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Preliminary Grammatical Notes on Damar Batumerah Or West Damar

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Preliminary Grammatical Notes on Damar Batumerah Or West Damar Preliminary Grammatical Notes on Damar Batumerah or West Damar, a Language of Southwest Maluku SVETLANA F. CHLENOVA Moscow State Lomonosov University Introduction Damar Batumerah or West Damar, an Austronesian language spoken by approximately 800 speakers in the villages Batumerah and Kwai on the Northwestern coast of Damar island (Eastern Indonesia) remains almost unexplored, whereas – like some other languages of the region – it may disappear in the nearest future suppressed by local Indonesian. Damar Batumerah obviously occupies a specific place in the area. Some general characteristics of the language and its wordlist are given in Chlenov and Chlenova (this volume). The present paper contains a brief grammatical sketch and a sample of Damar Batumerah sentences glossed and grammatically commented. In this paper I take a very preliminary look at the grammatical system of Damar Batumerah based on the limited material of above 500 items wordlist, a set of 36 elicited sentences and two verbal paradigms provided by our informant S. Lutrunawawoy, a native speaker of village Batumerah and the material is rather limited:. In the analysis, it was helpful to compare the set of the Damar Batumerah sentences with their equivalents in other Southwest Moluccan languages, for which we have similar data: Leti, Meher (Kisar), Moa, Luang (Sermata), Nila, Serua, Tepa- Teun, and Daweloor. Especially helpful was consulting to Van Engelenhoven’s (2004) grammar of Leti, the first exhaustive study of a Southwest Moluccan language. Phonology Our brief notes on the Damar Batumerah phoneme inventory are based on the analysis of the entries of the wordlist individually written down by the informant and then compared by us with the corresponding entries in Taber’s (1993) wordlist, which are displayed in the phonetic transcription. Damar Batumerah (as well as Indonesian) data are presented here according to the rules of modern Indonesian orthography, i.e. with “y” for earlier “j”, “c” for “tj”, “j” for “dj”. With the exception of this, Damar words and sentences have spelling provided by the informant. This spelling is characterized with a salient feature, namely “ch” occurring as frequently as “h” and just like the latter corresponding to [h] in Taber’s phonetic transcription. However, in our data there are some words that are spelled in both variants as exemplified by the verb ‘run’, which is attested as k-nehi in the wordlist and as n-nechcha in the sentence (21)1. It seems reasonable to retain /ch/ as a unit of the phonemic inventory. Though rules governing the distribution of “ch” and “h” are not clear for the time being, this distinction is argued by different historical reconstructions (Chlenov and Chlenova, this volume). 1 Numbers enclosed in brackets refer to the sentences given in the Appendix. 163 The phoneme inventory of Damar Batumerah includes the following consonants and vowels: Consonants: p, (b), m, w, t, d, n, r, tʃ, (dʒ), j, s, l, k, (g), ŋ, ɲ, ch, h Vowels: i, e, o, u, a The phonemes given in brackets occur in borrowings mostly from or via Indonesian: /b/ as in biasa ‘normal’, benua continent’, bangsa ‘people’; /dʒ/ as in bajako ‘plough’, jamo ‘hour’, sajako ‘poem’; /g/ as in sorga ‘heaven’, gembalai ‘herd’. Though /ŋ/ is mostly attested in loan words as in bunga ‘flower’, kentango ‘potatoe’, kuningano ‘yellow’, tongko (< Indonesian tangkap) ‘catch’ etc., our wordlist does include some Damar words containing this phoneme, and it is worth mentioning that it usually occurs before /ch/ as in nungcho (cf. {nunho}2 in Taber’s list) ‘mouth’, nanngcha ‘anger’, ‘fight’, tingcha ‘story’, tintingcha ‘fairy tail’, mlungchu ‘sour’, nyenholingchono ‘forget’. Damar Batumerah displays the geminate consonants as followings: /ss/ in Passo ‘ God’, desseri ‘who’, isso ‘meat’; /tt/ in dittirayo ‘criket’, itto ‘breast’, wertto ‘ heavy’; /pp/ in ppelo ‘diligent’; /kk/ in ppakko ‘tobacco’; /ll/ in hollo ‘road’, klullyo ‘wave’, yollopo ‘half’; /chch/ in luhluchcha ‘dance’. No instances of geminate vowels have been attested. Damar lexical roots are mostly disyllabic or trisyllabic. Relying on Taber’s wordlist, it can be asserted that stress is fixed on the penultimate syllable of the lexical root as in {ul’konna} ‘head’, {wah’lejo} ‘mountain’, {le’lεmma} ‘tongue’ – except for some numerals such as {viε‘ru } ‘two’, {vi’ti} ‘seven’, {vi’a:} ‘eight’, {vi’si} ‘nine’, which are stressed on the ultimate syllable, and {’deweja} ‘woman’, {‘dodamo} ‘snake’, {‘muhəlo} ‘sky’, {wa’wathono} ‘sit’ which are stressed on the syllable preceded penultimate . Morphology A Damar Batumerah word elicited out of context has a final vowel, and this is typical for Southwest Moluccan languages. A salient feature of Damar Batumerah words found in the list is that almost all of them display final /o/, whereas /i/, /a/, /u/, /e/ occur much more rarely. Borrowings from or via Indonesian that have a final vowel keep it, cf. pala ‘nutmeg’, kuasa ‘force’, sapi ‘cow’, brani ‘brave’, capatu ‘shoes’, perlu ‘necessary’. Loan words with final consonant are regularly attached with /o/ or /yo/, cf. tabibo (< tabib) ‘physician’, masyarakato (< masyarakat) ‘society’, k-leso ‘read’ (< Dutch lezen), sembayango (< sembayang) ‘pray’, sombongo (< sombong) ‘arrogant’, lillyo (< lilin) ‘candle’, pepekoyo (< bebek) ‘duck’. Exceptions comprise few Indonesian borrowings: turunan ‘ descent’, korban ‘victim’, mahal ‘expensive’, murah ‘cheap’, trimakasih ‘thanks’, silahkan ‘please’, ancam ‘threaten’. It is worth to emphasize that these are the only consonant-final entries attested in our Damar Batumerah wordlist. The examples given above imply that final /o/ can be categorized as a productive affix which is not intrinsic to the single word class, but can be attached to nouns, verbs, adjectives when they appear as free forms. In context, content words usually lack the affix -o and combine with each other through apocope as in yowentetmo (< yowenyo ‘good’ + tetteto ’very’) ‘the most beautiful’ (24). When suffixed, lexical morphemes not only delete the final affix -o but are subjected to some morphological processes. We can exemplify this for possessive constructions. In the case of wolseni (wols-o/eni) ‘his/her price’ (18), the affix -o is replaced with the 3SG possessive suffix -eni, whereas in the case of kakamcheni (kak- o/mcheni) ‘your older brother/sister’ (35), wowsumcheni (wows-o/mcheni) ‘your pig’(18) or wowsuyeni (wows-o/eni) ‘his/her pig’(18), weseni (we-yo/eni/-seni) ‘his/her younger brother/ 2 Taber’s data are enclosed in figured brackets. 164 sister’(35), the lexical morphemes not only replace the final /o/ with possessive suffixes but exhibit allomorphs: kaka-, wowsu-, wes-. What is /a/ in the case of kaka-mcheni, /u/ in wowsu-mcheni or in wowsu-eni and /s/ in wes-eni? Why is /u/ inserted in the possessive form of wowso but not in that of wolso? Unfortunately, the available data are too scarce for revealing phonotactic rules. The examples given above show that Damar Batumerah does not formally distinguish between alienable and inalienable possession. The same suffixes mark possession on any nouns, be they alienable or inalienable: cf. kakamcheni (kako-mcheni) ‘your older brother/sister’ (35) and wowsumcheni (wowso-mcheni) ‘your pig’ (18); weseni (weyo-seni) ‘your younger brother/ sister’ (35) and wowsuyeni (wowso-eni) ‘his/her pig’ or wolseni (wolso-eni) ‘his/her price’ (18). A full set of possessive suffixes is illustrated in Table 1 by the inflection of weroto, which was provided by our informant as an equivalent to Indonesian verb punya ‘have’ but is likely to be a noun ‘possession’. Like other languages of the area, Damar Batumerah lacks verb designating possession. weroto Possessive suffixes 1SG odo weruchchi -chchi (?) 2SG ede werumcheni -mcheni 3SG idi wereni -eni 1PL:INC itito werotoni -toni 1PL:EXCL odomo weromoni -moni 2PL edmi werumseni -mseni 3PL idiro weroroni -roni Table 1: The inflection of weroto (equivalent to punya ‘have’) With the exception of 1SG suffix -chchi, which may be not a possessive marker proper (e.g., another suffix is observed in ulkona-cheni ‘my head’ in (2) and (4)), all possessive suffixes include a segment -ni. Meanwhile, this -ni occurs as a separate affix in sentences and in the Damar Batumerah wordlist. In the wordlist, the suffix -ni is displayed by two inalienable nouns: ulchuni ‘husband’ < ulcho ‘man’/ ‘male’ and deweyeni ‘wife’ < deweya ‘woman’/ ‘female’. But mostly -ni occurs with nouns which are not eligible for inalienable status; cf. muchloni ‘sky’, lawoni, ‘sun’, ulloni3 ‘moon’, uhnoni ‘rain’, Ahulchini4 ‘God’, horani ‘anchor’. Many phrases that exhibit the suffix -ni are not possessive ones (see 17, 21, 23, 26, 27, 28, 30), and the rules of its distribution remain unclear. However, we may assume that -ni is one of the affixes filling the slot of the phrase determiner and its function is ‘to signal that the speaker identifies the referent of the phrase within his frame of reference’ (to use the formula given for Leti in Van Engelenhoven 2004:160). Damar Batumerah seems to display no formal singular/plural distinction on nouns. Compare uma ‘house’ in the two sentences: uma-i ‘this house’ for Indonesian rumah ini in (9) and uma-dari ‘that house’ for Indonesian rumah-rumah itu ‘those houses’ in (36) or kmemeyo ‘child’ (Indonesian anak) and kmemeidini ‘(the?) child’ for Indonesian anak-anak ‘children’ in (11). In both cases, nouns are not marked overtly as singular/plural, although in the corresponding Indonesian phrases plurality on nouns is marked
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