The Chinese Aspect System and its Semantic Interpretation Guowen Yang and John A. Bateman FB10, Sprach und Literaturwissenschaften Bremen University, 28334 Germany gwyang@uni-bremen.de [email protected]

Abstract: Motivated by a systematic all aspect expressions, including both simple representation of the Chinese aspect forms primary aspect forms and complex aspect that explores their intrinsic semantics and forms, are systematically organized. We are temporal logical relations, we are constructing implementing the system using the KPML a Chinese aspect system network based on multilingual generator (Bateman, 1997), systemic functional grammar and interpreting the intrinsic semantics of each implemented using the multilingual generator aspect form in terms of existing temporal KPML. In this paper, we introduce the basic logic theories. In this paper we focus on simple primary aspect forms and a set of the generation of complex aspect. secondary types of the unmarked-durative aspect in our Chinese aspect system, describe 2. The overview of Chinese the semantic temporal relations of complex complex aspect aspect in terms of temporal logic theories, and Both Chinese and English have complex propose principled semantic conditions for aspect forms. Halliday (1976) describes forty aspect combination. Finally, we give a brief eight possible forms of English tense and explanation of the system implementation. elaborates the ways in which the complex 1. Motivation tense forms are combined. In Halliday’s tense theory, the complex tense forms of English Chinese aspect is a traditional area of research are recursively built up from primary tense to that has always brought up questions and secondary tense, to tertiary tense, etc. confusion for both theoretical and Compared with English, the Chinese aspect computational linguists. Our own practical system 2 is rather different. In the Chinese motivation for exploring this area addresses aspect system, the combination of individual two concerns. First, most existing research aspects is much more semantically restricted achievements in Chinese aspect have and much less grammatically regular than that interpreted the semantics of Chinese aspect in in English. As a consequence, it gives rise to intuitive and general terms rather than in more difficulties in both theoretical 1 terms of temporal logic theories ; the latter is explanation and practical implementation. however crucial for computational imple- We look into the details of this below. mentation. Second, Chinese linguists traditionally focus their attention on simple We propose that the Chinese aspect system has basically seventeen simple primary aspect primary aspect (simple aspect) forms, but 3 make no efforts either theoretically or forms . They are shown diagrammatically in computationally to deal with the large variety Figure 1. of complex aspects. Although the frequency of appearance of complex aspects is not as high as that of simple primary aspect types, they nevertheless play an important role in the Chinese aspect system and cannot be ignored.

To meet these problems, we are constructing 2 a complete Chinese aspect system in which Chinese has no morphological tense markers. Tense in Chinese is realized lexically.

1 Exception to this are Smith (1991) and Dai Y-J 3 It is our opinion that the Chinese aspect system (1997) who have investigated Chinese aspect in is actually composed of both aspect morphemes terms of temporal logic theories. Their studies (-le, -zhe, -guo4, etc.) and aspect adverbials (Yang, have focused particularly on simple aspect forms 1999, 2001). however. name form name form unmarked-realized V+了(le) unmarked-perfect 已经(yi3jing1)+V+了(le) marked-perfect 已经(yi3jing1)+V unmarked- V+过(guo) unmarked-remote- 曾经(ceng2jing1)+V+过(guo) experiential experiential marked-remote- 曾经(ceng2jing1)+V experiential recent-past-existing V+ (N) + 来着 unmarked-durative V+着(zhe) (lai2zhe) activity-durative 在(zai4)+V long-durative 一直(yi1zhi2)+V activity-progressive 正在(zheng4zai4)+V unmarked- 正(zheng4)+V progressive start-and-continue V+起来(qi3lai2) continue-to-future V+下去(xia4qu4) unmarked-future- 将(jiang1)+V written-imminent- 将要/即将 existing future-existing (jiang1yao4/ji2jiang1) +V spoken-imminent- 就要/快(jiu4yao4/kuai4)+V future-existing Figure 1. The simple primary aspect forms

name & form example long-and-unmarked-durative 诺克斯号一直航行着。 一直(yi1zhi2)+V+着(zhe) nuo4ke4si1 hao4 yi1zhi2 hang2xing2 zhe (The Knox has been sailing all along.) marked-remote-experiential-unmarked- 那幅画曾经在这儿挂着。 durative na4 fu2 hua4 ceng2jing1 zai4 zhe4er gua4 zhe 曾经(ceng2jing1)+V+着(zhe) (That picture was once hanging here.) recent-past-existing-unmarked-durative 那幅画刚才在这儿挂着来着。 V+着(zhe)+来着(lai2zhe) na4 fu2 hu4 gang1cai2 zai4 zhe4er gua4 zhe lai2zhe (That picture was hanging here just now.) unmarked-realized-unmarked-durative 明天那幅画就在这儿挂着了。 V+着(zhe)+了(le) ming2tian1 na4 fu2 hua4 jiu4 zai4 zhe4er gua4 zhe le (That picture will be hanging here from tomorrow.) unmarked-perfect-unmarked-durative 那幅画现在已经在这儿挂着了。 已经(yi3jing1)+V+着(zhe)+了(le) na4 fu2 hua4 xian4zai4 yi3jing1 zai4 zhe4er gua4 zhe le (That picture is already hanging here now.) unmarked-future-existing-unmarked-durative 明天那幅画将在这儿挂着。 将(jiang1)+V+着(zhe) ming2tian1 na4 fu2 hua4 jiang1 zai4 zhe4er gua4 zhe (That picture will be hanging here tomorrow.) unmarked-progressive-unmarked-durative 那幅画现在正在这儿挂着。 正(zheng4)+V+着(zhe) na4 fu2 hua4 xian4zai4 zheng4 zai4 zhe4er gua4 zhe (That picture is hanging here now.) Figure 2. The secondary types of unmarked-durative aspect same function as the marked-perfect aspect The “V” in the aspect forms denotes “verb”; 已经 the “/” shows disjunction; the name of each +V (yi3jing1+V). They differ only individual aspect was chosen based on its lexically. The situation is the same for the intuitive semantic function. The unmarked- unmarked-remote-experiential aspect 曾经 perfect aspect 已经+V+了 (yi3jing1+V+le) is +V+过 (ceng2jing1+V+guo) and the marked- regarded as a simple aspect because it has the remote-experiential aspect 曾经+V (ceng2 jing1+V). The seventeen simple primary internal temporal constituency of a situation”. aspect forms belong to the three subsystems (Comrie, 1976, p.3) Aspect is determined by of perfective, imperfective (Comrie, 1976) or the type of process 5 (in terms of systemic future-existing 4 according to the semantic linguistics), the type of object, and the properties in individual cases. Some simple specific allocation of event initial time, primary aspect forms can combine to form speaking time and reference time. The various kinds of complex aspect. We call a aspectual properties of different kinds of combination involving two types of simple event may be generalized in terms of primary aspect an aspect of secondary type; Vendler’s four situation types: states, the combination with three types of simple activities, accomplishments, and achieve- primary aspect is an aspect of tertiary type. ments (Vendler, 1967). Situation types have By analogy, we also have an aspect of nothing to do with the referential time of the quaternary type; this is the maximum event and are influenced only by process, possibility: no further types are attested (Yang, object, and the time point or time interval 1999, 2001). The combination capacities of over which the event holds. different simple primary aspect forms differ. We define several predicates to be used to For example, the simple primary aspect express temporal relations based on and 着 unmarked-durative V+ (V+zhe), which slightly altering those of Allen (1984). The belongs to the subsystem of imperfective, important ones are: combines with several other types of simple primary aspect to construct complex aspect PRECEDE(t1, t2) ↔ (t1e.g. the simple primary FAR-PRECEDE(t1, t2) ↔ (t1«t2) SHORTLY-PRECEDE(t , t ) ↔ (t ^t ) aspect unmarked-experiential V+过 (V+guo), 1 2 1 2 NEARLY-EQUAL(t1, t2) ↔ (t1≈t2) have a very restricted capacity to combine with other simple aspect forms to build The predicates PRECEDE(t1, t2) and complex aspect forms. SAME(t1, t2) correspond to Allen’s predicates BEFORE(t1, t2) and EQUAL(t1, t2) respec- 3. The semantic interpretation of tively. The difference between Allen’s predi- cates and ours is that we use time points for Chinese complex aspect definitions rather than time intervals. The We briefly look into the profile of tense, reason for this slight change is that when the aspect, and situation type, before examining system is going to generate an aspect closely the semantic temporal relations of expression, either a simple aspect or a complex aspect forms. We adopt Comrie’s complex aspect, the breakdown into the theoretical framework of tense and aspect. relevant time points is often needed. “As far as tense is concerned, then, the The predicate PRECEDE(t , t ) indicates that reference point is typically the present 1 2 the time point t precedes the time point t on moment, and tenses locate situations either at 1 2 the time axis. The predicate SAME(t , t ) the same time as the present moment, or prior 1 2 indicates that the time point t equals the time to the present moment, or subsequent to the 1 point t on the time axis. Three additional present moment…” (Comrie, 1985, p.14). 2 predicates are defined to meet the particular “Aspects are different ways of viewing the needs of expressing the temporal relations entailed by Chinese aspects. The predicate 4 It is controversial whether to include “futurity” FAR-PRECEDE(t1, t2) indicates that the time within the aspect category. We favor Halliday’s point t1 precedes the time point t2 con- tense theory (Halliday, 1976). We also agree with siderably on the time axis. The predicate Bache’s viewpoint “it seems to me not only SHORTLY-PRECEDE(t1, t2) indicates that convenient but also legitimate to accept future TEMPORALITY as a genuine member of the metacategory of tense” (Bache, 1995, p. 266). 5 “A process consists potentially of three Compatible claims are also made by Dahl (Dahl, components: (i) the process itself; (ii) participants 1985, p.102-112). Also see Gong Q-Y (1995). in the process; (iii) circumstances associated with the process.” (Halliday, 1985, p.101)

the time point t1 only shortly precedes the (UDR) and the long-durative aspect 一直+V time point t2. The predicate NEARLY- (yi1zhi2+V) (LDR). Examples 1, 2 and 3 EQUAL(t1, t2) indicates that the time point t1 illustrate the two simple primary aspect forms 6 lies close to the time point t2. We define ti, tf , and the complex aspect respectively. tr, and ts as the event initial time, the event finishing time, the reference time, and the 1 诺克斯 号 航行 着 speaking time respectively. nuo4ke4si1 hao4 hang2xin2 zhe From a theoretical point of view, to generate the Knox number sail UDR complex aspect forms not only must the (The Knox is sailing.) temporal relations of individual aspect forms The simple primary aspect of unmarked- and the complex aspect forms be correctly durative is realized lexically by the marker represented, but the semantic requirements for 着 the combination must also be met. What “ (zhe)”. The unmarked-durative aspect determines the combining possibility between indicates either a dynamic or static durative different aspect forms is their own intrinsic state of the situation; it means that the logical temporal attributes. When the intrinsic situation begins before the reference time and logical temporal attributes of each aspect type is continuing at the reference time point. The are in harmony, the two aspect forms can temporal relations of the unmarked-durative combine; otherwise they cannot. We have aspect V+着 (V+zhe) are: ti

(yi1zhi2+V+zhe). The combination is com- 一直+V (yi1zhi2+V) are: ti«tf, and tr=tf=ts. posed of two simple primary aspect forms: This is represented graphically in Figure 4. the unmarked-durative aspect V+着(V+zhe) The dotted line denotes the long duration.

6 The tf here not only refers to the event intrinsic terminating point, which an event of accomplish- ment situation type usually has, but it also refers to the time point at which an event of other situation types is terminated by some kind of outside force.

the design of the system network, it is t t =t =t necessary to arrange the logical dependencies i r s f such that less restricted aspect forms are made Figure 4. The temporal relations of the long- dependent on more restricted aspect forms. durative aspect 一直+V (yi1zhi2+V) This avoids potentially incompatible logical conditions being required. For example, 3 诺克斯 号 一直 compared with other simple primary aspect nuo4ke4si1 hao4 yi1zhi2 the Knox number LDR forms, the unmarked-durative aspect V+ 着 (V+zhe) (Figure 3) has more restricted 航行 着 requirements in its usage, therefore, it should hang2xing2 zhe sail UDR be selected first; then it combines with the long-durative aspect 一直+V (yi1zhi2+V) to (The Knox has been sailing all along.) form the complex aspect long-and-unmarked- durative 一直+V+着 (yi1zhi2+V+zhe). In example 3, because the event initial time ti of the unmarked-durative aspect V+着 (V+ The secondary aspect long-and-unmarked- zhe) precedes the reference time point and it durative 一直+V+ 着 (yi1zhi2+V+zhe) can is an unfixed time point which can at any further combine with another primary aspect, point precede the reference time, it can also e.g. the unmarked-future-existing aspect be identical to the event initial time of the (UFT) which is realized lexically by 将 一直 long-durative aspect +V (yi1zhi2+V). (jiang1), to form a tertiary aspect type: 将+一 The two individual aspect forms can share a 直 +V+ 着(jiang1+yi1zhi2+V+zhe). We take unique event initial time so that a specific framework of temporal relations for the this as another example to illustrate the aspect combining conditions; see example 4 below. complex aspect can be established. In this case, we say that the two individual aspect 4. 诺克斯 号 将 一直 forms are compatible; the combination can be nuo4ke4si1 hao4 jiang1 yi4zhi2 made. The complex aspect indicates a long the Knox number UFT LDR existing and continuing state of affairs with 航行 着 respect to the reference time. The temporal hang2xing2 zhe relations of the long-and-unmarked-durative sail UDR 一直+V+着 (yi1zhi2+V+zhe) are then: ti«tr, (The Knox will keep sailing all along.) tr=ts and tr

zhi2+V+zhe) combines with the unmarked- 5. * 诺克斯 号 一直 future-existing aspect 将+V (jiang1+V), the nuo4ke4si1 hao4 yi1zhi2 temporal relations of the long-and-unmarked- the Knox number LDR durative aspect 一直+V+着 (yi1zhi2+V+zhe) 正在 航行 (Figure 5) become: ts

ts ti tr tf The activity-progressive aspect 正在+V Figure 7. The temporal relations of the long-and- (zheng4zai4+V) indicates a dynamic pro- unmarked-durative aspect gressive state of the situation holding since a specific time point (event initial time t ). Its Compared with Figure 5, we can see that the i temporal relations are: ti=tr and ti

Henschel, 1991). The main function of Comrie, B. (1976) Aspect, Cambridge, England: choosers is to guide traversal of the grammar Cambridge University Press. and choose grammatical features by asking Comrie, B. (1985) Tense, Cambridge, England: the relevant inquiries and testing all the Cambridge University Press. required conditions that they give. An inquiry Dahl, Ö. (1985) Tense and Aspect Systems, Oxford: contains a set of conditions to test whether the Blackwell. given inputs meet some set of semantic Dai, Y-J. (1997) 现代汉语时体研究 (A Study of requirements. For example, the inquiry used Chinese Aspect), Zhejiang Education Publisher. to test the unmarked-durative aspect V+ 着 Gong, Q-Y. (1995) 汉语的时相，时制，时态 (V+zhe) contains the following conditions: ti (Phase, Tense and Aspect in Chinese), Beijing: precedes tr, tr precedes tf, tr same as ts, the Commercial Press. process is not of intensive-relational type with Halliday, M.A.K. (1976) System and Function in verbs like 是 (shi4, be) or adjectives Language, Oxford University press. describing properties, and not of possessive Halliday, M.A.K. (1985, first edition) (1994, type with verb 有 (you3, have). Once a second adition) An Introduction to Functional feature is chosen, realization rules attached to Grammar, Edward Arnold, London. the feature place constraints on lexical Matthiessen, M.I.M. & Bateman, John A. (1991) selection and syntactic structure. Following Text Generation and Systemic-Functional traversal of the grammar the combined lexical Linguistics, Pinter Publishers, London and grammatical constraints are resolved in Smith, C.S. (1991) The Parameter of Aspect, order to give the final lexicalized grammatical Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic. structure. Teich, E. & Henschel, R. (1991) Aspect choice in a fragment of a systemic grammar of Russian, 5. Conclusion GMD-IPSI, Germany. In this paper, we have introduced the basic Vendler, Z. (1967) Linguistics in Philosophy, simple primary aspect forms and a set of Ithaca: Cornell University Press. secondary types of the unmarked-durative Yang, G-W. (1999) 汉语‘复合态’的语义关系 aspect V+着 (V+zhe) in our Chinese aspect 类型及其生成的有向性 (The semantic relation system, described the semantic temporal types of complex aspect and the directional relations of complex aspect forms in terms of requirements in generation), in Proceedings of th temporal logic theories, and proposed the 5 Chinese Conference on Computational principled semantic conditions required for Linguistics, Tsinghua University Press, Beijing, p.21-26 aspect combination. In respect of aspect, English and Chinese are semantically rather Yang, G-W. (2001) 汉语态制中‘复合态’的生 different. As future work we are now 成 (The Generation of Chinese Complex investigating potential applications of our Aspect), Zhong1Guo2 Yu3Wen2, 2001 No 5, description in several areas. In addition to the p.418-427 generation of Chinese texts per se, we are also considering the use of multilingual generation in, for example, contrastive reference grammars, and language teaching. References Allen, J.F. (1984) Towards a General Theory of Action and Time, Artificial Intelligence, 1984, 23, p.123-154 Bache, C. (1995) The Study of Aspect, Tense and Action: Towards a Theory of the Semantics of Grammatical Categories. Frankfurt/M.: Lang. Bateman, J.A. (1997) Enabling technology for multilingual natural language generation: the KPML development environment, Natural Language Engineering, 3(1), p.15-55