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Word-Prosodic Systems of Raja Ampat Languages

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Word-prosodic systems of Raja Ampat languages PROEFSCHRIFT ter verkrijging van de graad van Doctor aan de Universiteit Leiden, op gezag van de Rector Magnificus Dr. D.D. Breimer, hoogleraar in de faculteit der Wiskunde en Natuurwetenschappen en die der Geneeskunde, volgens besluit van het College voor Promoties te verdedigen op woensdag 9 januari 2002 te klokke 15.15 uur door ALBERT CLEMENTINA LUDOVICUS REMIJSEN geboren te Merksem (België) in 1974 Promotiecommissie promotores: Prof. Dr. V.J.J.P. van Heuven Prof. Dr. W.A.L. Stokhof referent: Dr. A.C. Cohn, Cornell University overige leden: Prof. Dr. T.C. Schadeberg Prof. Dr. H. Steinhauer Published by LOT phone: +31 30 253 6006 Trans 10 fax: +31 30 253 6000 3512 JK Utrecht e-mail: [email protected] The Netherlands http://www.let.uu.nl/LOT/ Cover illustration: Part of the village Fafanlap (Misool, Raja Ampat archipelago, Indonesia) in the evening light. Photo by Bert Remijsen (February 2000). ISBN 90-76864-09-8 NUGI 941 Copyright © 2001 by Albert C.L. Remijsen. All rights reserved. This book is dedicated to Lex van der Leeden (1922-2001), with friendship and admiration Table of contents Acknowledgements vii Transcription and abbreviations ix 1 Introduction 1 2 The languages of the Raja Ampat archipelago 5 2.1. About this chapter 5 2.2. Background 6 2.2.1. The Austronesian and the Papuan languages, and their origins 6 2.2.2. The South Halmahera-West New Guinea subgroup of Austronesian 8 2.2.2.1. In general 8 2.2.2.2. Within the South Halmahera-West New Guinea (SHWNG) subgroup 9 2.2.2.3. Contact between SHWNG and the Papuan languages 11 2.3. An overview of the languages of the Raja Ampat archipelago 14 2.3.1. Ma­ya (Salawati, Misool, Kawe, Wauyai and Laganyan dialects) 14 2.3.1.1. In general 14 2.3.1.2. Dialectal variation 18 2.3.2. Matbat 21 2.3.2.1. Language situation 21 2.3.2.2. Identifying wordlist 50 in Wallace (1869) 22 2.3.2.3. Interesting features of Matbat 23 2.3.3. Biga 24 2.3.4. Ambel 25 2.3.5. The interior-oriented villages of Salawati: 0, 1 or 2 languages? 26 2.3.6. Other Raja Ampat languages: Bata, Gebe and As 28 2.3.7. Malay / Indonesian 29 2.3.8. Other non-RA languages used in the Raja Ampat archipelago 30 2.3.9. Conclusion: the language situation of the RA archipelago 31 2.4. The genetic classification of the Raja Ampat languages 32 2.4.1. Previous work 32 2.4.2. A RASH hypothesis: all RA languages belong to SH branch of SHWNG 34 2.4.3. The relative value of genetic classification based on vocabulary alone 37 2.5. Summary 37 3 Lexically contrastive stress and lexical tone in Ma­ya 39 3.1. Introduction 39 3.1.1. A typology of word-prosodic features 39 ii CONTENTS 3.1.2. Hybrid word-prosodic systems 41 3.1.2.1. Hybrid systems with predictable lexical stress 42 3.1.2.2. Hybrid systems with phonemic stress 43 3.1.2.3. The phonetic encoding of lexical stress in a hybrid system 44 3.2. The phonology of Ma­ya word prosody 47 3.2.1. Van der Leeden’s analysis 47 3.2.2. An alternative analysis 50 3.2.3. Conclusion 53 3.3. A phonetic account of lexical stress in Ma­ya 54 3.3.1. Introduction 54 3.3.2. Data collection and analysis 54 3.3.2.1. Speakers 54 3.3.2.2. Elicitation procedure 55 3.3.2.3. Materials used in the analysis 56 3.3.2.4. Data analysis 56 3.3.2.5. Statistical analysis 58 3.3.3. Results and discussion 60 3.3.3.1. Duration 60 3.3.3.2. Vowel quality 61 3.3.3.3. Selective intensity 62 3.3.3.4. Fundamental frequency (f0) 62 3.3.3.5. Interpretation of the results 63 3.3.3.6. Comparing accent correlates with tone correlates 65 3.4. Conclusion 67 4 Dialectal variation in the lexical tone system of Ma­ya 69 4.1. Introduction 69 4.1.1. In general 69 4.1.2. The tonemes of Ma­ya 70 4.1.3. Summary and research objectives 70 4.2. Data collection and analysis 71 4.2.1. Speakers 71 4.2.2. Materials and procedure 71 4.2.3. Data analysis and statistics 73 4.3. Results and discussion 74 4.3.1. Salawati dialect 74 4.3.1.1. High toneme (High) 74 4.3.1.2. Rising toneme (Rise) 74 4.3.1.3. Falling toneme (Fall) 78 4.3.1.4. Inferential statistics 78 4.3.1.5. Conclusion 79 CONTENTS iii 4.3.2. Misool dialect 79 4.3.2.1. High toneme (High) 79 4.3.2.2. Low toneme (Low) 80 4.3.2.3. Falling toneme (Fall) 80 4.3.2.4. Inferential statistics 80 4.3.2.5. Conclusion 81 4.3.3. Laganyan dialect 81 4.3.3.1. High toneme (High) 81 4.3.3.2. Falling toneme (Fall) 82 4.3.3.3. Rising toneme (Rise) 82 4.3.3.4. Inferential statistics 83 4.3.3.5. Conclusion 84 4.4. General discussion 84 4.4.1. Ma­ya is a tone language 84 4.4.2. Synchronic variation in the Rise of pre-split Ma­ya 84 4.4.3. A push-chain tonal change in the Misool dialect 85 4.4.4. Loss of tonal contrast and a boundary tone in the Laganyan dialect 85 4.4.5. Is the Laganyan dialect losing its lexical tone system? 87 4.4.6. Triggers of diachronic change in the tone systems of Ma­ya dialects 87 4.5. Summary 88 5 A second RA tone language: Matbat 89 5.1. Introduction 89 5.2. Lexical tone in Matbat: phonological description 89 5.3. Lexical tone in Matbat: acoustic analysis 91 5.3.1. Motivation and approach 91 5.3.2. Data collection and data analysis 92 5.3.2.1. Speakers 92 5.3.2.2. Materials and procedure 92 5.3.2.3. Data analysis and statistics 93 5.3.3. Results and discussion 95 5.3.3.1. The effect of tone on f0 and duration 95 5.3.3.2. The effect of utterance context on f0 and duration 100 5.4. Conclusion and discussion 102 5.4.1. Conclusion: Matbat is a tone language with five tonemes 102 5.4.2. Discussion: Tonogenesis in Matbat and Ma­ya was contact-induced 102 6 A diachronic perspective on Ma­ya word prosody 105 6.1. About this chapter 105 6.2. Ma­ya word prosodic patterns: the facts 105 6.2.1. Salawati Ma­ya 105 6.2.2. Misool Ma­ya 108 6.2.3. Waigeo Ma­ya (all dialects) 109 6.2.4. Summary 110 iv CONTENTS 6.3. Phonological processes in the history of Ma­ya 111 6.3.1. Syllable deletion (in Proto-SHWNG) 111 6.3.2. Vowel assimilation (in Ma­ya) 113 6.3.3. Unstressed non-final vowels tend to be /a/ 115 6.3.3.1. The prefix /ka-/ 115 6.3.3.2. Verbal prefixes 116 6.3.3.3. Noun derivation with /Ca(C)-/ 117 6.3.3.4. Other cases 118 6.3.3.5. Conclusion – /a/ is the unmarked vowel in Ma­ya 118 6.4. Discussion and conclusion 118 6.4.1. Tonogenesis 118 6.4.2. Discussion – the development of the Ma­ya word prosodic system 119 6.4.3. Conclusion 121 7 Conclusion 123 7.1. Recapitulation of research questions and main findings 123 7.2. General discussion 124 7.2.1. Why are languages with both stress and tone rare? 124 7.2.2. Tonogenesis vs. tone retention 125 7.3. Loose ends and suggestions for further research 126 7.3.1. Hybrid word prosodic systems 126 7.3.2. The languages of the Raja Ampat archipelago 127 7.3.3. The genetic classification of the Raja Ampat languages 127 References 129 Appendix A Wordlists of Raja Ampat languages 139 A.1. Introduction 139 A.2. Wordlists collected on Misool and Salawati: Matbat, Biga, Misool Ma­ya, Butleh and Salawati Ma­ya 140 A.3. Wordlists collected on Waigeo: Laganyan, Wauyai, Kawe, Ambel, plus Salawati Ma­ya for comparison 147 Appendix B Grammar notes on some Raja Ampat languages 155 B.1. In general – morphological encoding in RA languages 155 B.2.Wordlists of RA languages – language-specific notes 155 B.2.1. Notes on Matbat list 155 B.2.1.1. Phonology 156 B.2.1.2. Morphology – subject-agreement on verbs 156 B.2.1.3. Morphology – names of inalienable body parts & kinship terms 157 B.2.2. Notes on Biga wordlist 158 B.2.2.1. Phonology 158 B.2.2.2. Morphology 158 B.2.3. Notes on Salawati Ma­ya wordlist 159 B.2.4. Notes on Fiawat wordlist 159 B.2.4.1. Morphology 159 CONTENTS v B.2.5. Notes on Misool Ma­ya wordlist 159 B.2.6. Notes on Kawe wordlist 160 B.2.6.1. Phonology 160 B.2.6.2. Morphology - verb classes 160 B.2.7. Notes on Wauyai wordlist 161 B.2.8. Notes on Laganyan wordlist 161 B.2.9. Notes on Ambel wordlist 161 B.2.9.1.
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