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Trade Unions and European Social Policy: the Example of the German DGB Thomas Fetzer RESÜMEE Dieser Aufsatz analysiert am Beispiel des Deutschen Gewerkschaftsbundes (DGB) die Rolle der Gewerkschaften bei der Etablierung der EG-Sozialpolitik in den 1970er Jahren. Ausgehend von einer Bestandsaufnahme europäischer Gewerkschaftsstrukturen nach 1945 wird argumentiert, dass sich diese Rolle weder als die einer zivilgesellschaftlichen Avantgarde für eine Supranatio- nalisierung dieses Politikfeldes noch als die eines defensiven „Bremsers“ angemessen beschrei- ben lässt. Es wird gezeigt, dass sich der DGB einerseits aktiv für eine supranationale Sozialpolitik einsetzte, diese aber andererseits auf eine Ergänzung und Koordinierung nationaler Wohlfahrts- staatlichkeit begrenzen wollte, insbesondere im Hinblick auf redistributive Elemente der Sozial- politik. Der Aufsatz illustriert damit, dass bei der Analyse nichtstaatlicher Akteure nicht nur auf deren Rolle als Lobbyisten in Brüssel zu achten ist, sondern auch darauf, wie solche Akteure die Reichweite supranationaler Politik definieren helfen. Social policy, along with a number of other fields like regional and environmental policy, became a new domain of European Community (EC) activities during the 1970s. Prior to that, leaving aside a few specific measures in the framework of the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), social policy had by and large been confined to the regulation of cross-border worker mobility. The European Social Fund created by the European Economic Community (EEC) treaty in 1957-8 was negligible in terms of its financial volume, while a treaty provision on equal pay for men and women had few practical ramifications until the late 1960s.1 1 For an overview of European social policy see for example Linda Hantrais, Social Policy in the European Union, rd edition, London 2007. Comparativ | Zeitschrift für Globalgeschichte und vergleichende Gesellschaftsforschung 20 (2010) Heft 3, S. 45–61. 46 | Thomas Fetzer Change started with the summits of The Hague and Paris in 1969 and 1972 where a consensus on pursuing a more active social policy took shape. The rationale for this ini- tiative was similar to the one underlying the parallel beginnings of EC regional policy, namely to complement economic and monetary integration, and to provide a cushion against possible social dislocations resulting from that integration. The Commission duly submitted the EC’s first social policy ‘action programme’, which the Council adopted in January 1974. It included measures to promote employment, better working and living conditions, worker participation in industry, the equal treatment of men and women, and a reform of the social fund. Not all of these objectives were achieved. Worker participation initiatives, for example, became bogged down in disagreement over which model to implement. Still, from the mid-1970s onwards a limited number of new directives did see the light of day, in particular concerning gender equality and occupational health and safety. Two agencies were set up to conduct research in the areas of occupational training and ‘working and living conditions’. The consultation of ‘social partners’ in EC decision- making was given added emphasis, most clearly in a number of ‘tripartite conferences’ to discuss employment policy, supplemented, from 1973, by occasional broader gatherings deliberating a concerted macro-economic EC response to the oil crisis.2 Underlying this process were a variety of factors, from the protest and strike wave after 1968 and the electoral advance of social democracy in many European countries, to the return of unemployment after 1974 and the emerging debates on the regulation of multinational companies. In a longer-term perspective EC policy initiatives could build on efforts for international social policy coordination by the International Labour Organization (ILO) and the Council of Europe.3 From the perspective of this particular issue, the role of non-state actors in European integration, one of the most interesting questions is how and to what extent the trade unions shaped the emerging agenda for a European social policy during the 1970s – a time when they reached the apogee of their post-war influence, expressed in growing membership figures, rising bargaining strength, and their crucial role in tripartite arrangements to promote growth and contain inflation in the wake of the oil crisis.4 Not least against the backdrop of this general trade union advance a number of authors have suggested that unions were also instrumental in bringing about a European social policy during the 1970s, through their general lobbying for a ‘social dimension’ to coun- terbalance market integration, as well as through specific efforts to shape policy initiatives, e.g. in the fields of vocational training and occupational safety.5 However, these ar- 2 See Maria Eleonora Guasconi, Paving the Way for a European Social Dialogue. Italy, the Trade Unions and the Shaping of a European Social Policy after the Hague Conference of 1969, in: Journal of European Integration History 9 (200) 1, pp. 87-110. See Cédric Guinand, Die Internationale Arbeitsorganisation (ILO) und die soziale Sicherheit in Europa (1942– 1969), Berne 200. 4 See Donald Sassoon, One Hundred Years of Socialism, The West European Left in the Twentieth Century, London 1996, chapters 6 and 8. 5 See Guasconi, Paving the Way (note 2); Stefan Remeke, Gewerkschaften als Motoren der europäischen Inte- gration: Der DGB und das soziale Europa von den Römischen Verträgen bis zu den Pariser Gipfelkonferenzen Trade Unions and European Social Policy: the Example of the German DGB | 47 guments sit uneasily with more general assessments of the trade unions’ role in European integration. Since the late 1970s these have mostly emphasized the unions’ defensive attitudes, reacting to rather than proactively shaping integration.6 Thus, Patrick Pasture and Johan Verberckmoes have argued that ‘as a matter of fact the trade union movement shows a blatant reluctance to make use of the opportunities offered by Europe.’7 This controversy reflects not only diverging assessments of what trade unions did, but, more fundamentally, contrasting notions of what they could have done. Those emphasiz- ing the unions’ positive contribution to integration point to employers and governments as frustrating more far-reaching initiatives, while the ‘sceptics’ emphasize missed opportunities by the trade unions themselves. This article seeks to address this issue by probing more deeply into the complexity of trade union notions of ‘social Europe’ during the 1970s through a case study of the German Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund (DGB). The case of the DGB is particularly interesting not only because it has been the leading affili- ate of the European Trade Union Confederation (ETUC, and its predecessors) created in 1973, but also because the German confederation is often described as a ‘vanguard force’ within the ETUC by those who emphasize the trade unions’ allegedly pro-active role vis-à-vis European institutions.8 Building on the available literature9, the first section outlines the institutional structures of trade unions at the European level, and the role of the DGB within those structures. The second and main section, based on research in the DGB and ETUC archives, then addresses the question of the DGB’s approach to- wards European social policy during the 1970s. I argue that the DGB was faced with the strategic question of how to conceive ‘social Europe’ in terms of the interplay between European and national regulation, and that the function of EC-level initiatives came to be vaguely and narrowly defined as complementing national welfare states and industrial relations regimes. Next to the German unions’ commitment to national Keynesianism and industrial relations traditions, this was also due to the still weakly perceived impact of economic globalization. The conclusion briefly contrasts this pattern with the period (1957–1974), in: Jürgen Mittag (ed.), Deutsche Gewerkschaften und europäische Integration im 20. Jahrhundert, Mitteilungsblatt des Instituts für soziale Bewegungen 42 (2009) 1, pp. 141-164. 6 For influential early examples see Wolfram Elsner, Die EWG. Herausforderung und Antwort der Gewerkschaften, Cologne 1974; Lutz Niethammer, Defensive Integration – Der Weg zum EGB und die Perspektive der westeuro- päischen Einheitsgewerkschaft, in: Ulrich Borsdorf et. al. (eds.), Gewerkschaftliche Politik: Reform aus Solidarität. Zum 60. Geburtstag von Heinz O. Vetter, Cologne 1977, pp. 567-596. 7 Patrick Pasture/Johan Verberckmoes, Working Class Internationalism and the Appeal of National Identity: Hi- storical Dilemmas and Current Debates in Western Europe, in: Patrick Pasture / Johan Verberckmoes (eds.), Wor- king Class Internationalism and the Appeal of National Identity: Historical Dilemmas and Current Perspectives, Oxford / New York 1998, pp. 1-41, here: p. 22. 8 Remeke, Gewerkschaften als Motoren (note 5). 9 Corinne Gobin, Consultation et concertation sociales à l’échelle de la Communauté économique européenne. Etude des positions et strategies de la Conféderation européenne des syndicats (1958–1991), Brussels 1996; Barbara Barnouin, The European Labour Movement and European Integration, London 1986; Jan-Erik Dolvik, An Emerging Island? ETUC, Social Dialogue, and the Europeanization of the Trade Unions in the 1990s, Brussels 1999; Emilio Gabaglio/Reiner Hoffmann (eds.), The ETUC in the Mirror of Industrial Relations

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