Social Change on Seram: A Study of Ideologies of Development in Eastern Indonesia Benno R. 0. Grzimek Thesis submitted for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy London School of Economics and Political Science University of London 1991 UMI Number: U048570 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U048570 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 bI x cP (it* o722.3 2 Abstract of Thesis Fuelled by expanding oil and gas revenues, the Indonesian state has engaged in a massive and nationwide restructuring process. This "development" programme affects all facets of Indonesian society as a growing state apparatus exerts its authoritarian influence. In this context the thesis discusses social change in two Wemale villages located in the interior of western Seram at the very margins pf the state administration's power and interest. Drawing upon their experience of submission to colonial state control and the presence of the Protestant Church since the turn of the 19th century, these formerly autonomous shifting cultivators have embraced, modified and subverted the rhetoric of modernisation in antithesis to 'adat' their presumed ancestral customs. The thesis discusses the reception of as well as a striving for social change through an examination of cultural concepts and social values. I set out with a description of transformations in housing, cooking and food. This leads to a preliminary discussion of the meaning of past and new styles in consumption which are closely associated with 'adat' and Protestantism. The concern with improving homes with market products and meeting general household expenses results in modifications to economic activities. Tree cash cropping is now a highly valued extension of shifting cultivation and that has major implications for the reproduction of the household. This is observed with respect to gender relations and the growing importance of inheritance of material wealth. Whereas villagers see predominantly a break with ancestral habits in production and consumption, social changes in household relationships are denied. Chapter 4 and 5 provide background information about the household composition and examine the concept of the house as a kinship group. I show in which way the household, exemplified by husband and wife, seeks to seclude itself from the interference of public leadership by evading marriage rituals specifically and avoiding the assumption of public office more generally. This issue is expanded in chapter 6 which offers a characterisation of the political roles of elders and citizens in village meetings. The rhetoric of "development" and its limitations in mobilising the villagers participation is introduced. In the final chapters the thesis discusses the importance of the Protestant Church and its close affinity with "development". Indeed "development" is partly received in religious terms as the emphasis on past and present sins, on expiation and social renewal, helps to generate hope for a prosperous future. Yet the villagers reluctance to conform to the hierarchical authority of the Church structure shows firstly how they try to protect their autonomy and secondly that their perception of "development" is in terms of communal consumption and not collective production. Concluding I argue that the unintended consequences of the imposition of parish as well as government structures on the local community has thus not only given rise to rival views and interpretations about what "development" means but also lead to a state of communal alienation. 3 Table of Contents 3 Acknowledgements 5 Maps: Map 1: South-East Asia, Indonesia and Seram Map 2: West Seram Map 3: Village Ahiolo Map 4: Village Abio I. Introduction 6 II. The Morality of Consumption 31 III. A History of Transition: from Subsistence Gardening to Cash Cropping and Silviculture 67 IV. Changing the "House" or Absorbing Social Change 104 V. Types of Marriage in the Absence of Weddings 146 VI. The Council of the Elders and Village Meetings 171 VII. The Service to the Church 200 VIII. Communal Labour and Alienation 232 IX. Conclusion: The Ideology of 'Pembangunan' 263 (Development) in the Indonesian State Tables incorporated in Chapters: Chapter IV: Table 4a Numerical Household Composition in Ahiolo 111 Table 4b Numerical Household Composition in Abio 112 Table 4c Comparison of Numerical Household Composition: Ahiolo and Abio 112 Table 5a Kinship Composition of the Household in Ahiolo 114 Table 5b Kinship Composition of the Household in Abio 115 Table 6 Incorporation into the Household by Marriage 117 Table 7a Mode of Recruitment into the Household in Ahiolo 129 Table 7b Mode of Recruitment into the Household in Abio 129 Chapter V: Table 8 Comparison of Types of Marriage between Ahiolo and Abio 165 Table 9 Comparison of Marriage Status between Ahiolo (1988) and Abio (1989) according to Age 166 Appendices: Appendix A: 284 Table 1 Ownership of Gardens According to Household and Individual Owner 284 Table 2 Ownership of Gardens, Useful and Cash Crop 4 Plants According to Household and Owner 289 Table 3 Indications of Cash Earnings from Gardening and Cash Spending 294 Appendix B: 299 Wemale Kinship Relationship Terms 299 Appendix C: 301 Table 10 Types of Marriage in Ahiolo 301 Table 11 Types of Marriage in Abio 303 Appendix D: 305 The Elders' Speeches in Wemale 305 Glossary 307 Bibliography 309 Kinship Charts: Figure 1: Lekferos ancestors 126 Figure 2: Nuru or Clan subdivisions 138 Plates: Plate 1 View of Ahiolo which church Plate 2 Section of Abio Plate 3 Main village road of Ahiolo with Andreas Latekay and his children Plate 4 House in Ahiolo Plate 5 School in Ahiolo Plate 6 Church Christmas celebrations, Ahiolo Plate 7 Same event as on plate 6 (20.12.1988) Plate 8 Demi Latu and Jomima Watimole with children: Bace Watimole, Reni Latu, Jonita Haikutty, Flora Latu, Delfile Latu Plate 9 Chales Latekay and Axamina Mesinai with children Plate 10 Chales Latekay Plate 11 Toni Mesinai Plate 12 Toni Mesinai and Merikur Haikutty Plate 13 Marici Haikutty and Marta Mesinai Plate 14 Kitchen extension with women preparing feast Plate 15 Jos and Marici Haikutty, Elsina Resimeri, Melsina Latekay, Ariance Latu, Lea Latekay Plate 16 Markus Haikutty (and Edu Latekay) making sago Plate 17 Topi Latekay extracting sago starch Plate 18 Sadrak Haikutty Plate 19 Minister Wilhelmus Forweth Plate 20 Flute orchestra Plate 21 Minister at christening celebration with Zaka Haikutty, Elsina Resimeri, Henriko Latekay, minister and Ananci Lesiela Plate 22 Communal repairing of roof in Abio Plate 23 Women cleaning village road in Ahiolo Plate 24 Tree felled by timber logging company with a Ahiolo/Abio delegation to company camp to negotiate compensation for the village Plate 25 Truck with timber Plate 26 Floating timber logs to Tala, Chinese merchant Edu Latekay 5 Acknowledgements This book is the result of many years of study for which I owe my greatest support to my mother and my father and our large family. Without their patient help I would not have been able to enjoy the teaching and discussions at the department of anthropology at the LSE. I would also like to use this opportunity to express my thanks to the department and especially to Dr Alfred Gell and Dr Peter (Loizos. Their intellectual advice and vital support have helped me very much. Peter's friendship has supported me over difficult periods. In discussions after the completion of fieldwork, Dr A. Gell has encouraged me to analyse my acquired knowledge in ways which are unusual for the department but seem pertinent to the issues of the fieldwork. The thesis is about the villages of Ahiolo and Abio. For their help and generous hospitality I would like to express my deep appreciation. Andreas and Mimi Latekay welcomed me with Memeu, Nincy, Lucy, Vonny and Jonki in their house. Andreas was always concerned about my wellbeing and Mimi told me more about the village than anybody else, a fact which together with her good humour and excellent cooking was and is much appreciated. I would like to thank Topi Latekay for his friendship and company and Edu Latekay, who taught me over many hours the Wemale language, translated stories and myths and gave his views on many issues addressed during the research. Zakarias Haikutty shared much of his knowledge of Wemale and Protestant religion with me. In the last months of the fieldwork I enjoyed the hospitality of Moses Kwatomole and his wife Juliana and their children in Abio. Many elders in Abio have helped me generously collecting information. In particular Hanok Laamena spent hours walking and telling about the villages and Sophia Yamane upui narrated stories and sang old Wemale songs to me. On Ambon I was taken into the care of the lively Tjiu family. Without the support and generosity of Mama and Papa Tjiu, Siang and especially Bing, who accompanied me on my first ventures on Seram, fieldwork would have been much harder and far less satisfying than it has turned out to be. My warm thanks go also to Bishop Sol, the General Secretary of the Protestant Church of Maluku, pastor Ospara, the head of the 'kelasis' in Kairatu and his wife, Boy and his family who gave me repeatedly shelter in Tala and finally Prof Ellen at Canterbury for his prompt advice.