us okay and he treats us well too. But I also like working with Tracey and Mary. No, it is a joy for us to come here and we get to have a break on Friday when they go to prayers there in North End at 12.30 until about 2 o‟clock.” Research done by University of the Witwatersrand in Johannesburg found that non South Africans (34%) are more likely to employ local people than South Africans themselves with (20%) (Landau, Ramjathan-Keogh & Singh 2004: 6). Traders in Port Elizabeth pay a 126 street trading permit fee of R75 per month, which is used for maintenance, cleaning and security along GBA highlighting the economic contribution traders make to the preservation of the current upgrade project in GBA. These findings suggest that foreigners create rather than „steal‟ jobs.

In October 1999, two anthropologists at the NMMU conducted research among the traders of GBA, from the City Library to the Russell Road lights, basically where I conducted research. The aim of the research was to examine the relations between local and foreign traders along GBA. Thirty-two traders participated in the project, with ten being born outside of South Africa. Pauw & Petrus (2003: 176-177) found that the majority of local traders go into the informal business sector in order to provide for their families and dependents. In contrast, the foreign traders were not generally supporting dependents and as such were entrepreneurs. Five of my research participants: Hamadou, Sedar, Malik, Abdou and Jawara are married to local women and have children in South Africa. For them, their businesses are essential to the survival of their families. It is for this reason Hamadou is currently training as a tour guide. “When I am accredited I can pick up tourists and show them around the city and they will pay me a hundred dollars so even if I only get three of four a day the money will still be better than the business I am getting here.” Hamadou‟s wife bakes scones daily for Hamadou to sell at his stall to help supplement their income. Each scone is sold for two Rand and she makes an average of fifty scones per day. Malik is particularly fond of the scones and Hamadou makes this his first stop of the day to ensure Malik gets the freshest scones. On a number of occasions Hamadou would find Malik and I deep in discussion and the sweet, warm scones were a welcome break and allowed me a chance to observe the interaction between two of my key participants. The relationship between the two men is a close, friendly one. The wives of the other men work as domestic workers in white owned homes and as such I never had the opportunity to meet them despite asking their husbands a few times. The younger men such as Alassane do not have any dependants and as such felt free to move should business in South Africa prove not to be lucrative enough. Later, I met four young Senegalese men who travelled from Senegal to South Africa together. They currently rent one side of a vendor box, i.e. three stalls and run the business together. They aim to earn enough money to get visas and aeroplane tickets to New York and as such

127 their business in Port Elizabeth is a purely entrepreneurial venture and they are free to travel together once they have enough capital.

7.4 Social Interaction among Traders

The interactions between traders I observed were restricted to my observations between approximately 9 o‟clock in the morning and about 5.30 in the afternoon. I asked Senegalese traders if they were able to socialise with South Africans in the evenings. Malik mentioned that because of his Xhosa wife, he has met a number of South Africans who live in close proximity to their house in North End. “I see them often after I am done here and we get on well but I have known them since I got married in 2003. They are my friends.” Alassane however, looked at me in disgust when I asked him about socialising with local young men. “Sister, they just drink. The whole time, they drink but I am Muslim so I don‟t do such things. That is their problem you know. No when I finish here I pack up, my brother and I go home to our flat and we cook together then we watch TV, we talk and clean up the flat.” Interviews demonstrated that this was normal behaviour among younger Senegalese men. Hagos lives in shared accommodation with two other Ethiopians and two South Africans. “We get on well those of us in the house. We have no problems but I don‟t have too many local friends.” Pauw & Petrus (2003: 177) found that eighteen South African traders in GBA live in former black residential areas on the outskirts of the city while foreign traders lived in Central. As a result there were few chances for the two groups to meet and socialise together after work. Hamadou, who is the only non- South African I met who lives in a Township socialises with his local neighbours and members of his wife‟s family who also live close by. Thus he was the only research participant who has a large degree of contact with local people after trading hours.

During trading hours, my observations showed that Senegalese men who have stalls close to each other spent the majority of the day sitting and talking together but their interactions were not exclusive to fellow countrymen. Jawara‟s stall is situated in between two local women and there are no Senegalese stall closes by to his. Jawara therefore spends most of his time talking to these women and the three have a co- operative relationship. When Jawara does spent time with other Senegalese men, the

128 two women look after his stall and he does the same for them when they visit friends who are further away. Observations showed that traders who are in close proximity with each other have good relationships regardless of nationality and most responses from people about relations between the traders was that “we have no problems with each other.” The basis for the ongoing co-operation between traders is based on spatial organisation of the stalls. Each trader expects to come to the same spot daily. Malik has been trading in the same spot for eleven years, “my customers know I am here, they always expect to find me here and that is better for business.” Indeed, when I returned to interview Malik after meeting him for the first time and he was not in the same spot I was surprised. The road works had driven him across the road and that had caused some problems with the local female trader who felt Malik was competition for her usual customers despite the fact that she sells sweets, cigarettes, scarves, lip gloss, nail varnish and earrings. Thus xenophobic sentiments are linked to the perceived encroachment on someone‟s „territory.‟

The dust and noise forced me this side [on the opposite side of GBA]. Otherwise my stuff will be too dusty and my ears are sore from all the noise. Then those mamas are complaining I am disturbing their business. Ah, I am only here for today anyway so it will be ok. But sister then you see how everyone has their own space and you must not move on someone‟s space then we have no problems with each other.

Malik and I continued to talk about the relations between traders along GBA. He stated that generally there are few issues between traders but:

Sometimes they [local traders] get angry because we are successful. We sell many different things. Like I know Christmas is coming so I must think about getting different stock. It is good to sell different things but those mamas who get angry with us sell the same things. But it does not cause problems for us we just ignore them.

Thus, my research and that of Pauw & Petrus (2003) show that few traders experience conflict and as such traders generally work well together with few disruptions due to xenophobia. It seems then that “conflict [is] the exception rather than the rule” (Pauw & Petrus 2003: 178) among traders of different nationalities in GBA. Xenophobia in informal sectors in other parts of South Africa can be explained by the greater number of traders competing for space and regular customers which generates income for 129 local traders especially due to the high unemployment rates in urban sectors of the country (ibid: 172). In 2001, a pamphlet was distributed in Motherwell warning foreigners to leave the Township in five days. The group responsible was known as the Black Business Organisation and it deployed people in the area to ensure that foreign traders were told to move to GBA to continue their business (ibid: 175). GBA is seen to be a space for foreign traders but within the Townships, foreign owned business is unwanted.

It is possible to distinguish between South African and non South African traders. By and large, local traders sell fruit and vegetable produce. With the exception of Hamadou and Sedar‟s stall and the five men who rent shops, all Senegalese traders sell a variety of leather goods, such as wallets, handbags, leather belts, sunglasses and baseball caps. The findings in Pauw &Petrus (2003: 177) also reflect this “typology of goods.” Senegalese traders in Bari and Emilia-Romagna in Italy and New York also generally trade in leather goods, sunglasses and sometimes crafts (Riccio 2001; Zinn 2005; Stoller 2002; Hunter & Skinner 2003). A tolerant and accepting attitude among locals towards foreign traders is linked to proximity to traders of other nationalities in GBA. A lack of first hand experience or direct contact with foreigners affects perceptions locals have of migrants living in South Africa as negative stereotypes are propagated through indirect means such as media highlighting the importance of well devised public education programmes (Mattes et al 2000: 209) in dealing with the aftermath of the May 2008 outbreak of violent xenophobia.

7.5 Economic Networks between Senegalese Traders

Migration networks, defined as “sets of interpersonal ties that connect migrants…through ties of kinship, friendship and shared community origin” are relationships of reciprocal exchange (Gelderblom & Adams 2005: 227, 228). Research in Durban indicates that foreign street traders have strong social networks that are utilised to find suppliers (Hunter & Skinner 2003: 309). This is also the case among Senegalese in Port Elizabeth. According to Hamadou, the majority of Senegalese in South Africa are street traders but there are some Senegalese who travel to various parts of the country with stock that traders can buy from them for their 130 stall. Malik had just come back from a trip to Pretoria when I began my fieldwork. He also told me that this trip was made “so I could get my passport from the embassy but to make the trip good for business I met up with some of my brothers there and bought more stock. That is what you see here on my tables.” Stoller (2002: 16) comments that among West African traders in New York, informal credit associations are common. When traders lose stock due to theft or are experiencing financial difficulties, the members of the association pool money and give the trader a loan to recoup his loses (ibid: 16). Senegalese in Port Elizabeth do help each other financially if it is required. Also, when a Senegalese travels to Johannesburg or Cape Town he is sometimes asked to buy stock and return with it to Port Elizabeth. When Malik went to Pretoria, he not only bought stock for himself but he also bought stock for Alassane. By doing things this way, the traders help each other save on transport costs. When Alassane next travels outside of Port Elizabeth, he will check if Malik requires anything before he goes, and as such the economic network among Senegalese is based on reciprocity.

One day Hamadou showed me six beautiful silver bracelets usually worn by Tuareg women. “These are beautiful. Did you have them before?” I asked and Hamadou related how a friend based in East London visited Senegal. “I asked him to bring me these. They are small so he can carry them with no problems but I can sell them for R150 here.” Sedar travelled to East London to sell their crafts at a festival during June where he picked up the bracelets before he returned to Port Elizabeth, illustrating the use of networks among Senegalese traders in the Eastern Cape. Coe & Bunnell (2003: 437) refer to such economic activity as “[geographies] of innovative activity.” These socio-economic activities are embedded in solidarity and trust thereby enhancing economic efficiency (Meagher 2005: 218).

Although networks among migrants are usually regarded as positive innovations, researchers must be aware that power asymmetries can and do exist within networks and as such can be a hindrance (Meagher 2005: 221, 225). Gelderblom & Adams (2005:237) point out that networks that are too tightly integrated can be a disadvantage to those within the network as this restricts access to new and important information. Although Senegalese in Port Elizabeth use each other to gain access to stock, their network is not exclusively Senegalese. While visiting Ruth with Carla, I 131 met an Ethiopian man who owns a small truck. As we discussed my research he mentioned that he often helps Senegalese traders transport their goods to the King‟s Beach Market on Sundays. He knew Malik and Sedar quite well as they hire his truck on a weekly basis. The friendships between traders of different nationalities also allow a flow of information along networks of various densities, illustrating networks among migrant Senegalese traders as flexible. For Hamadou, the selling of his wife‟s scones along GBA allows him time to stop and chat to various people before he begins trading at his stall which is restricts his physical movement somewhat, unless Sedar is present.

My presence in GBA would have caused people to ask questions about my reasons for being in the street on a daily basis. Malik did mention to me one day that Hagos had initially asked him if it was safe for him to talk with me. It is likely Hagos would have told Lungisa about me and my intentions and information would have begun to spread among the traders. I was acutely aware of this on the day after the news about the xenophobic attacks broke. People were calling me over to talk to them, giving me their thoughts and opinions with many saying “we know you are from the university and you are talking to people here about xenophobia.”

7.6 Institutional Xenophobia: Home Affairs

While my research participants patiently answered numerous questions about their experiences of xenophobia, other issues were also raised in conversation. This included issues regarding access to documentation and problems with officials at the DoHA.

Sichone (2004: 3) refers to the regime of visas, documentation and passports as “global apartheid” arguing that this creates a laager mentality where people originating from outside a national border are seen as enemies. Scholars and journalists alike have exposed the abuse migrants face at the hands of police and immigration officials (ibid: 7). As a Zimbabwean studying in South Africa, I have personally experienced the frustration of dealing with South African immigration officials on numerous occasions. Hamadou spoke at length about the irritation he feels regarding his documentation. He arrived in South Africa in 1997 as a temporary 132 refugee and for eleven years, his status has not officially changed. In the eight years Hamadou has lived in Port Elizabeth, he has married a local woman and they have a young son aged seven and as such Hamadou feels that returning to Senegal is not possible for the time being. “I cannot uproot my child and the money is not really there for me to return home.” This is problematic for Hamadou as he says, “here they don‟t want to give you documents. There are no documents for us who have been here a long time. Having no documents can lead to crime because people have no alternative or else you marry someone to get papers. No they need to give us status.” When I first met Hamadou I asked if he was married but he said he was not. Later he began talking about his wife but when I questioned him about this he said, “I have no wives here.” It was not until much later in the duration of my fieldwork that he admitted he was married to a local Xhosa woman. “I did not want you to think I had just got married for the papers.” This highlights the importance of carefully building trust and rapport with research participants as well as the fact that people tell different stories about themselves given particular circumstances.

Hamadou went on to complain about the corruption he experienced at the Refugee Office in Port Elizabeth, saying there are “a lot of problems with getting papers there. They always want money.” Every three months, Hamadou must go and have his Refugee papers re-stamped at the Refugee Office. Both Hamadou and Hagos were happy to show me these papers. They are simply A4 pieces of white paper with numerous official stamps with dates written in ink to prove that these men are recognised as legal migrants. Hamadou expressed anger at “being here for ten years and they give me no document. I have no criminal record and I should be able to apply for a permit to stay. I don‟t want the passport just be allowed to stay without all these small permits. I don‟t know the meaning of illegal alien. If they give papers, that would be the way of taking illegality away.”

Carla drove me to the DoHA Refugee reception Office where she had conducted fieldwork among refugees. The office was closed with a sign on the door saying the office had moved with directions to the new location. We drove to the new Refugee Reception Office, which is quite a distance from GBA making the trip for migrants costly and more time consuming. When we arrived, we saw a Somali woman selling chips and cool drinks outside the large gate. Some people were standing in groups in 133 side the gate while some were queuing at the glass doors holding documents in their hands. On the glass doors were signs with the days of the week on top and a list of nationalities underneath. Each day, certain nationalities will be „processed‟ for papers and documents. Wednesday is reserved for Senegalese and other West African migrants. Carla and I entered the gate and stood in the yard in a patch of sun as a cool breeze was blowing. No one took much notice of our presence as we observed the surroundings. People surrounded a large man and he was talking animatedly to them. He moved closer to where we were standing after sometime and a new group of people surrounded him. At this time I was observing the movement of people into the glass doors, as people appeared to be increasingly annoyed and impatient. Carla moved slightly closer to the group in an attempt to listen to what was being said. At this point the man noticed us and came over to were we were standing. He greeted us and I saw he was wearing a blazer with the DoHA emblem on the pocket. He wanted to know who we were and why we were there. I introduced Carla and myself explaining we were MA students wanting to speak with someone in the Refugee Office as well as some of the people queuing outside.

My name is Shane. I work here but you should not be here. How do I know you are students and not reporters with hidden cameras? You cannot just be allowed to talk to anybody here.

I explained to Shane the nature of my research and said I did not have a student card with me at the time. At this point Shane became more aggressive towards us and I did feel intimidated. I asked Shane if he would be willing to talk with me the next day if I returned with my student card. He agreed that he would but he insisted that Carla and I write our names and cell phone numbers on a piece of paper. We agreed to write our names but we both refused to divulge our numbers, which angered Shane, and we hastily left. I was unable to return the next day but Carla and I did return early the day after. As we arrived an argument broke out and one man pulled out a gun from his belt and began brandishing it about. The security guard reacted quickly and suddenly four police vehicles arrived with armed personnel. The man was arrested and everyone present was checked for weapons. After the police left, Carla and I entered the building, somewhat startled, and asked to see Shane. He finally came through with another man. He introduced the man, who was well spoken, as Tom who was in

134 charge of the office. We shook hands and I introduced myself and was about to explain the nature of my research. Shane then stepped in between Tom and myself and snatched my student card out of my hand demanding to know where I was from and where my passport was. I lied saying I was South African as I was feeling increasingly intimidated by Shane‟s large stature looming over my rather small stature. He then demanded I show him a letter of permission that is required to conduct research in the DoHA. I said I did not know about that procedure and as such did not have the documentation. I managed to manoeuvre around Shane and asked Tom if I could make an appointment to speak with him. He agreed and took down my details all while Shane raised his voice warning me not to talk to anybody outside. He also said that he had had a sleepless night the previous evening, as Carla and I had not returned as we promised. I asked him about this and he said that he had become more convinced that we had been undercover journalists. The paranoia regarding journalists with hidden cameras did spark my curiosity despite my sense of anxiety at the way Shane was treating Carla and myself. Tom never did get hold of me to set up a meeting and my attempts to make an appointment with anybody at the Refugee Office never came to fruition.

A few days later I was sitting with Hagos chatting and just „hanging out‟. A smart car stopped by the stall and the two men inside greeted Hagos. He introduced them to me saying “this is my new friend. She is from Zimbabwe.” The greeted me saying that they “like Zimbabweans because they are always friendly and smart.” They were holding up traffic and the cars behind began to get impatient and hoot. They drove off waving and I asked Hagos about them. They are from Ethiopia and have been in South Africa for about eight years according to Hagos. I asked Hagos about them, as I was curious about the new-ish looking car they were driving. “You know how we have to go and get stamps every three months? Well they know someone inside the office and so for some money you can give them your paper and they will go with it and come back with it stamped.” I thought about this for a few more days and then approached Hagos asking him if he would be able to contact them and ask them if they would be willing to meet me and answer some questions. I explained what had happened at the Refugee office in the preceding days and that I was curious about Shane and his paranoia. Hagos agreed he would contact them and when I went to see

135 him later that afternoon he said one of the men was willing to come and chat with me the next day at lunchtime.

I decided to go and see Malik before my lunchtime appointment and I noticed that the man who had been driving the car was already with Hagos. Hagos beckoned me over and I apologised to Malik promising to come back later. Hagos officially introduced me to Dabir, a young Rasatafari man. He hugged me hello and we sat down to chat. He asked me a number of questions about myself and about where I was from. We spent about an hour just talking about our backgrounds and ourselves. He was amiable and easy to talk to. After some time he suggested we go somewhere and eat lunch and talk further. In a small restaurant down one of the alleys branching off GBA, I told the story of my experiences at the Refugee Office.

I described Shane to Dabir who nodded saying he knew exactly who I meant. Shane was not his real name. I explained to Dabir that I was not interested in exposing corruption, I was simply curious about the way Shane had treated us and his paranoia that we were journalists. “He is a stupid man sometimes my sister but he is the one we deal with you know. We make money for ourselves and we help our brothers to get their papers done because otherwise they will be stalled by those people. They are so corrupt so we just use their love for money to help ourselves and our brothers. Otherwise I will have to sit there on the street like Hagos and make no money.”

Dabir said he arrived in South Africa with through legal means but met many corrupt officials when he tried to renew his visa. “One offered me a passport for some money and said that we could get into business together. So I agreed and when he left Shane wanted to get the rewards he saw the other guy getting.” He asked if I wanted to go with him to the refugee office to ask Shane some questions but I declined remembering how unsafe I felt in the presence of Shane. I thanked Dabir for being so open with me and promised not to use his real name. He replied: “It is because you are from Zimbabwe. I like people from there and if you are a friend of Hagos then I must help you.” I saw Dabir on a few occasions thereafter and he always hugged me hello, asking how I was and to let him know if I needed any help. He was delighted that the day I went to photograph Hagos he had decided to visit. He and the security guard who normally patrolled that side of GBA stopped people from walking on the 136 pavement while I took a series of photographs and then he insisted I take one of him with the other young Ethiopian men who were also visiting Hagos.

I did go back to the Refugee Office one more time to speak to people. Carla and I parked her car and I went across to the security guard. I asked if she would mind if I spoke to the people who were sitting on the curb on the other side of the road. She agreed but warned me not to talk to people close to or inside the gate. I approached a group of men and asked if I could speak with them. One man responded and I introduced myself to him and explained what I was doing. “Where are you from Godfrey?” he replied that he was from the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Godfrey works in Cape Town but came to Port Elizabeth to get his asylum permit renewed, saying it was easier here as “it is not as full or corrupt here as Cape Town.” He had been waiting to be let in for a few days and Godfrey told me that only about 75 people are „processed‟ a day. “You know they have days you can come and they help those nationalities only so we are here hoping that if not enough people come they will help us. The official told us to wait. Maybe we will be lucky and they will let us in to make up the seventy- five.” After chatting with Godfrey for a bit longer:

Silvana: Godfrey, you don‟t sound like you come from Congo. Godfrey: Oh. Why do you say that? Silvana: I come from Mutare in Zim and you sound like you are from Zim. Godfrey: [laughing] You‟re right Silvana. I lied. I am nervous to tell people I am from Zim. You know after those attacks, people really were killing us so I lie. I think I will be safer that way. Silvana: I know what you mean. The one guy inside here scared me the other day and when he asked where I was from I just said SA in case Godfrey: Nobody wants us anymore. It is such a problem for us now but we can‟t stay that side. We will starve or die from beatings.

Godfrey and I chatted for a while longer, talking about Zimbabwe and the political crisis and our hopes of one day going back home for good. While we were chatting I heard some of the other men asking Godfrey, in Shona, who I was. He explained that I was from Zimbabwe and in an instant we were all talking with nostalgia about Zimbabwe. After a while, we left and I thanked the men by clapping in the traditional

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Shona manner that conveys one‟s thanks, “tatenda zvakanaka.”58 They waved us off and I left feeling nostalgic and hoping, against hope, that my fellow countrymen would be helped. Godfrey had had to take time off work to sort out his documentation and he said he was running out of leave days and he was beginning to worry that he would have to return to Cape Town without the stamp for his asylum document. By coming to Port Elizabeth to get his documents renewed, Godfrey and countless other migrants cope with and develop ways of surviving hostile officials and institutional xenophobia (Sichone 2004: 9).

7.7 Xenophilia

Much of Sichone‟s work regarding xenophobia among migrants in Cape Town also involves the lesser-researched phenomenon of xenophilia,59 or love of strangers/foreigners. This involves people within organisations such as churches that provide support to people from other counties. For Sichone (2003: 137) marriage between local women and foreign men is one such organisation. He argues that attraction to and a preference for foreign men allows refugees in particular a chance to “find a place for themselves in a new society” where women from their countries of origin are usually small in number. Marriage allows foreign men to tap into kinship and friendship networks (ibid: 137). This is certainly the case for Malik and Hamadou. However, marriage to a local woman is not always an entirely positive position as Hamadou‟s fraught marriage reflects. Also, it is vital not to forget that genuine emotional relationships can and do exist between local women and foreign men.

I feel that the friendship between Hagos and Lungisa is an example of xenophilia outside of a marriage. Sichone (2004:17-18) explores the role of the “Xhosa Mama” figure xenophilia. He states that some of his research participants perceive older Xhosa women as welcoming in contrast to the ill treatment foreigners experience at the hand of South African men. One Congolese participant commented that if it was not for the empathetic women in South Africa: we would not make it” (Sichone 2004:

58 Thank you very much 59 It is not clear whether Sichone considers a relationship between a local and a foreigner xenophilia or whether there must be repeat relationships of this nature to qualify as xenophilia. 138

31). Sichone (2003: 138) observes that strangers entering a new place are either treated with hostility or they are welcomes but “in South Africa we see both these processes at work.” Thus, to obtain a holistic understanding of migrant experience, it is important that researchers examine both xenophobia and xenophilia given that attitudes towards foreigners by local populations is complex.

7.8 Conclusion

Senegalese in Port Elizabeth have experienced very little xenophobia collectively or individually. Some have experienced verbal insults but none have experienced violence xenophobia in the city. Mostly, Senegalese enjoy life in Port Elizabeth perceiving as a peaceful place where they have ample business opportunities along GBA. Factors that played a part in the relative protection of Senegalese from violent xenophobia include the fact that Senegalese live and work in the central part of the city, the strong social network that exists in GBA as well as the way Senegalese perceive and respond to verbal insults. The outbreak of violence in May 2008 did not cause much disruption to daily life and business in Port Elizabeth although the violence did affect the perceptions Senegalese have of South African men in particular. The experience of xenophobia is experienced mostly at an institutional level and relations between traders of different nationalities are largely genial. Adepoju (2003:21) states that regional solutions to xenophobia are required to truly combat such discrimination. I argue that the South African government should utilise the money set aside in the National Budget for education to fund postgraduate students from different disciplines. In doing so, students are funded for higher degrees and the government gains access to high quality research that can be used to formulate better policies and education programmes regarding racism and xenophobia thereby moving toward a genuine African Renaissance that is more than mere political rhetoric.

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Chapter Eight: Conclusion

The phenomenon of migration is not a new one and people, information, goods and money are moving across national borders with increasing intensity. The paradox of globalisation however is that as borders become more porous, anti–migrant responses such as xenophobia are increasing. Since the demise of apartheid on South Africa in 1994, increasing numbers of migrants have been entering the country. The media and political figures have responded to this negatively and there is a pervasive sense that migration into South Africa must be curtailed rather than effectively managed. The outbreak of xenophobia related violence in May 2008 saw South Africa and the world watch as horrific images were broadcast on news channels and published in newspapers. The „dark days of May‟ have become a source of international shame for the South African government but the incidents of violence have emphasised the need for the South African government to address issues such as xenophobia.

The primary research question of this thesis was to examine how Senegalese migrants in Port Elizabeth experience and respond to xenophobia. I had already spent one month in the field when the xenophobia attacks were incited and the following weeks were filled with tension. No violence did break out in Port Elizabeth and life generally continued as normal despite incidents of xenophobia in the city in previous years. Senegalese in Port Elizabeth experience very little xenophobia and none of my research participants have not experienced violent or physical xenophobia. Mostly, Senegalese enjoy life in Port Elizabeth describing the city as a “peaceful” one where they are happy. Their experiences of xenophobia involve verbal hostility in the form of insults. How do they cope with these experiences of xenophobia?

I argue that a number of complex interconnected factors affect the generally peaceful existence of Senegalese in Port Elizabeth. Firstly, there are approximately 67 Senegalese nationals in Port Elizabeth. This small number means that they are not perceived to be “flooding” into the city as Nigerians, Somalis and Zimbabweans are by local people. Although the men can be distinguished from local people through phenotypic differences and accent, they do not stand out in terms of dress. Somalis, for example, dress distinctly and are therefore more visible in public spaces. Also, by

140 not living in the townships of Port Elizabeth, Senegalese feel that they are safer as they perceive townships to be dangerous for foreign nationals. Malik mentioned that no Senegalese that he knew of were hurt during the May 2008 xenophobia attacks because Senegalese do not live in South African townships. Thus Senegalese cope with the possibility of xenophobia by living in Central Port Elizabeth where they feel safe.

Migration for Senegalese is not an entirely economic endeavour. Migration is a rite of passage for adolescent boys and a way of gaining knowledge about the self and the world. This approach produced a cosmopolitan attitude among my research participants who expressed curiosity about the world. Thus when Senegalese migrate they are generally tolerant of other cultures and religions as migration is perceived as an education and adventure, part of becoming a man and as such Senegalese are largely successful migrants and „global citizens.‟ The adventure of travel is however negated by the weight of familial expectations in Senegal where numerous villages and families are supported by migrant remittances.

Before I entered the field I thought that the current climate of Islamaphobia might affect how Senegalese integrate in Port Elizabeth. However the specific model of Senegalese Sufi Islam has proved to positively influence how Senegalese cope with life in Port Elizabeth. Membership to the Mouride Brotherhood provides talibes with economic, social and spiritual support. In Port Elizabeth, dense social and economic networks between Senegalese exist but these networks are not exclusive. Every Saturday, the men met at the local mosque to socialise and eat together. This is the only time that Senegalese in Port Elizabeth meet together exclusively. This meeting allows them to look inward to each other and consolidate their Senegalese identities but the tolerant stance of Sufi Islam and the Mouride Brotherhood means that Senegalese do not enclave themselves. As a result, Senegalese establish and maintain social and economic networks with local people as well as other migrants. This personal contact with Senegalese has a direct correlation with local South Africans who have positive attitudes towards them.

That Senegalese generally own and run trading businesses individually means that along Govan Mbeki Avenue, local and foreign traders are in close proximity. This 141 allows local and foreign traders to interact on a daily basis resulting in more positive attitudes towards non South African traders by local traders. In Port Elizabeth, the townships are perceived to be the territory of local business owners and traders. Tension between Somali and local business owners has had violence consequences in previous years. The central parts of the city however are understood to be safe territory for foreign traders and the relations between local and foreign traders are generally affable.

Although the violence of May 2008 did not affect Port Elizabeth, it did affect the attitudes of Senegalese towards South Africans. Stereotyping is not unidirectional and the notion of South African men as lazy, jealous of the success of foreign traders and violent was reinforced. One research participant even referred to the perpetrators of the violence as “animals.” Senegalese explain xenophobic attitudes among South Africans as a consequence of the isolation of apartheid but also due to the fact that South Africans do not travel and do not seem to have a curiosity about the world that Senegalese do. Thus xenophobia is perceived to be as a result of South African ignorance about the world. The perception that young, lazy men intoxicated on alcohol incited the violence is common among Senegalese in Port Elizabeth whose avoidance of alcohol and devotion to Islam is a moral touchstone as the men negotiate life in a foreign non-Islamic country.

Certain issues were raised while I was conducting fieldwork that could not be realistically covered within the scope of this thesis. Possible areas for further research include:

. Comparison between Christian and Muslim migrants from Africa. What framework does Islam provide (that Christianity may not) for migrants that may assist integration into host countries? . Regionally orientated research to shed further light on the prevalence and causes of xenophobia in South Africa. . More research among Senegalese migrants in South Africa, especially in smaller urban areas. Is GBA unique or does it offer a broad reflection of Senegalese experience in South Africa?

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. As more Senegalese men migrate, more Senegalese women will also migrate. How do women migrants experience and cope with xenophobia in South Africa? Research in this area will provide a more holistic understanding of how migrants experience and cope with xenophobia. . Policy orientated research that aims to empirical evidence that can be utilised by policy makers but is heedful of the complexities of migration when recommending new programmes and policies for various departments in South Africa.

Research on migration and xenophobia in South Africa is, and must remain, an ongoing endeavour especially as there is no clear, comprehensive policy dealing with migration and xenophobia. In depth research that is context specific is especially important if xenophobia and related violence is to be addressed in South Africa. Senegalese migrants in Port Elizabeth are largely immune to attacks to xenophobia because their migration is culturally determined and the adherence of migrants to the Mouride ideals of tolerance and cosmopolitanism. The cultural and religious elements to Senegalese migration, as my ethnography shows, provides migrants in Port Elizabeth with a strong sense of community and identity that makes the men impervious to instances of verbal xenophobia. In the long run, this sense of community may create a solid diaspora group, stressing the importance of on going, longitudinal research within the realm of migration studies in South Africa.

This strong sense of community and identity, however, does not result in the enclaving of Senegalese migrants in Port Elizabeth. Rather, they participate in the broader social and economic context of the city not only with South Africans but migrants from other parts of the world. In addition, the fact that Senegalese live and work in the central parts of Port Elizabeth, sell different good to local traders, are generally friendly and open, are numerically small and do not wear culturally distinct clothing ensure that Senegalese are not targets for xenophobia. Few of the men have married local women is also an important factor as this is often a grievance cited by local people who express anger at the presence of migrants in their communities. My multi-pronged approach to understanding the experiences of Senegalese migrants in Port Elizabeth is borne out in my ethnography, as it is a combination of transnational linkages, locally expressed social networks and a strong, positive view of the 143

„homeland‟ that allows Senegalese in Port Elizabeth to „escape‟ violence xenophobia and its potentially emotionally and physically scarring outcomes.

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