SOUNDS OF RITUAL: MUSIC ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE ANCIENT ANDES FROM THE EARLY HORIZON THROUGH THE MIDDLE HORIZON (900 BC-AD 1000)
A Thesis Submitted to the Committee on Graduate Studies in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the Faculty of Arts and Science
TRENT UNIVERSITY
Peterborough, Ontario, Canada
© Copyright by Jenna Green 2011
Anthropology M.A. Graduate Program
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1+1 Canada ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
First and foremost, I would like to thank Dr. John Topic, my thesis supervisor. His
expert advice, mentorship, and knowledge, have been a constant throughout my graduate
school experience. Furthermore, his passion for the people and culture of the Andes has
inspired me, first as an undergraduate student at Trent, and later on, as I completed
graduate school. I would not have undergone a Masters degree, had it not been for Dr.
Topic's commitment to the Andean culture area.
Secondly, I would like to thank the Anthropology faculty at Trent University. I
thoroughly enjoyed my studies and owe specific gratitude to Dr. Paul Healy, and Dr.
Susan Jamieson, who taught me for several years as an undergraduate student. Field
school with Dr. Jamieson was a great learning experience for me and a wonderful way to
spend the summer. Dr. Healy was an excellent teacher and taught me a great amount
about archaeology. He also served on my thesis committee and always had useful
comments and suggestions which greatly improved my thesis.
To the rest of my thesis committee, Dr. Jocelyn Williams, and my external, Dr.
Alana Cordy-Collins, thank you so much for providing different points of view.
Anthropology is greatly improved by having multiple inputs, and your critiques and
suggestions have ultimately made my thesis stronger and more critical.
Lastly, I would like to thank my family and friends for their support. In particular,
my fiance, Adam, ha~s been my best friend and biggest supporter throughout this entire process. I do not know that I would have made it through graduate school without his
words of encouragement and his belief in me the entire time. Thank you.
ii ABSTRACT
Sounds of Ritual: Music Archaeology of the Ancient Andes from the Early Horizon to the
Middle Horizon (900 BC-AD 1000)
Jenna Green
This thesis examines the music archaeology of the central Andes, during the Early
Horizon, Early Intermediate Period, and Middle Horizon (ca. 900 BC to AD 1000).
Various archaeological contexts that contain musical instruments are discussed. These contexts, in comparison with ethnographic and historic data, highlight that music in the central Andes was used in various rituals related to agricultural fertility, shamanism, rites of passage, and ancestor worship. In particular, musical instruments are typically found in public, ceremonial contexts. The specific contexts within the sites reveal that various groups in the central Andes used musical instruments in different rituals. Nevertheless, there are common archaeological contexts that contain musical instruments across the temporal and spatial sample, indicating that music has developed as part of an Andean tradition, practiced differently by past groups, but sharing a similar meaning over time.
Keywords: South America, Andean culture, Music archaeology, Anthropology, Ritual,
Tradition, Practice, Early Horizon, Early Intermediate Period, Middle Horizon,
Archaeological Context, Ethnography, Ethnohistory, Analogy.
iii TABLE OF CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ii
ABSTRACT iii
TABLE OF CONTENTS iv
LIST OF FIGURES viii
LIST OF TABLES xi
CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION TO THE MUSIC AND ARCHAEOLOGY OF
THE PRE-HIPSANIC ANDES 1
ANDEAN MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS 3
Aerophones 4
Membranophones 7
Idiophones 7
ARCHAEOLOGICAL BACKGROUND 8
The Coast 12
The Highlands 13
The Eastern Tropics 14
THESIS OUTLINE 15
CHAPTER 2: METHOD AND THEORY OF MUSIC ARCHAEOLOGY 17 -
DATA COLLECTION 18
Archaeological sample 18
Context and sub-context 21
Culture 21
Instrument type 22
iv Material and quantity 22
Time period 23
Site and site function 23
Region 24
HISTORIC AND ETHNOGRAPHIC ANALOGIES 25
Direct-historical approach 27
SUMMARY 30
CHAPTER 3: MUSIC, ARCHAEOLOGY, AND PRACTICE 32
PRACTICE THEORY 32
CONTEMPORARY ANDEAN COSMOLOGY 35
SUMMARY 39
CHAPTER 4: MUSIC IN CONTEMPORARY ANDEAN SOCIETIES 40
CONTEMPORARY INDIGENOUS MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS 41
The language of Andean music 44
Group identity 46
Playing as one 47
SEASONAL DIVISION OF MUSIC '. 49
Seasonal instruments 51
Agricultural fertility 52
Tinku in contemporary musical practice 54
Complementarity 58
Transformation 60
Healing 64
SUMMARY 68
v CHAPTER 5: ARCHAEOLOGICAL CONTEXTS OF MUSICAL
INSTRUMENTS 70
BURIAL CONTEXTS 70
Moche burials 72
Other burial contexts 77
CACHES AND TEMPLES 80
Chavin de Huantar .82
Cahuachi and Nasca music '. 89
Tiwanaku 94
CerroBaul 98
DOMESTIC CONTEXTS 101
FORTRESSES , 103
Nepefla Valley 104
Santa Valley 105
Casma Valley 110
HuauraVally Ill
Supe Valley : 112
SUMMARY 114
CHAPTER 6: MUSICAL PRACTICE IN THE PRE-HISPANIC ANDES 116
PRE-HISPANIC CENTRAL ANDEAN RITUALS 116
Death and burial 117
Trophy heads 122
Tinku warfare 125
Construction and termination rituals 130
vi Ancient Andean pilgrimage and ancestor worship 133
Shamanism, divination, and healing 135
CULTURAL CONTINUITY AND CHANGE 142
Tradition 144
Identity and performance 145
CHAPTER 7: SUMMARY OF ANDEAN MUSIC 148
CONTEXTS AND MUSICAL INSTRUMENT TYPES 148
MUSICAL PRACTICE IN THE ANCIENT ANDES 150
CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANDEAN ARCHAEOLOGY 152
REFERENCES CITED 154
APPENDLXI 171
vii LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1. Bone flutes excavated from the site of Caral, deposited around 2100 BC 5
Figure 2. Strombus shell trumpet with a metal mouthpiece 6
Figure 3. Early Horizon whistles from the North Coast 7
Figure 4. Map of the central Andean culture area 9
Figure 5. Major life zones of the central Andes 12
Figure 6. Ceremonial cycle of Qamawara, Peru 42
Figure 7. Illustration of Inka rituals during the month of October 55
Figure 8. Four maizu panpipes showing ira (top) and area (bottom three) from Chipayas,
Bolivia 61
Figure 9. Moche iconographic scene showing musicians in a procession with various types of musical instruments and objects associated with combat 73
Figure 10. Rattle excavated from Tomb 1, the Lord of Sipan's burial containing scenes of the Decapitator figure 75
Figure 11. Tomb 5 at Sipan of adult male interred with panpipes and other items 76
Figure 12. Cache of 48 trophy heads from Cerro Carapo which contained 7 panpipe fragments 79
Figure 13. Gold crown found associated with the Strombus shell trumpets at Kuntur
Wasi 80
Figure 14. Major galleries located within the monumental core of Chavin de
Huantar 83
viii Figure 15. The Lanzon, located in the Lanzon Gallery at Chavin de Huantar 84
Figure 16. Three of the 20 Strombus shell trumpets excavated from the Gallery of the
Shells at Chavin de Huantar 86
Figure 17. Aerial photograph of Pikillacta, in the Valley of Cuzco 88
Figure 18. Map of Unit 19 including the Room of the Posts 93
Figure 19. Map of the ancient site of Tiwanaku, outlining the main ceremonial sectors..95
Figure 20. Bone panpipe flutes from Misiton I at Lukurmata 98
Figure 21. Monumental architecture on the summit of Cerro Baul 99
Figure 22. Illustration of the ceramic drum excavated from the Temple Annex at Cerro
Baul 101
Figure 23. Plan of Chuquicanra, Court CI, where a whistle fragment was located 103
Figure 24. Map of the main central Andean rivers 105
Figure 25. Plan of PV31-254 (top) and PV31-253 (bottom), the former showing two
central platforms inside fortification walls 108
Figure 26. Structure 34 (fortress) at SVP-VIN-20 in the Santa Valley 110
Figure 27. Musical procession in Moche iconography showing the elite status of panpipe
players 118
Figure 28. Nasca ceremonial vessel depicting shamans/musicians playing panpipes and
rattles around mummy bundles; one holds a trophy head 125
. Figure 29. Moche V dance scene with musicians and warriors 128
Figure 30. Moche stirrup spout vessel with scene depicting warriors with death figures
playing panpipes in the background and a central drum player 129
Figure 31. Ceramic figure of a procession depicting panpipe players, birds, and dogs...134
ix Figure 32. Images represented on a Nasca ceremonial vessel of a shaman and accompanying musicians with numerous musical instruments 139
Figure 33. Snuff spoon with religious specialist blowing a shell trumpet from Chavin de
Huantar 141
x LIST OF TABLES
Table 1. Chronology of the Andean culture area 12
Table 2. Central Andean contemporary indigenous communities who are ethnographically documented as organizing music in terms of agricultural seasons 51
Table 3. Andean musical instruments found in burial contexts 71
Table 4. Number of caches which contain musical instruments divided by type 81
Table 5. Early Horizon coastal fortresses or hilltop outposts associated with ceramic panpipes 106
Table 6. Summary of the information derived from musical instruments in pre-Hispanic burial contexts 122
xi 1
CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION TO THE MUSIC AND ARCHAEOLOGY OF
THE PRE-HISPANIC ANDES
Traditions exist in the world as part of long-term historical developments, constantly shaped by new ideas. Groups of people in a specific geographic region share a tradition and ultimately pass down to future generations strategies for manipulating their environment and finding ways to fluoresce in diverse circumstances. Traditions.exhibit as much diversity as similarity, as a single tradition is practiced in different ways by various groups of people who hold a similar worldview. This research examines music as a form of tradition as it has changed throughout time and space.
Alongside additional cultural practices, Andean music holds distinct meaning in comparison with other world traditions. The Inka language Quechua has no equitable word for "music". Conversely, the Inka considered music in the form oitaki tusuy1, as song and dance that accompanied particular ritual contexts. Taki tusuy are still used by some contemporary highland groups to distinguish from non-indigenous music. Unlike most Western music, takis are context-dependent phenomena that are traditionally associated with the annual cycle of fiestas, including agricultural and atmospheric events.
Many indigenous communities schedule the performance of unique takis according to major events or rites de passage such as life-cycle events, harvest, chuno-makmg (freeze- dried potatoes), first planting and second planting. Music in many contemporary Andean societies is, therefore, ordered in relation to agricultural cycles, rural and town festivals.
Music serves to initiate these times of the year, activating crops, blowing away clouds,
1 Following the SAA style guide, all non-English words are italicized in this thesis, except for proper nouns. 2 and bringing on the rains with the restricted use of different types of musical instruments throughout the year. Essentially, this thesis seeks to present a comparison of contemporary Andean practices with particular pre-Hispanic Andean practices.
Archaeologically, musical instruments are the most concrete indication of past activities involving the use of music, which may include the performance of musical instruments, singing and/or dancing (Otter 1985:5). Various archaeological contexts contain musical instruments recovered from sites dating from the Early Horizon, Early
Intermediate period, and Middle Horizon. These musical instruments are found in numerous contexts including burials, ceremonial platforms, pilgrimage sites, and fortresses, many of which overlap in function. For example, burials are sometimes found in ceremonial platforms. This thesis considers the following questions:
1. In what archaeological contexts are musical instruments found, deposited from
the Early Horizon to the Middle Horizon in the central Andes?
2. What do these archaeological contexts suggest about the practice of music
during this time?
3. Can music use in contemporary indigenous societies in the Andes provide
insights into the possible use of music in Andean prehistory?
Archaeological records demonstrate that musical instruments have been found in contexts ranging from burials to caches, on the surface of the ground or buried as part of floor foundations, for example. These archaeological contexts are part of broader cultural contexts including archaeological sites, archaeological regions, and archaeological cultures. Typically, there are two approaches to studying ancient music. The first involves examining the physical properties of musical instruments, including classification and establishing the tonal characteristics of musical instruments. The second approach, which 3 this thesis follows, is primarily cultural and is concerned mainly with the archaeological contexts that contain musical instruments.
In the past, cultural anthropologists and ethnomusicologists have studied indigenous music from South America. In particular, Izikowitz (1935) has pioneered the study of music and culture in the Andes. His work catalogued various musical instruments used throughout South America from the early twentieth century, their tonal characteristics, shape, material, and size. Since this time, numerous ethnographies have illustrated the importance of music to contemporary Andean culture (Abercrombie 1998;
Otter 1985; Stobart 2006; Turino 1993). Archaeologists, however, have continued to focus mainly on the physical aspects of musical instruments which lack archaeological context (Haeberli 1979; Martinez and Huayta 2008; Schmidt 2008). Only a few archaeological reports concerning the Andes have focussed on music archaeology thus far
(Fernandez 2003; Fraresso 2008; Herrera 2009; Olsen 2002). Furthermore, the archaeological studies of music which have been completed for the Andes have focussed solely on one particular type of musical instrument, or one archaeological culture, aside from Olsen (2002) who was primarily concerned with Early Intermediate Period coastal archaeology and iconography. As such, this is the first attempt to compile various types of musical instruments from the central Andes over several time periods, focussing mainly on archaeological context.
ANDEAN MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS
Several types of musical instruments were manufactured and performed in the ancient Andes. Pertinent to this research are aerophones, membranophones, and 4 idiophones, which characterize the variety of indigenous musical instruments in the
Andean culture area. Numerous varieties of panpipes, whistles, flutes, drums, trumpets, rattles, and bells can be found in the archaeological record.
Aerophones
Panpipes are currently played throughout many areas in the Andes and have become one of the most distinguishable Andean musical instruments (Abercrombie 1998;
Stobart 1996; 2006). Panpipes are designated by several different names dependent on the type, language, and context in contemporary examples, and there is considerable indication that this may have happened in the past. However, for the purposes of this study, the generic term "panpipe" will be used. Panpipes consist of a series of instruments played together, which produce different notes that combine to make a whole (Izikowitz
1935:378). Clay, metal, stone, bone, and wood panpipes are found in the archaeological record but are typically made of reed in ethnographic examples (Izikowitz 1935:379) and likely reed was prominent in the ancient past (Janusek 2004:180). Archaeological examples of panpipes exist in similar form to contemporary single-row panpipes called antaras, and double-row panpipes known as sikus, both of which are played by people from distinct groups in the central Andes today and were manufactured by different archaeological groups in the past (Olsen 2002:62-73).
Flutes are considered to be the most difficult musical instrument to classify, as there are many different varieties found throughout the Andes. The definition of a flute is simply a vessel in which an air current strikes the edge and vibrates the vessel by deflecting off the sides. Furthermore, sound is created either by blowing directly into the vessel through a mouthpiece or by air blowing into the vessel by movement of the instrument (Izikowitz 1935:266). The problem in classification arises due to the variety of 5 vessel forms. According to Izikowitz's classification, flutes encompass a variety of instruments including panpipes, whistles, horns, and ocarinas. However, for this thesis, flutes are defined as long, hollow instruments (used vertically or horizontally) that typically contain stops throughout the instrument, which creates note variety (Izikowitz
1935:312). Figure 1 demonstrates the typical appearance of ancient bone flutes from the central Andes.
Figure 1. Bone flutes excavated from the site of Caral, deposited around 2100 BC (Shady 2009:14).
Although many consider them as distinct musical instruments, I have grouped horns and trumpets into the same category for this sample, under the category of trumpets. Many archaeologists fail to distinguish between trumpets and horns when describing archaeological specimens. Strombus shell trumpets, for example, are found throughout the Andes at particular times and places but in some instances are described as horns (Figure 2; Herrera 2009). Izikowitz (1935:287) identifies these instruments as
"conch flutes" and suggests that they are commonly used as whistles. Trumpets, in
Izikowitz's classification, are considered valve instruments that are classified as such because of the action of a valve-like mechanism, which controls the amount of air going in and out of the instrument. The problem arises because the valve-like mechanism can be the mouth (Izikowitz 1935:215). Furthermore, like horns, there are also clay and shell examples with very little visible difference. Therefore, trumpets and horns are discussed further as the former musical instrument, for consistency and classification.
H Whistles are usually globular shaped instruments, which may or may not have stops or finger holes (Izikowitz 1935:271). Many materials were used to create whistles. For example, hollow fruits were often used as whistles, as were natural shells and small animal skulls (Izikowitz 1935:271-272). However, as I have noted above, shell aerophones have been grouped as trumpets. Typically, ceramic ocarinas contain stops or drill-holes^vhich facilitate the creation of multiple notes; however, again many authors fail to recognize the difference between whistles and ocarinas in archaeological specimens and, as such, are both considered whistles for categorical purposes in this research. Most archaeological specimens are relatively small, ceramic whistles. The most important component of a whistle in this sample is that unlike the flute, they are globular in shape and are often found in clay figurine-like examples (Figure 3; Izikowitz 1935:289-297). Figure 3. Early Horizon ceramic whistles fromth e North Coast (Morgan 2009:357). Membranophones Drums are found throughout Andean prehistory and are classified into various types. Archaeological examples of drums are almost always manufactured of ceramic material, although drum skins were likely manufactured from human and animal skin (the skins rarely survive in the archaeological record). Different types include kettle-drums, which are closed in the bottom. Drums that are open in the bottom are called tubular drums, as they often take a long and narrow shape. Thirdly, there are double-membrane or two-headed drums. In addition, there are those drums which are placed under the arms, those that are played on the ground, and those that are beaten with a stick. Drums are frequently used in major Andean festivals and are found throughout South America (Izikowitz 1935:164-172). Idiophones Bells are instruments that consist of a number of objects which are loosely attached together and create sound by clashing or clanking. Typically, bells are constructed of a variety of organic materials such as hoofs, fruit shells, conch, bits of reed 8 and bone, but are sometimes constructed of metal and pottery. These instruments are typically worn on the body as personal adornments and used in ceremonies with dance and movement to create a sound (Izikowitz 1935:33). Rattles are distinguishable from bells as they are typically constructed of metal, versus the organic materials comprising bells. Moreover, rattles contain a pellet in the hollow portion of the instrument, which creates a sound. Some scholars interchange rattles and bells (Izikowitz 1935:67) and only differentiate between the two based on the type of material in which they are constructed. In this research, I differentiate between rattles and bells based on the presence or absence of a pellet or follow what the original author has used for his or her classification. All of these categories constitute the archaeological specimens pertinent to this study, examined on the basis of where they were found deposited in the archaeological record and the significance therein. Although whistling bottles are occasionally considered musical instruments, the function of these vessels ranges from utilitarian uses to ritual roles much like the types of whistles described above (Garrett and Stat 1977). Furthermore, the questionable provenience of the majority of the vessels means that these types of artifacts have been omitted from this study. Nevertheless, the contextual associations of whistles, panpipes, flutes, trumpets, rattles, bells, and drums reveals several pieces of information about the role of music in the ancient Andes. ARCHAEOLOGICAL BACKGROUND Musical instruments can be found in several archaeological contexts in the pre- Hispanic Andean culture area, beginning with the first civilizations along the coast of 9 Peru (Figure 4). The appearance of musical instruments in the archaeological record coincides with the development of monumental architecture, the intensification of agriculture and the production of pottery in the third millennium BC (Burger 1992; Herrera 2009; Shady 2006; 2009). NW Af»ftntm» Figure 4. Map of the central Andean culture area (Isbell 1997 17) Many of the earliest examples of musical instruments are associated with late Pre-ceramic coastal cultures and the earliest appearance of civilization in South America (Burger 1992; Moseley 2001; Shady 2006; 2009). Musical instruments have been found in sites dating as far back as the third millennium BC and the same types continue to be 10 played today. For example, bone flutes, which were found at the Pre-ceramic site of Caral (Shady 2006; 2009), are periodically excavated from later pre-Hispanic contexts and similar instruments are played today (Janusek 1993; 2004). Shell trumpets have been found in sites dating as far back as 5600 years, appearing in contexts related to public architecture, large-scale collective ceremonies, and high status burials (Herrera 2009:56). Panpipes, one of the most common pre-Hispanic Andean instruments, have been found at early fortresses, are frequently depicted on iconographic scenes from both the Moche and Nasca coastal cultures, and are an integral component of some contemporary Andean rituals (Donnan 1982; 2004; Proulx 2006; Stobart 1996; 2006; Wilson 1988). Other types of instruments, such as metal rattles and copper bells have been found in elite burial contexts along the coast of Peru for over 1000 years (Alva and Donnan 1994; Fraresso 2008:441). Drums are less frequently found in the archaeological record, although they are commonly depicted in ceramic iconography (Donnan 1982; Proulx 2006). Where they are found, they typically lack archaeological context (Martinez and Huayta 2008). The pre-Hispanic chronological sequence for the central Andes, as shown in Table 1, was developed by Rowe and Menzel (1969). The scope of this research spans the Early Horizon (ca. 900 BC to 200 BC) to the Middle Horizon (ca. AD 550 to AD 1000). Although some archaeological contexts are considered Initial Period (ca. 2100 BC to 900 BC), they have distinct characteristics that are associated with the Early Horizon and as such have been included in this sample.2 The beginning of this time frame coincides with many significant developments in Andean prehistory, most significantly the development and intensification of agriculture. 2 Initial Period musical instruments are seldom included in this sample, except where they have direct similarities with the Chavin Horizon. For example, the Old Temple at Chavin de Huantar yielded a cache of shell trumpets but was actually dated to the Initial Period (Burger 1992; Herrera 2009). 11 Although distinct in many ways, the archaeological cultures which constitute the focus of this research share many characteristics which are significant because they demonstrate the possible connection between music and key Andean rituals. For example, the archaeological cultures studied herein are Chavin, Moche, Nasca, Wari, and Tiwanaku. These cultures are easily distinguishable in the material record and comprise the bulk of this study. However, there are also local groups not identifiable with these prominent and better-known cultures that also represent a portion of the sample. Nevertheless, all of these groups had subsistence technologies based primarily around agriculture, although some groups had access to and subsequently used marine resources to support their agricultural activities depending on their proximity and connections to the coast (Burger 1992; Moseley 2001). Indeed, marine resources were likely just as critical to the onset of early Andean civilization during this time, especially for coastal groups. The use of marine resources and the intensification of agriculture, including the creation of raised fields and canals, facilitated the development of large monumental archaeological sites that contain the overwhelming majority of musical instruments in this sample. Alongside the development of agriculture and monumental architecture, a cosmology developed based primarily around the circulation of life, through the worship of huacas, the offering of goods to various local gods, and the attempt to control the environment which dictated life in the ancient Andes (Jennings 2003:437-438). Hence, pre-Hispanic Andean rituals likely focussed on controlling these aquatic and terrestrial resources. Nevertheless, variation exists within the cosmology of these groups just as there are extreme differences between the regions of the Andean culture area. 12 Relative Chronology Cultural Development Approximate Time Frame Early Colonial Period Colonial AD 1532-AD 1600 Late Horizon Inka Influence AD 1476-AD 1532 Late Intermediate Period Local Styles AD 1000-AD 1476 Middle Horizon Wari Influence AD 550-AD 1000 Early Intermediate Period Local Styles 200 BC-AD 400 Early Horizon Chavin Influence 900 BC - 200 BC Initial Period Local Styles 2100 BC-900 BC Table 1. Chronology of the Andean culture area (Rowe and Menzel 1969). Figure 5. Major life zones of the central Andes (Burger 1992:21).. The Coast Most scholars divide the Andean region into three broad environmental zones or macro-regions. These macro-regions are the western coast, bordered by the Pacific Ocean, the Andean highland zone, characterized by the second-highest mountain range in the world, and lastly, the eastern tropical forest (Brush 1977:6-7; McEwan 2006:19; Moseley 2001). Figure 5 illustrates a more complex version of these zones. Each zone has particular attributes due to the diverse ecological characteristics within it. The coast is a 13 narrow landscape of dry desert land which stretches from the Pacific Ocean to the Andes Mountains in the east. The most challenging climatic characteristic of this zone is the lack of rainfall, which has been documented as spanning intervals of over 50 years (Brush 1977:4; McEwan 2006:19-20). The extreme climatic condition of the coast has led some scholars to suggest that a particular coastal lifeway or adaptation was developed in order to sustain complex societies in this zone. Moseley (1992), in particular, suggests that without coastal adaptations, such as the construction of irrigation canals, large populations of people could not have been sustained. Furthermore, due to the lack of rainfall, coastal valleys that contain rivers with extensive headwaters were most often densely populated in the sierra (McEwan 2006:21). As a result, the coast is now and was in the past, to a lesser degree, more densely populated that the other macro-regions (Brush 1977:6-7). The Highlands In areas as close to 50 kilometres from the Pacific coast, the Andes Mountains rise drastically to a maximum of 6700 meters above sea level. The slopes of these mountains cover a vast amount of land but are considered agriculturally unproductive in some areas (McEwan 2006:21). In other areas, various crops are grown at different elevational zones along the slopes within a single valley, resulting in a "compressed" type of socio economic system, which allows fields to be located in close proximity to the main settlement (Brush 1977:10-12). The highlands have very little fertile soil suitable for farming and, as such, have been terraced in some areas for centuries in order to accommodate this challenging situation (Murra 1956:12). The highlands are often divided into three sub-zones in which particular crops or subsistence activities are more suited. The quechua zone, for example, encompasses the 14 limits of 2300 to 3200 meters above sea level. Most often this is the maize-growing zone as there is a lack of frost. Higher up, from around 3200 to 4000 meters, is the suni zone where potatoes and grains are most often cultivated (McEwan 2006:22). Murra (1956:10) considers the suni and quechua zones to be encompassed in one zone called the sierra, which denotes the area where agriculture is possible. In contrast, ihepuna is considered only suitable for pasture due to the altitude. The puna is typically located from 4000 to 4800 meters above sea level and is too cold to sustain any crops. Therefore, it is typically reserved for the herding of animals (McEwan 2006:22; Murra 1956:12). Some contemporary highland populations utilize all of these zones on the community level, resulting in a socio-economic agrarian system that is largely self-sufficient (Brush 1977:17; Murra 1956:10-13; 1972). The resulting demographic pattern in the Andean highlands has been the establishment of "vertical" communities, smaller in population than those on the coast but with more permanence than those tribes in the eastern tropical lowlands (Brush 1977:6-7; Murra 1972). The Eastern Tropics The lowlands of the Andean culture area are characterized by tropical cloud forests between the outskirts of the Andes Mountains and the Amazon jungle. This region, also known as the montana, is characterized by transitional characteristics between the two contrasting highland and Amazon zones. A considerable amount of the - imagery from the pre-Hispanic Andes is derived from this zone, such as jaguars, caimans, snakes and birds. However, despite the influence that this region may have exerted over the highlands and coastal areas of the Andean culture area, the Amazon cloud forests were the least populated Andean zone in antiquity (McEwan 2006:24). Although this macro-region did receive the greatest amount of rainfall in the ancient past, the 15 settlements were much smaller in relation to the large urban centres on the coast and the small communities in the highlands (Brush 1977:6-7). THESIS OUTLINE These Andean regions will be discussed, alongside a discussion of the diachronic use of music by pre-Hispanic Andean cultures from the Early Horizon to Middle Horizon in the following format: Chapter 2 discusses the methodological approach followed by this author, including the sample used in this research, the issues surrounding the sample, problems with preservation and the archaeological record, and the intended population that the sample is meant to reflect. Furthermore, this chapter outlines the methods of data collection, and describes each of the categories created in the catalogue (Appendix I). Lastly, this chapter examines the use of ethnographic analogy as the main method of analysis in this thesis, the issues surrounding this approach, and the benefits of using ethnographic information. Chapter 3 examines the theoretical perspective, including a definition and explanation of practice theory. Furthermore, this chapter identifies the major theoretical positions on music, culture, and society, with a focus on indigenous music. Lastly, this chapter examines the concept of identity, particularly as it applies to the Andes. Chapter 4 outlines the use of musical instruments in contemporary Andean societies. This chapter provides an overview of the variation in practice of contemporary Andean music while simultaneously summarizing the commonalities of musical practice 16 in different Andean communities. Moreover, specific events are discussed, examining the use of musical instruments as integral components of Andean rituals. The archaeological contexts of musical instruments are grouped together, alongside information regarding the prehistory of the Andes in Chapter 5. This section of the thesis summarizes the data collected and arranged in the catalogue (Appendix I), while elaborating on significant or reoccurring archaeological contexts. Furthermore, this information is arranged chronologically to highlight the importance of understanding change diachronically, something that archaeology holds the best viewpoint to consider. Chapter 6 synthesizes the results of the previous chapters and essentially presents the interpretation of these results. Music in the ancient Andes, as it was practiced by various groups of people throughout time, is presented as a marker of group identity, as a key component in specific Andean rituals, and as a longstanding cultural tradition with significant glimpses of this tradition still evident in some of today's communities. In this chapter, I integrate scholarship of various Andean archaeologists with work from Andean ethnographies and connect the pre-Hispanic archaeological contexts with actual Andean rituals that involve musical instruments. Lastly, I conclude the thesis with a summary of the main ideas, including a brief overview of how Andean music changed over time, from the Early Horizon to the Middle Horizon. Furthermore, I present the results of this research and the anticipated contributions it will make to Andean archaeology. 17 CHAPTER 2: METHOD AND THEORY OF MUSIC ARCHAEOLOGY The central focus of this study is to understand the use of music in pre-Hispanic cultural contexts. Understanding the less-tangible aspects of ancient culture is best approached using a holistic approach. In order to evaluate the differences and meanings in practice of music among various pre-Hispanic Andean groups, this study utilizes archaeology, ethnography, and ethnohistory. Central to the methodology of this study is the consideration of archaeological context. Archaeological context "includes all the materials found in a site, whether or not they are in specialized discard locations and whether or not they have been deliberately discarded by the past occupants of a site" (Schiffer 1972:160): Archaeological context, in this study, includes the artifacts found within a particular context, for example a burial, floor, or mound of a particular site. Furthermore, these specific contexts are associated with an archaeological culture, deposited and used during a particular time period, and located within a geographic region in the Andean culture area. An artifact found in an archaeological context is central to the understanding of the "cultural contexts in which it played apart" (Wiseman 1984:68). Those artifacts with unknown archaeological context do possess certain value to art historians and other scholars, but archaeologists find the most culturally valuable information in having historical, cultural, and archaeological context (Wiseman 1984:67). As such, only those musical instruments recorded with significant contextual information have been used in this study. During the course of my research, two main methodological practices were used. The first included the collection of information from archaeological site reports and 18 publications, the recording of this information in a catalogue, and the discussion of this information. The purpose of this component of the research was to establish the common archaeological contexts in which various types of musical instruments were a part of in the central Andes. The second methodological approach involved the use of ethnographies and historical documents first to. understand the use of music in modern Andean communities, and second to use these sources of information as analogs for the archaeological data collected during the first component of this thesis research. DATA COLLECTION Archaeological Sample In order to understand the practices of Andean musicians in the past, archaeological information was gathered from publications and site reports. The information gathered centred on the contextual information provided by the archaeologists who examined the instruments or recovered them from excavations. Having limited time to study this data, where necessary I have relied primarily on the interpretation of the original researchers concerning the musical instruments and the contexts within which these are found. Each contextual entry in the catalogue involved unique sampling strategies during the initial excavation of the instrument(s). The variability of the sampling strategies used in the excavation of the musical instruments and their description in site reports and publications is considerable and dependant on the original research by the archaeologist. Unique sampling strategies for each catalogue entry are not noted due to the amount of space and time this could potentially consume and the restrictions of both in 19 this thesis. However, it is noted that both informal and formal sampling strategies were used in the original excavations of the instruments. Informal or purposive samples are samples which are selected deliberately by archaeologists, based on time and cost, and more importantly, on known archaeological criteria (Banning 2002:75-77; Orton 2000:2). In contrast, formal samples include the use of statistical procedures to undergo scientific sampling. In essence, formal samples strive to eliminate researcher subjectivity using scientific models and techniques created based on probabilities (Banning 2002:73-75). Moreover, they include random sampling procedures, which are useful in identifying unknown components (Orton 2000:2-3). While sampling strategies play a key role in what archaeological contexts are excavated, a constant obstacle for archaeologists is the issue of artifact preservation. This thesis research must not discount the unavoidable fact that archaeologists are always dealing with an unintentional sample. Unintentional samples occur before the archaeologist arrives as the "material we have painstakingly recovered is not the whole of what was lost or discarded in the course of activities undertaken at its location" (Orton 2000:1-2). Archaeologists can never obtain an absolute picture of the past as objects are frequently missing due to poor preservation of organic materials, artifacts are left in archaeological contexts that do not necessarily indicate their actual use-life, and often, the artifacts that are recovered are only fragments of their original forms (Schiffer 1972:156). In this study, musical instruments are especially problematic when it comes to preservation abilities. Many musical instruments are today, and were more than likely in the past, manufactured using perishable materials such as wood, reed, and bone (Izikowitz 1935; Olsen 2002). These materials are seldom preserved in the archaeological record. Secondly, sampling issues arise from the bias of excavation that has occurred m the Andes. There is an overarching trend in Andean archaeology to excavate coastal sites with visible monumental architecture more than other types of sites (see Alva 2001; Alva and Donnan 1994; Ghezzi 2006; Proulx 1968; 1970; Shady 2006; 2009; Silverman 1993; 1994; Silverman and Proulx 1988; Valkenier 1995; Wilson 1988). These sites are the most visible and contain a wealth of grave goods obtained both by looters' activities and archaeological excavation. As such, these types of sites provide the bulk of information for this study. However, sites which are considerably smaller in scale and/or are located in the highlands of the Andes (Anders 1991; Bennett 1953; Bermann 1994; Blom and Janusek 2004; Burger 1992; Herrera 2009; Izumi and Terada 1972; Lumbreras 1977; Terada 1979; Topic and Topic 2009a; 2009b; Topic et al. 2002) have also been examined to find musical instruments in various archaeological contexts. Looting is a particular issue in Andean archaeology, especially along the coast of Peru which contains large mortuary complexes and rich grave goods (Smith 2005:156). Thus, preservation issues and looters activities in the Andean culture area create a bias in the archaeology of this area, which cannot be avoided. In total, information from 479 musical instruments was collected and entered into a catalogue designed by this author. These musical instruments were recovered from 100 separate archaeological contexts. This sample represents the population of musical instruments in the central Andes manufactured during the Early Horizon, the Early Intermediate Period, and the Middle Horizon. The catalogue consists of several categories pertinent to answering my research questions. These categories include context, sub-context, culture, instrument type, 21 material, quantity, time period, local phase, site, site function, zone, references, photo numbers, and other. Below is the description of each category of the catalogue. Context and Sub-context Context and sub-context are central components in understanding the pattern of music use in the ancient Andes. In order to undergo an analysis of the data and to obtain an accurate understanding of the use of musical instruments in the ancient Andes, it was necessary for me to categorize the contexts from which these instruments were recovered. These classifications range from caches to mounds, to burials and fortresses, and so on. The first category, that of context, was defined by the immediate surrounding of the musical instrument. Fairly straight-forward examples of archaeological context are caches and burials. These contexts contain the instruments and, more often than not, show purposeful deposition. The sub-context was defined by the suggestive purpose or function of the context, or where applicable, the more detailed aspects of the context. For example, the sub- context of a burial could describe where the burial was located in the archaeological site. At Moche, for example, an adult male burial was located on an elite burial platform. This clearly indicates the context and sub-context, respectively. Culture Although often difficult to define archaeologically, there are several indications that an instrument is associated with a specific culture or group of people. Archaeological culture is defined as "an assemblage of artifacts that recur repeatedly associated together in dwellings of the same kind and with burials of the same rite" and as "concrete expressions of the common social traditions that bind together a people" (Childe 1950:2). In contrast, others define an archaeological culture as "an arbitrary division of the space- 22 time-cultural continuum defined by reference to its imperishable content and whatever common social tradition can be inferred therefrom" (Phillips and Willey 1953:617). These archaeologists seek to emphasize that archaeological culture is only what we define it to be and is merely a static "snapshot" of the cultural matrix. In this study, the term culture represents a group of people who share common cultural understandings as represented by the physical remains in the archaeological record. Where cultural affiliation is not assigned or this information is unavailable, this information is designated as n/a in the Appendix. Instrument Type There are several instruments that are indigenous to the Andes. Since it is not the purpose of this thesis to go into great detail regarding the classification of musical instruments, I used very general definitions to classify the artifacts (Chapter 1). It is important to recognize, however, that the way in which I have defined the various categories of musical instruments is not necessarily reflective of the way Andean people saw their musical instruments. As the following chapters will indicate, some contemporary Andeans classify their musical instruments according to the agricultural calendar (Stobart 1996; 2006; Sullivan 1988; Turino 1989) or other criteria. Material and Quantity I classified material based on the type of raw material from which the instrument was made. These categories include ceramic, bone, gourd, metal, shell and unknown. Artifacts of unknown material were those in which this information was lacking from the site or artifact description in the report and/or publication. Quantity simply refers to the number of instruments found. However, this was often reported in an ambiguous manner. For instance, many musical instruments are constructed of ceramic material. This material 23 tends to break in deposition or in use-life and often what is found during excavation or survey are merely multiple fragments or sherds of a singular musical instrument. Therefore, the quantity refers to the number of sherds located in each individual archaeological context or the number of individual specimens (NISP) and does not reflect minimum number of individuals (MNI)3. Time Period This thesis follows Rowe and Menzel's (1969) established chronology for the Andean culture area, which is organized in terms of horizons and intermediate periods (Chapter 1). The major time period has been recorded for each contextual entry to establish temporal context for the musical instrument and in order to examine diachronic trends or variations. Site and Site Function Sites are typically defined by the archaeologists who conduct research of the area. Therefore, this category is taken directly from the site report or publication. However, the site function is inferred from the types of architecture and artifacts found at the site. The common types of sites with musical instruments are habitation, ceremonial, burial, and fortification sites. Notably, most archaeological sites in this sample contain more than one function. Habitation sites are defined by Proulx (1968:14) as sites which have evidence for everyday activities being the primary activity carried out. This is suggested by the remains of houses, hearths, workshops, and refuse-deposits. Ceremonial sites are characterized by having had a chiefly religious function and are defined by the existence of artifacts and features relating to rituals and ceremonies pertaining to religious beliefs 3 The quantity was arranged this way due to the focus on the number of archaeological contexts, not on the number of musical instruments. Therefore, using both sherds of musical instruments and single musical instruments in the same category, does not affect the results of this research. 24 (Silverman 1994:1). Included under this heading are large pyramids or mounds. Ceremonial sites contain limited domestic areas. Domestic quarters, if they exist, are typically separated from the main ceremonial core of the site, and were used specifically by religious specialists (Proulx 1968:14). Pilgrimage sites are classified as ceremonial sites, with a more specific function. Pilgrimage sites draw worshippers from various social, political, and cultural boundaries (Silverman 1994:2-3) and this evidence is typically identifiable from excavations at the site. Pilgrimage sites are noted in Chapter 5 and Chapter 6, but are classified as ceremonial sites in the appendix. Cemeteries dedicated solely to the burial of the dead are listed in Appendix I as burials. These sites are defined as such by being isolated from habitation sites (Proulx 1968:15). Burial sites are more common along the North Coast of Peru, as burials in other regions are more typically incorporated into other categories of sites throughout the Andes such as habitation and ceremonial sites, and fortresses. Some sites throughout the Andes are fortified sites, that is - they are habitation sites with fortification walls presumably defensive in function. In the Nepefia Valley and other valleys throughout coastal Peru, however, there exist fortresses which are located at higher elevations of the valleys and are isolated from habitation sites (Proulx 1968:15; Topic and Topic 2009a; Wilson 1988). Region There are three large geographic regions present in the Andean culture area as discussed previously. These regions are the coast, highlands, and the tropical forest (Burger 1992; McEwan 2006; Moseley 2001). However, there are no archaeological contexts of musical instruments included in this sample, which were excavated from the tropical forest region. Regions are "considerably large(r) unit(s) of area usually 25 determined by archaeologico-historical accident" and are of "wider scope than [subjects] in excavation reports" (Phillips and Willey 1953:619). This concept of region, especially in the Andes, is completely related to the geography of the area. Phillips and Willey (1953:619) further emphasize that the region is a space where cultural homogeneity can be expected. HISTORIC AND ETHNOGRAPHIC ANALOGD2S Generally, archaeologists study the material remains of the past. However, these remains are accompanied by the most information when found in situ; that is, where they were originally deposited in the ground due to purposeful or accidental deposition (Schiffer 1972; Wiseman 1984). As evidenced by Hawkes' "ladder", archaeologists generally consider certain aspects of prehistory to be more tangible than others. Hawkes (1954:161-162) considers technology and subsistence/economics to be the most tangible aspects of human culture, relatively easy to re-discover and riddled with the least amovmt of subjectivity. Socio-political institutions and belief systems are considered more difficult to understand in the archaeological record and the reliability of these conjectures is minimized. In order to understand these components of prehistoric human culture, archaeologists generally utilize analogy (Ascher 1961; 1962; Chang 1967; Charlton 1981; Hawkes 1954; Silverman 1994; Trigger 1996). Analogy is a major component of archaeological analysis. In fact, some would argue that virtually all archaeological interpretations are made from the known to the unknown as we inherently use data from general experience or from other disciplines to explain what we do not know (Chang 1967:227, 230; Charlton 1981:130; Wylie 2002:136-137; contra Binford 1967:235). Knowledge is not necessarily created but is borrowed from other experiences. The use of analogy in interpretation is "assaying any belief about non-observed behaviour by referral to observed behaviour which is thought to be relevant" (Ascher 1961:317). Relevance, in this respect, can be the issue of most debates surrounding the use of ethnographic analogy. Analogies and homologies are aspects of material culture that can be derived by examining culture over a long period of time. Analogies are defined as "similar features that different species share as a result of natural selection having separately adapted them to a similar environment" (Trigger 1996:307). In essence, analogies are shared between members of distinct historical traditions due to their cultural adaptation to similar environments. In contrast, homologies are "features species share as the result of a genetic relationship" (Trigger 1996:307-308). More specifically, homologies exist because knowledge is passed from one generation to another, which gives way to a particular historical tradition. Analogies were typically used by evolutionary archaeologists in the twentieth century to explain commonalities between distinct cultures at a similar stage of development (Ascher 1961:317-318). This type of analogy is, therefore, comparative and depends on the artifact-behaviour correlation, not the particulars of each culture (Chang 1967:229). Essentially, the analogous approach is grounded on the assumption that geographically, temporally and intrinsically distinct cultures will have shared traits if they are at a similar stage'of development. This approach was picked up by the New Archaeology of the 1960s and called "general comparative analogy" or "new analogy" (Ascher 1961:320; Chang 1967:229). This type of ethnographic analogy is not utilized in this study, as the particulars of a historical tradition are of central concern to this research, not the comparison between Andean and other world traditions. As such, this research utilizes ethnographic analogy by examining homologies. Homologies were more often used by culture-historical archaeologists who viewed cultural traits as being passed down from generation to generation. Hence, culture change was more typically attributed, in this sense, to diffusion or migration, a problem with ethnographic analogy that will be explored below. The use of homologies suggests that there is cultural continuity between the past and present cultures and relies on particulars, instead of universals (Chang 1967:229). Direct-Historical Approach Historically, homologies have been used in archaeology beginning in the nineteenth century, almost as long as archaeology itself has been a modern discipline. Fewkes (1896) and Holmes (1914) were early advocates of the direct-historical approach, which was grounded in the idea that there is cultural continuity in particular groups from prehistory to history. This approach has also been labelled the "folk-culture approach" by Old World archaeologists (Ascher 1961:318). Fewkes (1896) drew a connection between the historically documented Hopi culture to make inferences about patterns in material culture of the groups present before historical documentation was available. During this time, culture-historical archaeologists understood that archaeological cultures were characterized by a particular way of knowing, which was passed down from one generation to another and, in a sense, which explains the presence of distinct worldviews (Chang 1967:233; Trigger 1996:308). The direct-historical approach utilizes historical or ethnographic information to interpret archaeological information. In doing so, the ethnographic or historical 28 information must be historically connected to the prehistoric culture by showing that the historically undocumented culture is the same or a closely related culture (Trigger 1996:510). In this thesis, both ethnographic and historic data are used to interpret the archaeological information. Comparison is vital in any understanding of archaeology to identify patterns and "compare finds from different times and places" (Chang 1967:230). In this thesis, the use of ethnographic analogy follows Doyon (2006), Olsen (2002), Silverman (1991), Topic et al. (2002), as well as many other Andean archaeologists who employ ethnographic analogy to aid in their analyses of studying material remains. Ethnographic analogy is therefore, being drawn from contemporary cultures with some historical continuity and with considerable similarities in subsistence, geography and cosmology. There are several consequences of using analogy to interpret material culture that must be examined in order to minimize the potential problems with using this approach. First, the choice between analogies and homologies presents a theoretical division in the use of analogy. These two fields of thought represent strong contradictions in archaeology. Are cultural traits present because they are common to humanity in general or are they particular to historically connected cultures? These fields of thought represent a theoretical divide in archaeology that has long been present, especially with regards to - evolutionary and culture-historical archaeologists in the early twentieth century (Trigger 1996:307-308, 416-417). Both approaches have direct consequences. Culture-historical archaeologists who emphasized continuity between cultures believed that the historic groups were directly linked to prehistoric groups and flirted with the view of culture as static and unchanging. They minimized the phenomena of human creativity in driving 29 culture change (Fewkes 1896; Holmes 1914; Trigger 1996). However, evolutionary archaeologists fell under the spell of labelling culture as behavioural and believed in a pan-human nature, as if a universal rationality exists (Binford 1967:234-235; Trigger 1996:307-308; Wylie 2002:139). Ultimately, this study falls into the category that believes that ethnographic and historic cultures can be linked to prehistoric cultures. However, there is considerable cultural change that is attributable to both external (culture contact) and internal forces (agency). Change is considerable throughout time as a culture is shaped by several factors. However, aspects of culture, such as belief systems and worldviews are particular to a group of people and have considerable longevity when observed over a long duration of time (Chang 1967:233; Jennings 2003:435). Culture contact represents one of the major issues that archaeologists face when using ethnographic analogy. Essentially, Andean cultures underwent dramatic changes in their material cultures and belief systems during the first period of contact with the Spanish (AD 1532-1572) and beyond, when the Spanish began to colonize the area. How much of the pre-Hispanic belief system is still present in the Andes and how do we differentiate these two contrasting worldviews? Maxwell (1956) asked a similar question with regard to the agricultural ceremonies of the Andes during the past four hundred years of Spanish contact. By examining ethnohistoric, historic, and ethnographic sources describing agricultural ceremonies, Maxwell (1956:62) concluded that centuries of cultural contact have changed the face of many agricultural ceremonies. However, he suggests that many of the ceremonies practiced today by both Quechua and Aymara populations are derived from Inka rites in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, supporting 30 Chang's (1967) and Jenning's (2003) assertion that key symbols have considerable longevity. Nevertheless, it is important to consider that contemporary Andean belief systems have undergone various levels of transformation over the past several hundred years of cultural contact with Europeans as "every living community is in the process of continuous change with respect to the materials which it utilizes" (Ascher 1961:324). Furthermore, contact with other cultures before the arrival of the Spanish was facilitated by processes such as trade and exchange, warfare, and migration. These processes also result in culture change (Chang 1967:233). In order to emphasize the simultaneous presence of culture change and cultural maintenance, we must examine cultural data over the long term. Lastly, another problem that plagues the use of ethnographic analogy is the assumption that meaning has stayed the same over a long period of time. Symbols and icons can persist in form but change considerably in meaning over a period of time. Using one form of meaning for the same symbol in distinct time periods can result in problems of assumption (Jennings 2003:453-454). Furthermore, the same meaning can be transferred to other symbols (Trigger 1996:510). This part of archaeology, determining meaning, is often considered the most intangible, but is of central concern to this thesis. SUMMARY Although there are difficulties in using ethnographic analogy to interpret archaeological remains, the benefits of using such an approach considerably outweigh the shortcomings. Ethnographic and historic analogy provides archaeologists with insight into 31 the belief systems of past people, highlighting the importance of belief systems in shaping culture and the ability of these systems to be passed down from one generation to the next. This research uses a plethora of data from ethnographic studies (Chapter 4) to compare with the collection of musical instruments and their associated archaeological contexts. While looking for similarities between the archaeological and ethnographic data, I have intentionally observed differences in these two datasets that provide insight into how cultures do change over time. CHAPTER 3: MUSIC, ARCHAEOLOGY, AND PRACTICE Current musical practice can be examined in order to compare with past practices by the ancestors of contemporary peoples. As mentioned above, the meaning of music is not universal. Cross-culturally music cannot be fully understood without examining the historical development and the historical particularities of the culture in which it is embedded. Music, like language, is cultural in that it is "peculiar to a group of human beings who have been brought up in a particular historical tradition" (Leach 2001:315). As a result, different types of music are like cultural codes, which need translation in order to be understood. Relativism is needed to understand what a particular practice means to another culture, without assuming that meaning is shared across all cultures. Participating in music, as a composer, interpreter, performer, and/or listener presents a sharing of sorts, of a similar mentality, as symbols are transmitted via ritual. In the Andes, music is performed and acted as part of several rituals. Ritual is defined as a "clear-cut genre or structure, distinguishable to outside observers everywhere, as is, we might say, 'song', or 'humor'" (Levy 2001:145-146). Cultural and social information is transmitted through ritual to the participants using various media, and certainly music was one of these avenues (Dasilva et al. 1984:9-10; Leach 2001:317-319). Andean rituals "highlight formality, traditionalism, disciplined invariance, rule, governance, sacral symbolism, and performance" (Moore 2006:56) and as such, cultural meaning can be derived by examining these rituals diachronically. PRACTICE THEORY 33 Practice theory is used in this thesis to understand the diachronic patterns of music use. Practice encompasses a wide range of ideas from various scholars from the disciplines of sociology, anthropology, and archaeology. Central to the concern of this theory is society, which is made up of individuals who create and maintain relationships during everyday material production, while through this material production, humans produce and reproduce their histories (Dobres and Robb 2000:5). Following Bourdieu (1977) and Pauketat (2001a; 2001b), practice theory suggests that people enact, embody, or represent traditions while by doing so tradition is continuously altered. In essence, society is composed of populations of people or communities who practice their cultural tradition. Traditions are inseparable and dependant on history, as history provides the structure in which traditions are shaped. Therefore, tradition and history both restrict and stimulate agency. Agency is simply defined as the way things are achieved. Agents are understood to create the social and cultural situations in which they find themselves (Barrett 2001:141). There are varying degrees to which agency is understood in practice theory. In this thesis, Bourdieu (1977) and Pauketat (2001a; 2001b) are closely followed. Bourdieu's (1977:18-19, 72, 81) understanding of practice is that people are unaware of and restricted by habitus: [Sjystems of durable, transposable dispositions, structured structures predisposed to function as structuring structures, that is, a principles of the generation and structuring of practices and representations which can be objectively "regulated" and "regular" without in any way being the product of obedience'to rules, objectively adapted to their goals without presupposing a conscious aiming at ends or an express mastery of the operations necessary to attain them and, being all this, collectively orchestrated without being the product of the orchestrating action of a conductor (Bourdieu 1977:72). 34 Essentially, Bourdieu (1977) argues that people are unaware of their habitus, that is, their common-sense perceptions of the world that are unique to different traditions. Dornan (2002:305-306) suggests that Bourdieu's perception of habitus restricts the agency of an individual in consciously creating social change because, in Bourdieu's mind, agents are unaware of their social situations. However, Pauketat (2001b:3) follows Bourdieu in suggesting that people of a particular cultural tradition are not necessarily aware of why they practice in specific ways, only that they "may do so because of habits that seem consistent with the past". In addition, some Andean anthropologists generally follow this approach. For example, Allen (1988:33) notes that "through routine activities, habitually carried out, a cultural identity takes shape". Essentially, cultural activities and rituals are performed because they are habitual and historically contingent. The performance of these particular rituals is not questioned but is deeply rooted in the mind as a cultural knowledge or habit. Moore (2006:56) suggests that rituals use past practice "to make present acts consistent with cultural precedence (traditionalism)". Hence, those who use practice theory generally believe that individuals create their own history through various practices, but that culture change is somewhat restricted by historical information (Dobres and Robb 2000:5). Archaeology holds an integral position in viewing practice, as much of what we can view in the archaeological record is a product of practice. Repetitive practice results in patterning in the archaeological record (Scarry 2001:35). This patterning is identified as a tradition, to some, and typically outlasts the lives of a generation of people. However, tradition does not equate to static, unchanging patterns. Instead, traditions are fluid processes negotiated between various people at multiple scales. As such, they are both 35 dynamic and historically contingent processes (Pauketat 2001b:2-3). Moreover, Pauketat (200 lb:5) cautions the use of tradition as a constraint to culture change. Similarly, Jennings and Bowser (2009:14) and Hayashida (2009:238) voice a familiar warning, by stating that there are definite cultural continuities in the Andes throughout time and space, but analogies with modern, early colonial, and Inka data should be used critically. In essence, understanding that traditions may shape the way that people practice does not mean that culture is static and homogenous; rather there is a high degree of variation between the ways that these traditions are embodied. This research uses material culture, that is, musical instruments in archaeological contexts, to observe this variation in order to "define those histories, teasing out how and why practices originate and change through time and what those changes tell us about larger social processes" (Hayashida 2009:238). CONTEMPORARY ANDEAN COSMOLOGY While understanding that variation inevitably influences the way that these concepts are understood, the following section outlines several core components of Andean cosmology. Like other elements in Andean cosmology, music is undoubtedly understood as part of this cosmological system. In very general terms, Andean cosmology - is based around the understanding of a multi-layered universe, duality and complementarily, and reciprocity in what Topic and Topic (2009a) consider an Andean tradition. Within this tradition exists smaller ethnic groups who inevitably practice this tradition in different ways. 36 Contemporary indigenous people from the coast and the highlands typically consider the universe to be arranged in a multi-layered system: Hanan Pacha (upperworld) Kay Pacha (this world) Ukhu Pacha (Underworld) These groups ultimately view the arrangement of the world in such a way that these three levels can be reached through various media (Joralemon and Sharon 1993:178-179; Moore 2006:60; Sharon 1978:76). The communication between these realms is .conceived of as a flow of energy, sami, and also connects the living world or intermediary plane with the gods and the ancestors of the other worlds (Jennings 2003:437; Topic and Topic 2009a:25). Within this universe there is an endless cycle between life, death, and regeneration (Jennings and Bowser 2009:10-11; Stobart 1994:36). For example, people in the community of Kaata, Bolivia, view the cause of illness to be poor relationships with the environment or their ancestors. Living descendants are given illnesses by the ancestors when they are offended, such as when a man does not produce a son (Bastien 1985:131). Members of the Chuschi community envision life and death as a cycle: "the cycle of renewal necessitates death; all regeneration requires both death and birth" (Isbell 1978:163). Communication with the other worlds is made in many ways, one of which is through the giving of particular material goods. Offerings are often made in this world to establish relationships with the gods or the ancestors of the other worlds (Topic and Topic 2009a:25). As such, offerings are made to Pachamama or the Earth Mother, and the gods and/or the ancestors are expected to reciprocate. Andeans base their socio-political organization around the principal of reciprocity. Reciprocity denotes a "symmetrical 37 balancing of relations between actors and is a central basis for social interactions between community members and between the community and the natural world" (Turino 1989:4). Not only is reciprocity central to socio-political aspects of Andean life, reciprocal relationships play an integral role in the Andean cosmological system, as well. Sami must be offered to people, places, and things in order to receive something in return (Jennings and Bowser 2009:10). These offerings can come in many different forms, although commonly chicha, coca, and cane alcohol were used (Allen 1988; Jennings 2003; Jennings and Bowser 2009). A strong sense of duality pervades Andean cosmology in both the sociological and symbolic sense of the word. Sociological dualism denotes complementary and hierarchical social and political systems in which two distinct groups of people form a unified society. Symbolic dualism, in contrast, "refers to classificatory and symbolic representations (e.g., male/female, night/day, sun/moon, etc.) that are elaborated in a variety of rhetorical and material forms (e.g., mythology, iconography, etc.) as well as in ritual practice" (Urton 1993:118) and this type of dualism pervades Andean cosmology. Duality is commonly expressed in moiety divisions, political hierarchies, and gender distinctions (Cook 1992:346). For example, labour has strict gender divisions as women place the seed for planting and maintain the planted earth while men operate the plough (Isbell 1978:57). This division is conceived of asyanantin, equality between opposing entities like husband and wife closely related to the concept of tinkuy, the meeting place of opposing forces (Isbell 1978:113; Topic and Topic 2009a:26). Music is also gendered in this way in indigenous Andean cosmology, as females tend to sing songs and have been known to beat drums in the past, while males mainly play the other musical instruments (Bolin 1998:93; Cobo 1990:243; Solomon 2000:259). In addition, parts of 38 musical instruments are conceived of as male and/or female in some contemporary societies (Stobart 2006). Like the concepts of yanantin and tinkuy, the coming together of opposing forces creates the renewal of the earth (Topic and Topic 2009a:25-26), much like the numerous festivals in the contemporary Andes where the production of particular sounds is closely aligned with the agricultural cycle and the renewal of the earth. During earlier times, it is said that the Creator formed all the nations out of clay, painting each one with the corresponding clothing to be used, giving them the crops they would grow, and giving these nations the language they would speak and the songs they would sing. These beings emerged out of different places and became physical marks on the landscape such as hills, caves, lakes, springs, trees, and are known as huacas (Cobo 1990[1653]:13). The worship of huacas, ancestors, mountain peaks, and the formation of social groups called ayllus have material correlates which suggest that these concepts are deeply rooted in Andean cosmology and have been conceived of for quite some time (Glowacki and Malpass 2003:432; Jennings and Bowser 2009:15). Janusek (2004:28) defines ayllu as: A flexible term for community that, to varying degrees, was partly imagined and partly the concrete product of kin-based relations, productive activities, access to common lands, ritual practices, claims to common ancestry, and political activity...an economic, ritual, and political group. The ayllu was historically defined based on four criteria including the identifiable association with a group of people as a social group, the sharing of resources (not equally) among this group of people, the basis of kinship defines the members of the ayllu, and the presence of an ancestor mummy or earlier forms of ancestors such as huacas (Isbell 1997:285-286). 39 SUMMARY Through the interpretive lens of practice theory, this thesis will address Andean prehistory as populated by people who shared a similar cosmology. Taken from Topic and Topic (2009a), this Andean tradition was constructed by agents based on historically contingent motivations, or what Bourdieu (1977) has defined as habitus. Members of this tradition conceive of the world in a similar way, based on the ideas of this tradition having been passed from generation to generation. But as the population increased over time, groups moved into other areas of the Andes, internal agency motivated change, and thus variation was created among these groups. This research situates music within this Andean tradition, viewing the practice as shaped entirely by the culture and history in which it is a part, but also recognizing that diversity exists within this larger tradition. It is this diversity, as well as the common tradition, that is the focus of the remaining chapters. CHAPTER 4: MUSIC IN CONTEMPORARY ANDEAN SOCIETIES Ethnographic information provides insight into the meaning of music to contemporary Andean people. This meaning has undoubtedly undergone changes over the past five centuries of contact with the Spanish, has been influenced by external media, and has altered in practice. Nevertheless, traditional practices can be distinguished from Spanish-influenced practice. Hence, ethnographic data detail the importance of music in traditional Andean communities, as music is commonly used in a variety of rituals with very specific meanings. Key themes such as the reverence of Pachamama, huacas, and the insurance of agricultural fertility, pervade contemporary rituals throughout the central Andes (especially throughout the Andean highlands). The meaning of music in contemporary societies is immersed in Andean concepts of duality, regeneration, and fertility. First, this chapter outlines the cosmological principles of modern Andean peoples regarding music, situating their cosmology in terms of ritual and practice. Secondly, prevalent contexts and themes of musical practice in contemporary indigenous societies in Peru and Bolivia are discussed while providing supporting historical evidence of the antiquity and continuity of some of the practices. Pervasive themes that characterize Andean music include seasonality, agricultural fertility, healing, transformation and "playing as one". These themes demonstrate the inherent belief that music has productive and transformative properties; that music plays an active role in the transformation of time and space through ritual activity and practice. 41 CONTEMPORARY INDIGENOUS MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS Several types of musical instruments are currently used in a variety of Andean rituals, public ceremonies, Catholic festivals, and utilitarian practices. Indigenous Andean musical instruments are performed in both traditional and Spanish-influenced contexts, reflecting the level of syncretism that has occurred during the past several hundred years of colonial contact. Furthermore, musical instruments introduced alongside the colonization of the central Andes are incorporated into traditional Andean rituals, in conjunction with the continuation of the worship of various Catholic saints and their festivals. Syncretism denotes a change or transformation within both societies upon contact with one another. Over the past 500 years in the Andes, traditional practices and beliefs were not replaced in their entirety by European, Catholic practices. However, the two traditions have combined elements into something neither entirely Andean nor entirely Spanish, but identifiable with both traditions (Maxwell 1956:47; Urton 1990:97-98). This is evident with the contemporary Andean calendar (Figure 6) which demonstrates that traditional Andean agricultural rituals are often practiced alongside Catholic festivals and significant astronomical events (Dransart 2002:57, 58; Sallnow 1987:298, 299; Stobart 2006:50, 53; Urton 1990:118). More particularly, however, Andean and Catholic deities have been interchanged. For example, Pachamama is easily identified with Mother Mary, while Pachacamac could be associated with God (Maxwell 1956:48). Therefore, contemporary Andean ceremonies are a combination of traditional Inka ceremonies, local 42 rituals continued from pre-Hispanic times, Roman Catholic festivals, and Spanish popular ceremony (Maxwell 1956:49). ——— Fixed feast 15 May- Date of feast San Isidro - Name of feast —--— Movable feast Pillawara - Location of fiesta Figure 6. Ceremonial cycle of Qamawara, Peru (Sallnow 1987:299, Figure 2, Appendix 3). 43 Contemporary Andean music reflects the occurrence of syncretism, although the level of assimilation between the two traditions varies throughout the Andes. Both Spanish and traditional Andean musical instruments are used in many contexts, depending on many things including the urban or rural location and overall isolation of a community. These factors are summarized in ethnic and class divisions which currently permeate Peru and Bolivia. Four groups of people are typically represented in these modern nations: Indians, Cholos, Mestizos, and Creoles (Otter 1985:61; Poole 1990:98; Stobart 1994:36; Turino 1993:15). Music typically follows these divisions, as Indians or runa are considered peasant members of the population who are considered the poorest and subsist almost independently. They also speak indigenous languages and have traditional belief systems and practices (Allen 1988; Otter 1985:61; Poole 1990:98). Other social classes are more typically associated with non-traditional musical instruments and Westernized panpipe traditions (Turino 1993). Andean indigenous musical instruments that are currently played in the central Andes include several varieties of panpipes, flutes, drums, trumpets, whistles, and rattles. There are many forms of each type of instrument throughout the central Andes today which have specific meanings and performance contexts, as will be discussed in greater detail in the following pages (Stobart 2006:4-6). Spanish musical instruments that are used in both traditional Andean and non-traditional contexts include several varieties of stringed instruments (which were never invented in the Andes before the arrival of the Spanish), including guitars, mandolins, and violins (Izikowitz 1935). Again, some non- traditional musical instruments are used by some indigenous communities in traditional Andean contexts, such as the guitar, which serves as the mediator between opposing concepts in Chuschi cosmology (Isbell 1978:214). Therefore, the level of tradition in Andean music undoubtedly varies. As one informant noted: Yes things have changed. People have forgotten the time when we played the panpipes. Now we only use them at weddings. In the past, women played drums. Now one sees only men with drums; women hardly ever play (Bolin 1998:93). The language of Andean music Understanding that music is not a universal language is central to comprehending musical practice in the Andes. There are many different music "communities" and concepts in the world which represent the diversity that creates the beauty of the universe. Although many people from a Western background may consider music to be a natural concept, the examination of other cultural practices, reveals that music is a cultural construct which varies from culture to culture and does not have a universal meaning (Otter 1985:16; Stobart 1994:35-36). The major indigenous language families in the Andean highlands are Quechua and Aymara which derive from pre-Inka times, although the former is known as the language of the Inkas (Wara 1993:54). Quechua is currently the more prominent language of the two, especially throughout the Peruvian highlands. However, throughout the altiplano of Peru and Bolivia there are over two million speakers of Aymara (Turino 1993:15). Equivalency for the term music does not exist in the Quechua language. In contrast, many Quechua-speakers now understand "music" as the Spanish term musica. In the Quechua understanding of the word, musica is related to the performance of brass bands and, in some instances, to sikura and sikumoreno performance4 (Stobart 1994:35; Turino 1993:42-43). Musica, therefore, denotes something separate from indigenous 4These traditions are commonly associated with Spanish-influenced styles of music and the mestizo population. These styles are now performed in many Andean communities, especially those that are less isolated fromth e Western world (Turino 1993:42-43). 45 song, dance, and musical instruments. Song and dance are known as taki tusuy, respectively. However, taki can denote both song and dance since these terms are conceptually linked in the Andes (Bolin 1998:79, 239). This is historically evident: The Indians were much given to their taquis, which is what they call their songs and dances. They celebrated happy events as well as sad, gloomy ones by singing, dancing, and drinking their wine or chicha. For these celebrations they had many musical instruments which were played only at their dances and drinking bouts (Cobo 1990 [1653]:243). In fact, indigenous concepts of music and the definition of their takis suggest that many Andean people do not consider musical instruments separate from the concepts of song and dance. During Inka times, Cobo (1990[1653]:244) notes that in almost all circumstances where there was a song there was a unique dance to accompany the singing and/or instrument playing. The traditional Andean concept of music seems to be highly connected to other important cosmological concepts. Of music and agriculture, Stobart (1994:35) notes that "the two are intrinsically linked". Music is a component of Andean culture which is not considered a separate entity as it is often understood in other cultures. Music is better understood or translated into Andean terms, by the word animu which denotes "the notion of animation as a property of living things" (Stobart 1994:36). Furthermore, music is understood as being derived from "beings which live in gullies, waterfalls, springs or rocks" known as sirinus (Stobart 1994:45). Both of these terms have been derived from Spanish animo and sirena, respectively, but have been culturally appropriated into the Quechua language. Hence, music is not separated from activities performed by people on a daily basis. It does not serve the same aesthetic properties that characterize most Western music (Otter 1985:15-16). From examining some of the terms that may describe what others define as music, it is clear that music is highly linked to the earth and natural phenomena in an Andean cosmology. Group Identity Some Andean people derive their identity based on their position as part of their local community, region or ayllu (Allen 1988:1.10; Turino 1989:3; 1993:15). This has resulted in a widespread belief system which contains a large amount of local variation. Hence, cultural practices are best understood by examining local practices in relation to the larger cultural tradition (Turino 1993:18). In essence, "local and regional variation in musical forms and styles remain among the salient markers of identity and ethnicity" (Stobart 1994:36). Identity can therefore be both derived and established through musical practice. Musical performance can be used as a tool to create, negotiate, and perform culture and an opportune practice for constructing identity. In the Andes, identity revolves, not around the individual, but around the group or community (Solomon 2000:257, 260). Contemporary Andeans consider local identity to stem from customs such as the style of dress and, typically, their takis. Local songs are never traded among communities since they are a way to signify membership to a particular community or ayllu and distinguish between socio-political groups (Rasnake 1988:186; Turino 1993:40). This practice has historical roots as well, as Cobo (1990[1653]:243) notes that during the seventeenth century, takis among different communities were never exchanged. Members of different ayllus came together in Cuzco where four altars were erected to create a place where members from the four corners of the Inka Empire could do their dancing (Zuidema 1991:816). During pilgrimage to sacred sites, it is customary for different communities, when encountering one another, to play their unique takis in a kind of musical competition (Allen 1988:195; Sallnow 1987:187). In Kaata, Bolivia, Bastien (1985:77-78) noted that two distinct flute bands began playing louder and louder as they approached each other, while other members of each community danced around the plaza in a concentric circle. However, as they approached the plaza, everyone blended together and the music stopped. Furthermore, keeping the sounds created by a community's instrument distinct from other communities' instruments is an important marker of group identity in some areas of the Andean highlands. In the district of Conima, Peru, the dimensions of the measuring sticks used for tuning each community's musical instruments are kept discrete from members of other communities in order to keep the sound created by their musical instruments, unique (Turino 1993:40). Hence, takis are produced locally and can serve as signifiers of community and identity because the sounds created by musical instruments can be placed in a kind of competition, and are produced by the community to sound different from the instruments produced by other communities. Indigenous takis emphasize community membership and identify people as part of a particular ayllu. This practice is connected with huaca or ancestor worship, as group identity stems from regions revering specific huacas in the natural landscape (Cobo 1990[1653]:13, 17). Hence, songs sometimes contain lyrics which emphasize the names of communities based on their place in the natural landscape (Solomon 2000:261). Therefore, music and identity are clearly linked in the Andean highlands, especially at events in which different communities join together. Playing as One 48 Indigenous Andean worldviews typically revolve around a sociocentric view of self; that is, self is identified in stark contrast to the Western notion of ego as the center of the world. Instead, a sociocentric view of self places "self only in relation to a person's role in society. This is inherent in some Andean musical practice, as musicians play in ensembles and avoid individuals standing out from the crowd (Turino 1993:55). Hence, when discussing a group of musicians who recently played at a particular fiesta, indigenous Andeans are more likely to discuss the group as a whole and avoid discussing particular musicians within the group. To paraphrase Turino (1993:54), praise of a music ensemble is given with phrases such as "they sounded like an organ" or "they played like a single instrument". These phrases reflect the common Andean ideal in musical performance. Andean aesthetics place the ideal sound as collective. Conversely, criticism of a group is given if a particular instrument was heard above the others (Turino 1993:54-55). Furthermore, practicing music or playing for personal enjoyment is not considered traditional Andean custom (Otter 1985:227; Turino 1993:58). Conversely, performing or practicing music outside of fiestas or rehearsals is considered a rare occurrence (Turino 1989:10; 1993:58). Along the same lines, there is an Andean musical concept which views "playing as one" as the ideal performance of musical instruments. Hence, sounding like one instrument is considered best practice. In this respect, many Andean communities perform music in .ensembles of the same instrument in a hocket or interlocking technique (Stobart 2006:35-37). This is also described as "dense sound", which involves an overlapping of sounds to create a thick textured sound (Turino 1989:13). In order to achieve this dense sound, musical instruments of the same type most typically compose the ensemble, as different types of musical instruments are rarely mixed (Turino 1993:48- 49). Hence, when tarka flutes are played, they are traditionally performed with other musical instruments of the same type and seldom mixed with other classes of instruments. SEASONAL DIVISION OF MUSIC Numerous Andean communities practice rituals based on a calendar of events corresponding to atmospheric phenomena, agricultural phases, and Catholic festivals. Harvest, chuno-makmg, first planting, and second planting characterize many agricultural calendars (Bastien 1985:61; Buechler 1980:40; Dransart 2002:50; Meyerson 1990:xiii; Sallnow 1987:126-134; Stobart 2006:4; Sullivan 1988:177; Urton 1981:30; 1992:246; Zuidema 1992:40). This concept, however, is considerably more prevalent in the contemporary Andean highlands, especially in southern Peru and western Bolivia. Nevertheless, Maxwell (1956:54) suggests that the pre-Hispanic Chimii civilization had a similar division of time based on agricultural phases and the appearance of certain constellations. Therefore, the agricultural calendar is often considered a basic Andean concept with considerable antiquity (Stobart 2006:4; Sullivan 1988:36,177; Zuidema 1992:40). In the Andean highlands, indigenous people generally perceive of two annual phases divided into the rainy and dry seasons, called rinuwa timpu (renewal time) and lapaka (hungry period) (Isbell 1978:163-164; Stobart 2006:48). For other communities, the rainy and dry seasons are known aspoqoy and chirawa, respectively (Allen 1988:20- 21). Music is frequently incorporated into the division of these seasons. Many communities (Table 2) in the central Andes differentiate musical performance based on the season (Abercrombie 1998; Baumann 1981; Buechler 1980; Harris 1982; Isbell 1978; 50 Mitchell 1977; Sallnow 1987; Sullivan 1988; Stobart 1994; 1996; 2006; Turino 1993; Urton 1981). To the Campa of eastern Peru, playing music transforms night from day, as well as the dry from the rainy season. Panpipe music and dance is considered "night" to the Campa and playing panpipes creates the night (Sullivan 1988:36-37). Hence, the performance of certain types of music essentially creates the transition into a new time or phase (Sullivan 1988:178). This can also be seen with the Kalankira of Bolivia where music alternates with the season and musical instruments are pertinent in transforming the cycle of agricultural production (Stobart 2006:4-5). Music, however, is not always associated with the agricultural calendar. However, I have no desire to generalize and assume that all Andeans consider music in the same, exact light, but there are a few basic trends that must be discussed in order to examine the antiquity of such a practice. For many Andeans, where music is not explicitly linked to the agricultural calendar, it is considered a Mestizo, Cholo, or Creole practice (Otter 1985:61; Stobart 1994:36; Turino 1993:15; Zuidema 1992:40). Hence, this suggests that the highland practice of dividing the performance of certain types of instruments into a seasonal alteration is indigenous and has been around since before the arrival of the Spanish. Cobo (1990[1653]:243) documents the specific performance of certain types of musical instruments only during "their dances and drinking bouts", which suggests that takis during the early Colonial period were performed by the Inka in a context-dependent fashion, similar to the association of specific takis in the contemporary Andes. 51 Community Country/Region Language Group Reference(s) K'ulta Bolivia/highland Aymara Abercrombie 1998 Laymi Bolivia/highland Aymara Harris 1982 Kalankira Bolivia/highland Quechua Stobart 1994; 1996; 2006 Kaatan Bolivia/highland Quechua/Aymara Bastien 1985 Chipayas Bolivia/highland Chipayas Baumann 1981 Compi Bolivia/highland Aymara Buechler 1980 Irpa Chico Bolivia/highland Aymara Buechler 1980 Chua Bolivia/highland Aymara Buechler 1980 Jank'o Amaya Bolivia/highland Aymara Buechler 1980 Isluga Chile/highland Aymara Dransart 2002 Qamawara Peru/highland Quechua Sallnow 1987 Conima Peru/highland Aymara Turino 1989; 1993 Chuschi Peru/highland Quechua Isbell 1978 Misminay Peru/highland Quechua Urton 1981 Quinua Peru/highland Quechua Mitchell 1977 Campa Peru/yungas Arawakan Sullivan 1988 Table 2. Central Andean contemporary indigenous communities who are ethnographically documented as organizing music in terms of agricultural seasons. Seasonal instruments In some contemporary Andean societies, there are particular prohibitions regarding the playing of certain kinds of musical instruments, which corresponds to the agricultural season and (now) to the Catholic calendar. In highland Peru and Bolivia, different types of panpipes are commonly played specifically in the dry season. However, 52 there are variations in this practice (Stobart 2006:54-55). In Kalankira, Bolivia, different kinds of panpipes are used to attract frost during the dry season. Julajula5 panpipes are played during the Feast of the Holy Cross in early May, while siku6 panpipes and the drum are played during the planting season from August to October (Stobart 2006:52-53). Siku panpipes are also performed only after Carnival (and the rainy season) for the K'ultas and the Laymi of Bolivia (Abercrombie 1998:330; Harris 1982:55). Different varieties of flutes are also used in seasonally orchestrated rituals. Aymara musicians in the Conomo district of Peru restrict their playing of duct flutes to the rainy season, from October to March (Turino 1989:8-9). However, pitus are played throughout the year. Similarly, people of the Qamawara community in the department of Cusco, Peru, reserve the playing of lawata7 flutes for the rainy season, especially during the Carnival period (Sallnow 1987:134). In this particular community, the lawata was never played during any other time. Similarly, K'ultas in Bolivia play t'arka8 flutes, which are considered instruments that can attract both the dead and the rains (Abercrombie 1998:330). Generally, where the seasonal alteration of musical instruments and their associated takis exist, panpipes are typically reserved for dry season rituals, while flutes are associated with the rainy season. Agricultural Fertility Many of the above mentioned seasonal associations of musical instruments relate to obtaining agricultural fertility through ritual. Each season, essentially, contains unique 5 Also known as waukhu and suqusu, this type of panpipe is made of bamboo and in some communities is associated with the Feast of the Holy Cross in May (Stobart 2006:292) 6 Siku panpipes are double-row panpipes made from cane and are typically played by contemporary Bolivian highland communities and Peruvian Puno groups (Stobart 2006:292) 7 Quechua word for bamboo flute with a "deep, breathy tone" (Sallnow 1987:134, 312) 8 T'arkas are considered "wet" flutes, and are recorder-like Spanish instruments. They were composed by deities of rivers and waterfalls (Abercrombie 1998:330) 53 rituals and consequent takis. This is practiced to ensure that the earth is satisfied and that the cycle of rain and frost continue to facilitate survival in an agricultural based socioeconomic system. One such practice is called Chacrata Qukhuy, the rite of the Chosen Field, practiced by Kaatans in Bolivia during the rainy season. During this ritual, members of the community dance across terraces to the sound of flutes, which are considered "wet" instruments. An offering of an unborn llama fetus is made and placed in the field's earth shrine. The purpose of the ritual is to bring new life to the soil. Therefore, after the completion of the ritual, Kaatans later fertilize the plots where they will plant potatoes (Bastien 1985:51-52). Music is now used in conjunction with sacrifices to ensure the renewal of the earth, and it may also have been in the past. During times of famine or great disaster, for example, domesticated animals were frequently sacrificed by the Inka. This practice also accompanied many of their ceremonies to ensure fertility or cause relief from natural disasters (Cobo 1990[1653]:113). Clearly, the idea of sacrifice in order to appease the earth has survived for hundreds of years. Music is used in rituals relating to rain and planting, as well as the initiation of harvest and the dry season. During Santa Cruz, the harvest is initiated in Chuschi by the procession of crosses from the vertically designated town boundaries into the central church. Crosses are draped in white and carried into the church accompanied by the music from flutes, drums, and trumpets fashioned from cattle horns (Isbell 1978:147- 150). The presence of the crosses within the boundaries of the village of Chuschi represents the beginning of harvest. Music is part of this ritual initiating the beginning of harvest and the end of the rainy season, and is incorporated with Santa Cruz combining elements of Spanish and traditional Andean practices. 54 One way to call upon the rains during times of drought is the practice of making a llama, frog or flute "weep". This practice is also documented for the pre-Hispanic past. For the Inka, tying llamas in the sun without water or food ensured that these animals would make a painful noise, which was believed to make the rains begin (Cobo 1990[1653]:149; Maxwell 1956:55). This was practiced by the Inka as observed by Guaman Poma de Ayala (1980[1613]:177) in his depiction of the month of October. During this time, llamas were tied up and made to "weep" in preparation for the upcoming growing season which typically begins in November (Figure 7). This practice has been abandoned in contemporary Andean communities, but parallels with flute playing can be seen. For example, Stobart (1996:471) observed that in the Bolivian Andes, flutes played during the rainy season were said to call the rain and ensure that the crops would grow. Therefore, it seems that the practice of "weeping" is a cultural continuity, with evidence from the late pre-Hispanic period to the present day, essentially substituting the sounds of flutes for the weeping of a llama. Tinku in Contemporary Musical Practice Alongside weeping, during times of famine, great disaster, or pestilence, blood was offered during sacrifice. Some of the sacrifices included humans, including children, as human blood was offered in times of great need and considered the most important sacrifice to the Inka (Cobo [1653]:111-112). 55 »M VMAPAIM t M»*&J* Figure 7. Illustration of Inka rituals during the month of October (Poma de Ayala 1980[1613]:177). Blood is also of central concern with the concept of tinku. The Quechua word tinku denotes the place where two rivers meet. However, this term is also described in 56 other aspects of Andean lives, including the ritual battle which is said to "promote fertility, moral equilibrium, and the resolution of boundary disputes" (Joralemon and Sharon 1993:172). This type of battle is fought throughout the central Andes, in both the highlands and coastal regions (Abercrombie 1998; Bastien 1985; Joralemon and Sharon 1993; Sallnow 1987). The ritual is considered a way to ensure that Pachamama and local opus receive offerings of blood to bring solidarity and fertility to Andeans (Bolin 1998:95; Sallnow 1987:142). Moreover, the ritual battle emphasizes bloodshed to ensure that the crops will be successful by creating winners and losers (Sullivan 1998:214). People from the ayllu Chillihuani practice a ritual battle called ayawar mayu (river of blood) which is considered a way to settle group disputes and create solidarity. Yawar mayu is a ritual battle that is practiced by some Andean communities in order to ensure agricultural fertility. This battle is said to 'feed' Pachamama by the blood that is shed during the throwing of warak'as9 and fruit among two different groups of people (Bolin 1998:98-99). Typically, ritual battle events coincide with the ploughing of new fields and the time of Carmval (Allen 1988:184; Bastien 1985:57; Joralemon and Sharon 1993:272; Urton 1993:117), a time which coincides with the transition from performing flutes to panpipes in some communities (Abercrombie 1998:330; Harris 1982:55). In some areas of the Andes where ritual battles are no longer fought, due to various circumstances, including the attempted eradication of these practices by colonial - and national governments (Allen 1988:185; Bolin 1998:99), the practice of shedding blood in group ensembles is sometimes completed through festival dances. The qhashwa (kashwa) is a type of dance which is performed at several large Andean festivals and also 9 Warak'as are slings used by Andeans during tinku rituals, dances, and to throw to retrieve llamas and alpacas. Similarly, soq 'anas are woven slings used to whip exposed lower legs during dances (Bolin 1998:82). 57 during smaller-scale rituals. At the Chillihuani festival of Pukhullay Martes, for example, the qhaswa is performed in a circular pattern by men and women to flute music. It is believed that there will be a better harvest and the animal herds will increase if a large number of people participate in the dance (Bolin 1998:75-76). Like the yawar mayu described above, warak'as are used in this dance to whip people on the lower legs and draw blood for Pachamama. Whipping often accompanies a sacrifice to ensure health, fertility, and social solidarity (Bolin 1998:77, 98). The sargento in Sonqo is danced by male and female couples and also, by male members of various communities while whipping the opponent in a kind of competitive tinku encounter during Carnival (Allen 1988:185-186). Essentially, these specific takis are used as offerings to Andean deities to ensure fertility and fluorescence through the combined sounds created, the energy of the dancers put forth, and the blood shed. Similarly, a tinku-like dance is practiced by K'ultas in Bolivia, where paired and opposed dancers bump into one another during festivals in early September (Abercrombie 1998:100). In Aymara, these battles are known as nuwasis, "ritualized fights between the dancer-musician groups of opposed moieties" (Abercrombie 1998:102). These fights may become more severe when land disputes are involved between ayllus in a land war called ch'axwa (Abercrombie 1998:102). Takipayanaku in the Chayantaka ayllu of Bolivia is performed during Carnival. Part of this ritual involves a kind of dual between competing musician groups to play louder than the other (Solomon 2000:272). South American music, in general, is considered disruptive and competition and imbalance between groups in festivals which result in violent confrontations are considered essential to the renewal of time (Sullivan 1988:212-213, 629). In sum, circular dances are associated with 58 Carnival and harvest and are specifically connected to the ideas of agricultural fertility and tinku ritual battles (Bolin 1998:239; Poole 1991:337). Complementarity Bastien (1985:58) notes that throughout the Andes, tinku is practiced to stress the significance of contrasting pairs as "almost everything is understood in juxtaposition to its opposite". The coming together of these two streams and subsequent dispersion is known as tinku (or tinkuy). This concept is often reflected in Andean rituals, especially those involving music and dance. At Khallay Chajniay, a major agricultural ritual, flute players and dancers mimic the movements of a spring, winding tightly inwards, and eventually releasing themselves outwards. This dance is also described by the term sonco (also spelled sonqo), which denotes the heart and represents the place where air, blood, food, and water join and are eventually dispersed throughout the system (Bastien 1985:70). For many Andeans, blood is associated with life and comes from the heart (Bastien 1985:54). During combat, such as tinku, the opposing forces of male and female are especially exposed (Sullivan 1988:214). Therefore, the terms tinku and sonco reflect both the arrangement of concepts into complementary halves and the way that music reflects and is embedded with these concepts. For example, panpipe performance, tuning, and manufacture are significantly imbued with the Andean principle of complementarity. Double-row siku panpipes consist of two rows of tubes, cut successively shorter and constructed of cane (based on availability). Ira is the "one that leads, the shorter of the pair with six or seven tubes" while area is "the one that follows, with seven or eight tubes" (Turino 1993:43). In runa performance, at least two musicians are required to play sikus because the notes of the ira and area parts are tuned to alternating pitches. In order to create a single melody, two 59 musicians will "interlock" their ira and area panpipes (Figure 8). For some, the ira and area are considered male and female, respectively, and can be non-siku type panpipes with single rows and different numbers of tubes (Baumann 1981:174). Where cane is available, double-row panpipes are consistently thicker because they have a second row behind each ira and area. These secondary rows called requintos are used solely for the creation of a resonating sound (Turino 1993:43-44). Another example of complementarity is ritually enacted during the cleaning of the irrigation canals in Chuschi, during a festival called the Yarqa Aspiy. This rite is described by Isbell (1978:144, 163), as the rite of renewal, conception and gestation. These Quechua-speakers have a dual irrigation system which is found in the Upper Barrio and the Lower Barrio. Members of each barrio climb to the puna zone of the mountain after the canals are cleaned to leave offerings of coca, trago, and chicha. Descending down this mountain, music is played on wooden instruments by paired players (Isbell 1978:137-144). Sullivan (1988:178) describes the ritual: Musicians always play in pairs, perhaps reflecting the dual system of irrigation canals as well as the moieties into which the society is divided. The pipes and the scraping of the canals celebrate the marriage between Pachamama (mother earth) and her two grooms (one from each moiety), who are lake-dwelling mountain divinities (wamanis). The seminal waters of the wamanis and the sounds passing through the aerophones flow down along the canals into the open fields to impregnate the fertile earth mother. The festival of Yarqa Aspiy essentially fertilizes the earth using music and the coming together of contrasting pairs. Ploughing the fields involves the complementarity of males and females and is sometimes accompanied by music. Kaatans, for example, play repetitive flute and drum music while the male "forces the curved plough's iron blade into the earth, which his female companion, kneeling on the earth, holds close to her belly and gently turns over, 60 forming straight rows" (Bastien 1985:74). Essentially, the male is responsible for opening the earth with his blade, while the woman places the seed into the earth to grow and prosper (Isbell 1978:57; Maxwell 1956:51). In Misminay, agricultural time and space is considered male, while pastoral time and space is considered female. Furthermore, the dry season and daytime are symbolically male; yet weaving is considered female and is considered a dry season activity (Urton 1981:30-31). Work songs further the complementary relationship between males and females, as it is understood by Andeans. "Balancing the sexual forces of the social and cosmological world is one of the major concerns of Andean people" (Isbell 1978:207) and this act of balancing is often accompanied by music. Cobo (1990[1653]:243) notes that specific dances and songs were reserved for these times, as work songs. During harvest, potatoes that were different in shape from the rest of the batch would be worshipped, by kissing, drinking, dancing, and performing special ceremonies in their honour (Cobo 1990[1653]:44). During the Colonial period, singing also accompanied work in the fields, as the beat of the music sets the tempo of the digging (Maxwell 1956:51). Transformation Music is considered a transformative practice in South American cosmology. To many ethnographically-documented South American communities, music ensures passage from one mode of being into another (Sullivan 1988:96). Song allows someone to enter into another time, whether it is a mythic time or part of the rainy/dry season transformation discussed above (Sullivan 1988:180). Essentially, playing and participating in musical activities transforms the temporal arrangement of the world and is a way to recreate and create new and past phenomena. Figure 8. Four maizu panpipes showing ira (top) and area (bottom three) from Chipayas, Bolivia (Baumann 1981:214). Trumpets are often used to mark the passage of time, or the transformation from one phase to another. During Santa Cruz in Chuschi, for example, trumpets manufactured from coiled cattle horns are currently used to sound the end of the ritualized drinking and coca-chewing (Isbell 1978:145-146). Furthermore, trumpets today are blown in Misminay to mark the beginning of the wheat harvest in April (Urton 1981:31). Pututus 62 or conch shell trumpets are used in Sonqo to sound a community announcement (Allen 1988:116). Seemingly, trumpets mark the passage from one time to another or are used as communicative devices linked to the community or ayllu. Music not only allows transformation, but also facilitates access to knowledge of the past. To the Canelos Quichua in eastern Ecuador, music is one of the ways by which people can obtain knowledge of their origins and their ancestors (Sullivan 1988:106). Through ceremony and the performance of transverse flute music, women and men dance and sing songs which are essentially forms of knowledge transferred to them from their ancestor spirits (Whitten 1978:842, 849). During the Feast of the Dead, the flute band, for Kaatans, is composed of six flutists, two drummers, and two people who play the cow tail. While the band plays, dancing couples complete a circuit from Qollahuaya to Kaatapata (Bastien 1985:182). Flutes are explicitly connected to the knowledge of the past and have connections to the dead which are accessible during the growing season. Flutes are musical instruments frequently associated with the dead in both the past and the present. During the Colonial period, large ceremonies accompanied the death of a lord. These ceremonies sometimes included up to eight days of rituals, drinking copious amounts of chicha, lamentations, and processions of dancers to flute and drum music (Cobo 1990[1653]:250). Along the same lines, Kaatans today conceive of ancestor mummies as small versions of normal-sized people who live in the Underworld. They drink, dance, and.play flutes beneath rock shrines (Bastien 1985:130). Flutes are, therefore, connected to the dead in both colonial times, demonstrated by being part of burial ceremonies, and in contemporary Kaatan cosmology. The Catholic ceremonies associated with All Saints Day and All Souls Day, practiced annually by some communities on November 1st and November 2n 63 respectively, are performed to transform death into unity or to convert "the celebration of an individual ghost to a more collective ritual" (Harris 1982:55). The Laymi of Bolivia, for example, honour kin who have died within the previous year and move from a stage of mourning. The souls of the dead arrive during the night while the Laymi celebrate with feasting, dancing, singing, and drinking (Harris 1982:54-55). A similar situation happens during this time for the Isluga in northern Chile where the community observes All Souls Day in the graveyard (Dransart 2002:50). All Saints and All Souls Days have associated rituals that take place during, and essentially mark the beginning of, the rainy season. As such, this festival marks the passage of time as the agricultural cycle is initiated and the start of the rains can begin (Dransart 2002:50; Harris 1982:56). The end of the rainy season is marked by Carnival, which is celebrated on the Saturday before the first day of Lent (Dransart 2002:49-50). The music of both of these events differs dramatically, as they are connected to the agricultural calendar and the concept of seasonality discussed above. During the rainy season, the music is described as tearful and sad, like the weeping mentioned above, while the music corresponding to the beginning of the dry season is joyous and colourful (Dransart 2002:50), akin to the events at Carnival and beyond. Musically, All Saints Day also marks the time of the waynus; the wooden flute music associated with mourning and whose sounds are said to attract rain (Harris 1982:57; Solomon 2000:259). Waynu music is associated only with the rainy season in many Andean communities, and playing this music during the dry season or after the celebration of Carnival would draw back the devils that are now on their way to the land of the dead (Harris 1982:58; Solomon 2000:259). Carnival, which is celebrated at the end of the rainy season during February and March, marks a new cycle of time in which 64 wayhu music is discontinued and Laymi kirki music begins. Essentially, music marks the passage of time or the transition from one state of being to another such that: Only through music did it become clear that the dead remain in the world of the living throughout the season of the rains... [b]ut they are also celebrated as the abundance of natural increase, and are festooned with the wild and domesticated plant life they have helped to grow (Harris 1982:58). Hence, flute music bridges fertility and death during the rainy season by attracting rain and keeping the dead in the land of the living. Healing Specific types of musical instruments are used in contemporary healing practices by cur underos along the north coast of Peru, and by healers from communities in the Andean highlands. Instruments which are currently used most typically in healing and divination ceremonies include the rattle and whistle. Other activities associated with music are involved in curandero activity, including whistling and dancing (Olsen 2002:149-153). Sickness is typically explained by several factors in the Andes, ranging from the disturbance of societal balance, inability to appease the ancestors, or the loss or corruption of animu. In the Bolivian Andes, some groups of people, such as the Kalankira, believe that all living things contain animu. This term derives from the Spanish animo, denoting soul or spirit. To Andean people, animu is the essence of life and is "expressed as sound, movement, light, scent and autoresonance" (Stobart 2006:27). Animu can be accumulated in the body and men are said to have twice as much as women, which makes the former physically stronger than the latter. In death, animu flows out of the body and transforms into alma (soul). A living person who loses or disturbs animu in their body could experience a number of illnesses (Stobart 2006:28). 65 To cure the loss or corruption of animu, music is sometimes used. The Kalankira of Bolivia perform rituals with the wislulu in order to cure this corruption (Stobart 2006:28-29). The wislulu is a globular whistle which is blown across the mouthpiece like a panpipe and produces a high whistling sound. Animu is contained within the wislulu and is "related to its containment within a living (human) body" (Stobart 2006:30). In contrast, pinkillu flutes cannot be used for healing practices because they are full of holes from which animu can emerge and transform into alma. As discussed above, pinkillu flutes are associated with death and regeneration and using this type of instrument during a healing ritual is considered taboo (Harris 1982:57; Stobart 2006:30). Shamans or curonderos use wislulus to call down the mountain spirits. These whistles are believed to have communicative powers strong enough to allow a shaman to enter someone's dreams or to attract a person towards that shaman (Olsen 2002:153; Stobart 2006:29). Similarly, some coastal shamans consider whistles to possess the power of calling the spirits of the mountains and the ocean (Olsen 2002:155). These musical instruments, therefore, are used because they have the power to communicate with spiritual forces which can "identify evil forces, control them, and defend against them" (Olsen 2002:155). Shamans along the north coast of Peru and the highlands view the corruption of the soul, disease, and sickness in a similar way to the Kalankira concept of animu. North coast shamans view gentiles as ancient inhabitants of the earth who are now found in Ukhu Pacha (Underworld) (Joralemon and Sharon 1993:179; Olsen 2002:149; Sharon 1978:76). Gentiles are said to create diseases which attach to indigenous Andean people (Sharon 1978:76). Cleansing the soul of this ancestor sickness involves "rubbing the patient in a downward motion" (Joralemon and Sharon 1993:179) towards the 66 Underworld where they reside. Similarly, the cause of illness, for some highlanders, is attributed to the disturbance of the balance of the social and ecological order, such as the failure to produce a son. The sickness exists, therefore, between a person and the land or a person and the ayllu (Bastien 1985:130-131). Essentially, rituals are used to contact the souls of the ancestors (Whitten 1978:848-849; Zuidema 1992:19). The north coast shaman's mesa (a shaman's table of material used in his activities) is intimately tied to the multi-layered universe concept in Andean cosmology. Mesas are divided according to the Ukhu Pacha (Underworld) which is designated as the left side of the mesa. The Kay Pacha (this world) is considered centre position on the mesa and is the mediator between the two opposing forces and some consider this the axis mundi (Sharon 1978:85). Therefore, the Hanan Pacha (Upperworld) is considered the right side of the mesa. Shamanic rituals associated with these worlds are performed in the respective area. For example, cleansing rituals are associated with the left portion of the mesa as the act of cleansing a patient involves rubbing them in a downward motion, towards the Underworld (Joralemon and Sharon 1993:178-179). Similarly, Aymara shamans typically divide the mesa into two halves with the right half associated with sun, gold, day and present. Conversely, the left side of the mesa represents the moon, silver, night and past. There is a middle section, like the north coast shaman's mesa, which contains paired objects (Sharon 1978:85). Shamans also use rattles during their ceremonies, to accompany the rituals that they perform. However, unlike the calling power of the whistles, the shaman uses the rattle during preparation for the shamanic ritual to activate his power (Joralemon and Sharon 1993:45; Olsen 2002:153). In contrast to whistles, which attract the guardian spirits during healing rituals, rattles activate the shaman in order for him to possess 67 communicative powers during his state of trance (Olsen 2002:153). Rattles were also used by the Inka for protection from things such as witchcraft, animals, birds, insects, and ill weather (Maxwell 1956:55). Drums were also used by some shamans in the historic era. In the Mapuche culture, drums were used to cure sickness and connect with the spiritual realm. During a recorded curing ceremony in the colonial era, a sacred tree was planted near the head of the patient. From the tree's branches hung a drum, which was eventually used by the shaman, or machi weye, during possession by spirits to accompany his transition into another realm (Bacigalupo 2004:490). Dancing during procession is also said to have important healing effects. The Cusco shrine of Qoyllur Rit'i is approached by hundreds of dance groups during pilgrimage. This site is seen as sacred and controls "human and animal fertility and health" (Poole 1991:309). During these events, bear dancers or ukhukus dance throughout the night with costumes and masks (Poole 1990:98; 1991:310). The Inka festival called Coya Raymi was performed at the transition from the dry season to the rainy season as people were typically ill. This festival was performed in order to create good health as warriors bathed in the rivers surrounding Cusco and the rivers were believed to have carried the diseases to the sea (Cobo 1990[1653]: 145). These types of healing practices are, however, considered to be much more common in the highlands as opposed to the coast (Olsen 2002:149). 68 SUMMARY Music is closely related to context in many instances. In essence, the types of music and dance created and/or performed is specific to the performance context and has great variance because of these specific rituals (Stobart 2006:4-6). Hence, "particular instrument-type performance is dependent on traditional associations with given annual and variable fiesta occasions" (Turino 1989:8). "Instruments, players, sounds, are coordinated with their seasons, the weather, and the feasts as well as with specific dances, costume designs, tasks and so on" (Sullivan 1988:177). Inherent in the musical practices of some contemporary Andean populations is the belief that music is associated specifically with agricultural practice. These rituals essentially follow the main agricultural tasks of planting, hoeing, weeding, ploughing, and harvesting (Urton 1992:246). In effect, music is used in ritual to create another time or transform a current state of being into something else. Through the examination of several central Andean rituals, musical instruments are clearly linked to the concept of agricultural fertility which is highly integrated into the cosmology of Andean people. Musical performance, including singing, dancing, and instrument playing, is used to bring on the rains during times of drought and to call upon frost and winds after Carnival (Poole 1990:39). Several key instruments are only used at particular phases during the annual cycle, and there is a common division of this cycle in the highlands and its instruments into "wet" and "dry": Musical practice, embedded in Andean ritual, is used in conjunction with this cycle to enable the passage of time. While the agricultural cycle is linked specifically with certain traditional musical instruments, this seems to be more of a highland phenomenon. Conversely, musical 69 instruments such as whistles and rattles are predominately used along the north coast of Peru in shamanic activities. More specifically, coastal musical instruments are typically used in healing practices which restore the energy within the body to a natural state of equilibrium. This practice is also seen in some highland communities, but dominates the traditional music scene along the north coast. Clearly there is a large amount of variation and considerable use of musical instruments in contemporary Andean rituals. There can be no avoidance of the diversity that currently exists in musical performance in the central Andes but these patterns which have emerged through examining a wide variety of ethnographic data suggest that traditional musical concepts are still currently practiced in the Andes and were inherent in belief systems of the runa of Peru and Bolivia during the past 500 years of Spanish contact. The following chapter examines a similar amount of diversity in practice among pre-Hispanic Andeans by examining the archaeological contexts which contain musical instruments. 70 CHAPTER 5: ARCHAEOLOGICAL CONTEXTS OF MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS Musical instruments in the central Andes from the Early Horizon to the Middle Horizon are found in various archaeological contexts (Appendix I). This section describes these archaeological contexts (n=100) including the in-situ location of the musical instruments, the location of the context within the site, information from the archaeological site, and the context associated with the archaeological culture. As a result, this chapter highlights the prevalence of different types of musical instruments in specific archaeological contexts including burials, caches and temples, domestic contexts, and fortresses. BURIAL CONTEXTS Musical instruments were deposited in a range of burial contexts, associated with the bodies of adult males, adult females, children and infants. Notably, there are 28 burial contexts which contain musical instruments, out of a total of 100 archaeological contexts in this sample. Of the 28 burial contexts, 10 are classified as adult male burials while adult females, children and infants are each located in only one archaeological context associated with musical instruments. The remainder of the burial contexts were not classified based on age and sex. Table 3 demonstrates that burial contexts commonly contain rattles and whistles. Other instruments such as panpipes, shell trumpets and ceramic trumpets are found less frequently in burial contexts. Lastly, drums and bells are both only found in one burial context out of the 28 total burial contexts in this sample. 71 Type of Instrument Number of Burial Contexts Rattle 8 Whistle 7 Panpipe 4 Trumpet (shell) 3 Trumpet (ceramic) 3 Bell 1 Drum 1. Unknown 1 Total 28 Table 3. Andean musical instruments found in burial contexts. In addition to burial contexts, collected surface remains from cemeteries also contain musical instruments. There are 10 archaeological contexts of instruments that were recovered during surface collection and are included in this sample. Unfortunately, entirely accurate contextual information cannot be derived from the surface collections of cemeteries. However, six out of 10 of the surface contexts contained ceramic trumpets or trumpet fragments. Other musical instruments are poorly represented. Notably, all but one of the surface collections of musical instruments comes from Moche cemeteries collected by Donnan (1973) during survey of the Santa Valley. These musical instruments are all poorly made, unslipped and differ drastically from other Moche instruments in this sample. As such, these instruments are interpreted as having been part of rituals or significant religious activities instead of serving elite or aesthetic purposes (Donnan 1973:95). 72 Burials constitute one of the most diverse cultural contexts. Instruments in burials are associated most prominently with the Moche culture (n=16), while there are six contexts that contain musical instruments and are temporally associated with the Nasca culture and five burials that are associated with the Chavin culture. Only two of the burials containing musical instruments come from the highlands, while the remainder are associated with coastal sites. Interestingly, large ceremonial sites containing rich burial contexts are most prevalent along the coast of Peru and thus have received much of the attention from huaqueros and archaeologists alike (Smith 2005). Moche burials A major focus of Andean archaeology is dedicated to excavation of sites along the North Coast of Peru. This region is home to the Moche culture, which inhabited the area during the Early Intermediate Period, until their ultimate collapse around AD 800 (Alva and Donnan 1994:23). This culture is known for its rich iconographic scenes painted on elaborate pottery (see Donnan 1973; 1982; 2004). These scenes often depict real-life Moche rituals which involve processions, warfare, blood sacrifice and burial. Furthermore, musical instruments are sometimes illustrated as part of these ritual activities. Moche society was highly stratified with an elite sector, composed of warriors, priests, and rulers (Fraresso 2008:439). The society can be divided into at least three classes of people including a commoner population of farmers and fishers, a middle class of craft specialists, and an established elite population (Chapdelaine 2001:78; Cordy- Collins 1992:207-208). Moche is considered the first Andean civilization to have instituted political hegemony over the northern coast of Peru during the Early Intermediate period (Moseley 1992:161). Some of the largest ceremonial sites have 73 yielded elite burials such as Sipan, San Jose de Moro, Dos Cabezas, and Moche. At Sipan, the most elaborate tombs contain the remains of presumed Moche leaders and members of the upper or elite class of Moche society, including priests and warriors (Alva 2001; Chapdelaine 2001:77-78). Moche elite burials, such as the tomb of the Old Lord of Sipan, are notable for the presence of musical instruments along with other grave goods. These items coincide with iconographic evidence suggesting that music was involved in burial rituals (Donnan 1982: Figure 9). Rattles, in particular, occur frequently in Moche burial contexts and were probably important components in the burial practices of the Moche elite. At major sites such as Sipan, Moche, Cerro Mayal and San Jose de Moro, rattles were deposited most typically with adult male burials (Alva 2001; Fraresso 2008; Russell and Jackson 2001). For example, 13 copper rattles were deposited with an adult male burial on the Huaca de la Luna platform at the site of Moche (Fraresso 2008). Similarly, 31 metal rattles were found at San Jose de Moro with the remains of an elite male in a wooden coffin (Fraresso 2008). Figure 9. Moche iconographic scene showing musicians in a procession with various types of musical instruments and objects associated with combat (Alva 2001:242). Sipan contains some of the most elaborate examples of Moche burials that have ever been excavated from a secure archaeological context. These burials offer us insights 74 into the elite members of Moche society and provide us with information as to their beliefs and the artifacts which may have held the highest importance in Moche society. Among the various tombs located at Sipan were the Lord of Sipan (Tomb 1), the Priest (Tomb 2), and the Old Lord of Sipan (Tomb 3). Alva (2001) suggests that these individuals would have been among the highest ranked people in Moche society. Tomb 1 contained the remains of an adult male interpreted as the Lord of Sipan. He was interred with several offerings, including rattles, one of which was decorated with a Decapitator figure (Figure 10). Cordy-Collins (1992:208) notes that decapitation was a widespread theme along the North Coast during the Early Intermediate Period as several figures are partaking in the act in Moche iconography. In addition, artifacts found in in- situ Moche contexts, such as tumi (knives), are believed to have been used in actual decapitations. All of the artifacts found in the same provenience as the Decapitator rattle and the Lord of Sipan are associated with the elite sector of Moche society and the decapitation theme. For example, decapitator figures usually wear neck, nose, or ear ornaments, headdresses, and other items (Cordy-Collins 1992:213). Banners of gilded metal, pectorals with shell beads, ear ornaments, a gold and silver sceptre, a crescent headdress ornament, war clubs, and feather bundles were found within the same context alongside the Decapitator rattle in the Lord of Sipan tomb (Alva 2001). Similarly, Tomb 3 contained the remains of the Old Lord of Sipan along with a group of weapons, 10 gold and 10 silver rattles, a copper burial mask, and backflaps (Alva 2001). 75 Figure 10. Rattle excavated from Tomb 1, the Lord of Sipan's burial containing scenes of a Decapitator figure (Alva 2001). Musical instruments are also found in Tomb 5 and Tomb 9 at Sipan, as accompanying grave goods with important Moche elite military leaders. Tomb 5 contained the remains of a second-rank military leader buried with ceramic panpipes and wooden spear-throwers (Figure 11). Tomb 9 contained a metal rattle along with weapons and other goods (Alva 2001). 76 Figure 11. Tomb 5 at Sipan of adult male interred with panpipes and other items (Alva 2001). Clearly, the association between elite burials and musical instruments is significant based on the above contextual associations. Particularly, the use of rattles included in elite burials suggests a ceremonial association with these people in their lifetimes, as rattles are often shown in processions and ceremonies in Moche iconography (Donnan 1982; 2004). As Fraresso (2008:448) notes, "rattles...were used in real ceremonial-events.. .they were not handled by professional musicians7 but rather by religious officers". Lastly, she concludes that rattles used at sites like Moche and Sipan were used in ceremonies relating to combat, death, sacrifice, and propitiation. Notably, Donnan (1982) has suggested that musical instruments are represented as parts of rituals 77 involving dance, death, and combat. Combat is a major theme in Moche iconography and is believed to have real life parallels that include the Moche tradition of capturing prisoners, stripping them of their clothes and weapons, and using them as sacrificial victims (Cordy-Collins 1992:217; Donnan 1978:170-173; 2004). Therefore, musical instruments are perhaps conceptually related to the themes of combat, sacrifice, and death in a burial context. Other burial contexts Other cultural contexts contain musical instruments in burials, although not nearly as prominently as Moche burials. While trophy heads are not the focus of this work, they do have several connections to musical practice, especially as used by the Nasca people. Nasca trophy heads are only considered such if they have: A hole in the frontal bone in order for a skull to be labelled a trophy head.. .that hole seems to be invariably associated with a deliberately widened foramen magnum...lips may or may not be sealed with cactus spines...eyesockets may be stuffed with plainweave cotton cloth (Browne et al. 1993:275). Musical instruments are found in contexts associated directly and indirectly with trophy heads. Trophy heads have been found at many Nasca sites, including Cahuachi, which is a site directly associated with musical rituals during the Early Nasca phase. During his excavation of Early Nasca burials at Mound A of Cahuachi, Kroeber (ca. 1960) located several trophy heads (Browne et al. 1993:287). Silverman (1993) recovered two trophy heads during her excavations at Cahuachi. Both of the trophy heads were found in Unit 19, likely the main ceremonial mound at the site. Not only have trophy heads been located in this ceremonial mound, several panpipe fragments and other imagery associated with musical instruments have been found, indicating that the rituals involving 78 musical instruments in some instances may have also involved the procurement of trophy heads. A site located on Cerro Carapo, during the Palpa Valley survey, also indicates that music and trophy heads may have shared ritual meaning. A cache of 48 trophy heads was located at site P538 in an excavation trench which also contained up to seven Nasca panpipes (Browne et al. 1993:279-281). The difficulty with this source, however, is that the site has suffered from various looting activities for some time and the specific chronological relationship between the instruments and the trophy heads is difficult to ascertain (Browne et al. 1993:279-281). Nevertheless, the number of panpipe fragments recovered at numerous stratigraphic levels indicates that the practice of panpipe playing was, at the least, indirectly associated with burying trophy heads (Figure 12). During the Early Horizon, burials sometimes contained Strombus shell trumpets, notably with distinct characteristics compared to the burials mentioned above. One Strombus shell trumpet was found deposited with the remains of an adult female at the site of Punkuri in the Nepefia Valley. The death of the female in this tomb was likely due to unnatural causes as archaeologists suggest that she was sacrificed during construction of a building at the site (Daggett 1987; Falcon et al. 2005; Herrera 2009:57; Tello 1933). On the temple summit of Kuntur Wasi, several elite burials were located. In one of these burials were the remains of an elderly male, alongside three Strombus shell trumpets, a gold crown decorated with classic Chavin motifs (Figure 13), a gold pectoral, and gold ear spools (Burger 1992:205). One of the trumpets was elaborately engraved. Another burial at Huayurco revealed two Strombus shell trumpets, although less elaborate than the previous example (Herrera 2009:57). 79 Figure 12. Cache of 48 trophy heads from Cerro Carapo which contained seven panpipe fragments (Browne etal. 1993:284, Figure 8). Another Early Horizon burial was interred at the site of Morro de Eten, an Early Horizon site with a large cemetery. In Burial 4 of Unit 14 D, at the site, an adult male was interred with the remains of a rattle made from the tibia of a white-tailed deer. The rattle was carved with anthropomorphic and zoomorphic images, mainly the body of a bird and the head of a human (Elera 1986). This bone rattle, unlike any known in the Andes, was inserted into the right leg of the individual while he was alive. The instrument had formed a cavity in this person's leg, creating a natural pouch in the skin. Elera (1986) suggests that the process of creating the cavity in the individual's muscular fabric begun while he was young. Evidence on the 80 femur shows the presence of a foreign item, indicating that the rattle had been carried by the man for a long duration of time. Other artifacts accompanied the adult male burial containing the rattle. Two bone spatulas located beside the head, an anthracite mirror placed alongside the body, two slate stones, and a snuff container, accompanied the elderly male in his burial (Burger 1992:205-206; Elera 1986). These goods are markedly distinct from the burials with Strombus shell trumpets mentioned above, and items that archaeologists consider to be wealthy grave goods were absent from this burial. Based on the characteristics of this burial, Elera (1986) argues that this individual was a shaman who, while alive, carried around the rattle in a pouch in his leg and was interred with the items that he used to divine and heal. :•• ••."•:.•. . . _ • _ ,;•• »•_',; Figure 13. Gold crown found associated with three Strombus shell trumpets at Kuntur Wasi (Burger 1992:205, Figure 227). CACHES AND TEMPLES 81 Among the archaeological contexts in this sample, there are 12 that can be classified as caches. Within these archaeological contexts are several types of musical instruments, representing the diversity of items that were deposited in caches (Table 4). Panpipes are found in the greatest number of cache contexts spanning a period from the Early Horizon to the Middle Horizon. Flutes, shell trumpets, and ceramic trumpets are also found in cache contexts, although less prominently than panpipes. Interestingly, bone is the only material used to manufacture the flutes found in cache contexts. The most significant pattern represented in cache contexts derives from the regional location of these archaeological contexts. Out of the 12 cache contexts, eight are found in the highlands of the Andes, markedly distinct from the burial contexts that were found in mainly lowland, coastal areas. Highland peoples deposited musical instruments in caches at sites such as Tiwanaku, Chavin de Huantar, and Pikillacta. In addition, most of the sub-contexts of these caches can be considered highly ritual in function based on the location of the caches within the sites and the accompanying artifacts found in-situ. Instrument Type Number of Contexts Panpipe 4 Flute 2 Trumpet (shell) 2 Trumpet (ceramic) 2 Rattle 1 Whistle 1 Total 12 Table 4. Number of caches which contain musical instruments divided by type. 82 Chavin de Huantar Although they have been classified as separate contexts in this study, caches and temples can be discussed within the same section due to the similarities throughout the sample. Temples constitute seven of the 100 archaeological contexts studied in this research. Within this sample, two of the seven archaeological contexts derive from highland regional contexts. Furthermore, the caches are found within many of the temples described herein. Therefore, caches and temples will be discussed in conjunction with one another. In addition, two contexts from similar site contexts were found and are also discussed as part of this section. There is only one cache context associated with Chavin. Nevertheless, this one cache demonstrates the importance of music to Early Horizon ritual due to the ceremonial nature of the cache and the significance of the culture to the prehistory of the Andes. The Early Horizon is often characterized by the spread of the Chavin cult, as cultural characteristics and elements from the ceremonial site of Chavin de Huantar in the northern highlands are found across several areas of the Andes. The area of its influence ranged from the coastal valleys of Lambayeque and lea, and from the highland regions of Cajamarca to Ayacucho (McEwan 2006:34; Miller and Burger 1995:421). Elements of the Chavin style are found in ceramics, textiles, bones, carved stones, and clay friezes (Drue 2004:344). The Chavin horizon is considered by many to mark to the beginning of civilization in the Andes; one which passed many religious ideas on to descendant generations (Lathrap" 1973). Although this cult represents the first widespread evidence of a shared religion, these people were not original in their beliefs. Elements from Chavin were derived from the tropical forests of the Amazon and the montaha, as well as the coastal cultures of Peru. Important religious components of this cult include the caiman 83 and jaguar, although the site was in fact located in the northern highlands of Peru (McEwan 2006:33-34). Within the ceremonial core of Chavin de Huantar are galleries, or subterranean passageways, which are narrow, roofed structures that can be walked in by individuals arranged in single file (Figure 14). However, as Burger (1992:135) suggests, they were not designed to be accessed by large numbers of people, unlike the public ceremonial plazas above the galleries. The Old Temple of Chavin de Huantar was arranged in a symmetrical plan, with a U-shaped plaza and a circular sunken court within the centre (Moseley 1992:153). The Lanzon Gallery is located above the circular plaza along the centre of the U-shaped section and contains a central stone idol known as the Lanzon. Niches located in the walls of this temple would have likely housed ritual paraphernalia and offerings (Burger 1992:135-136). Figure 14. Major galleries located within the monumental core of Chavin de Huantar (Rick 2004:73). 84 The Lanzon, or "Smiling God", was the principal cult image of the Old Temple. This stela (Figure 15) was carved in the form of a human body with claws for fingers and toes. Although the body is human-like, the face is characteristically feline with snarling lips and exposed canines. The eyebrows and hair are depicted as snakes (Moseley 1992:155-156). The Lanzon can be viewed as a "mediator of opposites", as a "personification of the principle of balance and order" and is associated with the "concept of centrality" (Burger 1992:136). These qualities are among many cosmological principles which are entirely characteristic of the Andes. Figure 15. The Lanzon, located in the Lanzon Gallery at Chavin de Huantar (Rick 2004:79). 85 This stela has been interpreted as the axis mundi, or the place where the flow of energy between exchanges between the sky, the terrestrial plane, and the Underworld (Burger 1992; Lathrap 1985). The Lanzon is located in the centre of a cruciform gallery, and the sculpture itself extends into the roof and the floor of the gallery symbolizing its connection to the heavens, earth, and the Underworld (Burger 1992:136-137). Furthermore, a hole in the roof above the stela suggests that the Lanzon may have been used as an oracle (Kembel and Rick 2004:60; Moseley 1992:156) or that blood from sacrificial victims was poured down onto the sculpture (Tello in Burger 1992:137). Although the Old Temple is dominated by the Lanzon, there are several secondary galleries within the same complex, including the Gallery of the Shells which housed a deposit of shell trumpets, the largest cache of shell trumpets known from the pre-Hispanic Andes. Excavations at the site revealed 20 shell trumpets in the gallery located below the surface of the rectangular court of the Old Temple to the south of the Circular Plaza (Burger 1992:138; Herrera 2009:57; Kembel and Rick 2004:62; Rick 2004:79). Strombus shell fragments were initially discovered in a series of test pits and surveys conducted by Lumbreras and colleagues (1977). However, recent excavations confirmed the presence of musical instruments at the site. The presence of Strombus shell trumpets (Figure 16) suggests that musical instruments were used in rituals at the site. Many of these shell trumpets are engraved and show evidence for extensive use (Kembel and Rick 2004:62). Rick (2004:79) suggests that the shell trumpets were played in groups due to the quantity found. Furthermore, he notes that the instruments were likely heirlooms because of the high degree of use indicated by the wear on the shells (Rick 2004:86). 86 Sculptural evidence at the Old Temple also indicates that musical instruments were used in significant rituals at the site. Large monolithic sculptures line the Circular Plaza of Chavin de Huantar. These sculptures represent human and animal figures in a sort of procession towards the central staircase. Some of these figures are also shown in procession, blowing a shell trumpet, like those in the cache of trumpets recovered nearby (Rick 2004:79-80). Figure 16. Three of the 20 Strombus shell trumpets excavated from the Gallery of the Shells at Chavin de Huantar (Rick 2004:80). Running parallel to the Gallery of the Shells was the Gallery of the Offerings, located north of the Circular Plaza. This gallery has not revealed any musical instruments to date, but was associated with human sacrifice, cannibalism, and/or ritual burial, as 233 human bones were mixed with food waste (Burger 1992:138). In this section, pottery from other areas of the Andes was used and broken and deposited in this gallery along with cut Spondylus shell fragments and carved stone objects. Based on the recovery of these ceremonial items, the subterranean galleries at Chavin de Huantar were used for rituals. However, the galleries were also used for drainage and storage because of their subterranean locales. The coastal ceremonial site of 87 Pachacamac had depositories for cloth, ceremonial paraphernalia, agricultural produce, and other items. Therefore, Burger (1992:142) suggests that the Gallery of the Offerings and the Gallery of the Snails housed ritual goods which were likely used during religious rites associated with the Lanzon Gallery. Presumably, the recovery of Strombus shell trumpets suggests that these instruments were used in the rituals conducted at the Lanzon Temple. Lastly, Lumbreras (1977) has studied the galleries, specifically the underground canals which run through them. He has suggested that a large amount of water running through these canals produced a significant amount of noise which could be heard throughout the ceremonial center (Lumbreras 1977; Moseley 1992). Perhaps the connection between water and sound is associated with the cache of Strombus shell trumpets. Herrera (2009), in particular, has presented the idea that shell trumpets or waylla kepa were used specifically to call on the water to feed the crops and were likely used in public ceremonies for this purpose. Reinhard (1985) notes the importance of sea shells to the creation of rain in the Andean belief system. Sea shells were commonly used as offerings to attract rain. Furthermore, playing shells as musical instruments was believed to call the mountain gods or bring on the clouds to create rain (Reinhard 1985:306-307). Clearly, a central concern to the inhabitants of Chavin de Huantar included the control and ritual manipulation of water (Moseley 1992:155). Shell trumpets were used throughout antiquity at various times and places. A cache of ancestor figurines and a shell trumpet found at the Wari site of PikiUacta indicate that other highlanders considered the instrument to be of cosmological importance at later times. PikiUacta was a provincial centre for the Wari Empire, located in the Valley of 88 Cuzco (Figure 17) during the Middle Horizon from approximately AD 540-900 (McEwan 1996:171; McEwan 2005:29-30). ci&- _4^l*p'/ i'- .. ,1. "•-v.. •'• i Figure 17. Aerial photograph of PikiUacta, in the Valley of Cuzco (McEwan 1996:171, Figure 2). Within this planned architectural complex was an interior gallery with a niched hall, which contained a stone slab, beneath which was a cache of stone ancestor figurines, a pointed bronze bar, Spondylus princeps, and a Strombus shell trumpet. These items were intentionally deposited within a layer of sand (Cook 1992:344). Cook (1992:346) suggests that these 40 stone figurines of humans with elaborate headdresses and costumes were considered the "ancestors or deceased rulers" which were transformed "into venerated stones". The presence of a Strombus shell trumpet within the same archaeological context suggests the conceptual relationship between ancestor worship and the offering of seashells. Cahuachi and Nasca music Nasca ceremonial centres also contain evidence that the performance of musical instruments was linked with the promise of agricultural fertility and the worship of water. A plethora of evidence for the use of musical instruments in a ritual setting has come from the site of Cahuachi. This site is known for its major Nasca occupation during the Early Intermediate Period, from approximately AD 1-700 (Silverman 1994:6). However, the site was most heavily occupied during the Early Nasca phase (100 BC to AD 400/500) and lost its central ceremonial role in the latter part of this phase (Browne et al. 1993:290; Valdez 1994:678). The most recent excavations at the site (Orefici in Silverman 1993; Silverman 1993; 1994; Valdez 1994) have yielded several instruments, including panpipes and rattles, located in cache contexts based on the investigation of several loci of the ceremonial components of Cahuachi. Previously, the site was interpreted as a major domestic centre (Strong 1957) but archaeologists have since revealed that very little evidence for full-time habitation of the site actually exists (Silverman 1993; 1994). Moreover, evidence for sporadic ceremonial events has led Silverman to suggest that the site was used mainly as a locus for festivals accessed at particular times of the year during pilgrimage (Silverman 1994). Ceremonial centres are defined by the existence of artifacts and features relating to rituals and ceremonies pertaining to religious beliefs. However, several archaeologists define ceremonial centres further by the absence of major domestic architecture (Silverman 1994:1). Proulx (1968:14) defines a ceremonial centre as a site which had primarily religious functions and includes "large pyramids or isolated complexes of buildings". Furthermore, a small domestic component may exist but these spaces are more often isolated from the main component of the site and mostly suited to religious specialists who served the shrine or huaca. 90 Pilgrimage centres are a specific kind of ceremonial centre, which draws its worshippers from various social, political, and cultural boundaries (Silverman 1994:2-3). Cahuachi has been identified as a pilgrimage centre based on the evidence that there was a sporadic presence of people based on the archaeology of the site. Furthermore, the use of comparison with the ethnohistoric record suggests that several sites throughout the Andes were used as pilgrimage centres (Silverman 1994:8). Many sites have been classified by some archaeologists as pilgrimage centres such as the site of Pachacamac (Shimada 1994) and Chavin de Huantar (Burger 1992). Secondly, Cahuachi has been identified as a pilgrimage centre based on its presence on the landscape. Located in the Rio Nazca drainage, Cahuachi is located in a zone known as yungas, which ranges from approximately 600 to 2,000 metres above sea level (Silverman 1993:1-2; Valdez 1994:676) 'Hiis zone is transitional between the coast and the highlands and exhibits characteristics of both locales. More precisely, Cahuachi is situated in a narrow corridor along the Nazca River, which is known to have agricultural problems and a scarcity of water as the river basin is often dry until the height of the rainy season (Doyon 2006:353). Rituals associated with bringing rain to feed the crops, may have been especially important at this site. The location for Cahuachi may have also been chosen because this zone is considered an axis mundi and an important location pertaining to the "magical source of water" (Silverman 1994:8). Doyon (2006:353, 364) notes that pilgrimage is often directed towards these important huacas. Furthermore, water, like blood, is symbolic for life, death, and renewal. Evidently, the site of Cahuachi was placed on the landscape due to its association with the Nazca River and its significance as a place on the landscape. 91 Lastly, recent excavations at the site have revealed direct archaeological evidence for the occurrence of ceremonial feasting activities. For example, Valdez (1994:677-678) has noted that remains of typical agricultural crops of the south coastal Andean region have been found (maize, beans, sweet potatoes, manioc, etc.) along with archaeological indicators for feasting. Further findings of Andean camelid bones, an obsidian projectile point, and evidence for chicha (ceremonial maize beer) consumption suggest that the site was used for particular rituals relating to agricultural fertility (Silverman 1993; 1994; Valdez 1994). The musical evidence recovered from Cahuachi further supports the indication that rituals associated with agricultural fertility were performed by the Nasca people. Pilgrimage and feasting in the Andes, in general, is associated with music and dance as the procession towards the ceremonial centre is sometimes performed as a dance (Janusek 2004:43). Actual musical instruments were found in two major sections of Cahuachi, Strong's (1957) "Great Temple", and the interesting "Room of the Posts". Most of these instruments were panpipe fragments scattered throughout the site's mounds on floors, in caches intentionally deposited in temple contexts. Strong (1957:31) previously identified Unit 2 as the "Great Temple", a mound which is part natural and part artificial but no comparison in size to Moche mounds such as Huaca de la Luna and Huaca del Sol (Silverman 1993:61). The ceremonial function of the mound is not only supported by the - artifacts recovered from excavation of the mound, but also from the general ground plan of the upper terrace that takes the form of a step-fret. This motif has great significance throughout the Andes in pre-Hispanic, ethnohistoric and ethnographic contexts. According to Silverman, the step-fret motif alludes to the sacred mountains, huacas, and fertility symbolism all present within a general Andean cosmology (Silverman 1993:61). 92 Unit 2 is decorated with white adobe walls and is the most prominent component of the site of Cahuachi from today's perspective. Strong (1957:31) identified the unit as ceremonial in function based on the remains of Nasca 3 phase pottery, llama remains, bird plumage and other feasting and sacrificial materials. In addition, several panpipe fragments were located during the initial excavation of this mound. More recently, Orefici (in Silverman 1993:52) has located a cache of broken panpipes on the floor of one of the temple's agglutinated rooms. Unit 19 is a series of rooms (Figure 18) constructed using adobe bricks..This unit includes several rooms, most significantly, the Room of the Posts, which contained several pieces of evidence for the use of music in important Nasca rituals. However, there were also instruments found in other rooms adjacent to the Room of the Posts. In Unit 19, Room 6, panpipe fragments were found in the fill of the floor alongside Nasca Phase 2 and Phase 3 ceramic sherds. Other remains included organic material such as maize cobs, maize husks, and vegetal fibre rope made of carricillo. The panpipe fragments were also accompanied by pieces of textiles. In another room adjacent to the Room of the Posts was Wall 64, which was incised with at least 50 shallow, round indentations. Based on comparison to other sites, Silverman (1993:187) has concluded that these indentations represent bone flutes. No indication of actual bone flutes have been recovered from the site thus far. 93 Figure 18. Map of Unit 19 including the Room of the Posts (Silverman 1993). Rattles were located in the Room of the Posts. In a section of unstratified sand fill, Silverman (1993:181) excavated a series of what she considers offerings consisting of 16 pots, Nasca 8 sherds, four bundles of tied cane (possible backstrap loom elements), and a cache of blue-painted aji peppers which overlaid two gourd rattles. In the same room, along Wall 10, at least eight panpipes and a rayed face were incised into the wall. Based 94 on the stylistic attributes of the rayed face, Silverman (1993:180) considers this carving to be from Nasca 5, earlier than the sand fill which contained the gourd rattles. Wall 45, in the same room, contained a design of two possible panpipes and another rayed face. This time, the rayed face was more similar to the deity from the Gateway of the Sun at Tiwanaku and the Wari staff deity (Silverman 1993:180-181). Evidently, Nasca musical instruments were used in the most significant ceremonies, likely related to agricultural fertility and ancestor worship. Tiwanaku The site of Tiwanaku is located to the south of Lake Titicaca in modern-day Bolivia. The site contains an urban core dominated by stelae, gateways, and monumental architecture..However, this core is surrounded by a very large domestic periphery that contains domestic refuse and house foundations for several kilometres (Moseley 1992:203). Older models of the Tiwanaku culture suggested that Tiwanaku was the centre of a popular religious cult and the site served as an ancient ceremonial or pilgrimage centre. Due to the discovery of the habitations at the periphery, Tiwanaku has also been described as an urban centre and capital city (Kolata 1993). Janusek (2004:58-70) notes the issues with the site of Tiwanaku and the surrounding area include the lack of excavation that has occurred and the bias of concentration on the ceremonial core area of the site, an issue which is common in archaeology. Tiwanaku has been occupied, remodelled, and developed since the Early Horizon. However, very little evidence for habitation at the site is present before 200 BC (Janusek 2004:100) although it was likely occupied as early as 300 BC (Bermann 1994:59; Protzen and Nair 2002:189). The ceremonial core (Figure 19) of the site consists of monumental complexes including the Akapana Platform complex, the Kalasasaya Platform, the 95 Sunken Temple, and the Pumapunku Platform (Blom and Janusek 2004; Janusek 2004). These areas are surrounded by habitations which also contain smaller ceremonial complexes, such as the Akapana East. Within these complexes are small arenas, in the form of sunken plazas, for conducting rituals. These rituals were still considered public rituals, as they occurred in central areas, but they would have been conducted by smaller groups of people who had access to these restricted ceremonial areas (Moore 1996:796- 797). Peru jQtavsa Tiwanaku Tenrtptete u Kalasasaya. ' Argentina Kerikala / -^i^i tapana' N Pumapunku 500m Figure 19. Map of the ancient site of Tiwanaku, outlining the main ceremonial sectors (Vranich 2006:122, Figure 1). Within the Kalasasaya Platform, two musical instruments were excavated from caches. A ceramic whistle and a ceramic trumpet were located two to four meters below the Kalasasaya datmg to the earlier occupation of the site around 200 BC to AD 300 (Janusek 2004:99-100). The ceramic whistle was designed to represent a dwelling or shrine with a nested door jamb. Janusek (2004:123) suggests that the effigy whistle was a representation of the Tiwanaku belief in portals. The later Kalasasaya Plaform contained a sunken patio and had elaborate entryways, gates, and stairways (Bermann 1994:98) and the earlier effigy whistle modelled after these characteristics reflects a possible continuity in the use of the space. Accompanying these offering pits were two human burials and 35 elaborate vessels. The excavations also revealed wall foundations, cobble pavement, ash and refuse and several hearths (Janusek 2004:101). The importance of gateways to the people of Tiwanaku is evident by the numerous examples of monolithic, non-monolithic and diminutive gateways throughout the site (Protzen and Nair 2002:192). Kolata (1993:98-99) notes that the abundance of gateways suggests that they were culturally significant. Protzen and Nair (2002:192) suggest that these gateways served as ritual passages. Similarly, Janusek (2004:123) views these architectural forms as portals, used to transform in ritual. In a residential complex known as Akapana East, two bone flutes were recovered. One of the bone flutes was manufactured from a camelid bone and buried beneath the wall in Structure 1 (Janusek 1993:21; 2004:217). A second bone flute was manufactured from a human ulna and was located in an area of the complex dedicated to smaller ceremonial activities. Associated with the flute was an infant burial which was placed in the foundation of the" building during construction (Blom and Janusek 2004:136; Janusek 2004). These instruments date to a later phase at Tiwanaku, around AD 500, during the beginning of the Middle Horizon. 97 A similar context has been determined for the last bone flute, which was found in the Mollo Kontu sector of Tiwanaku. This area is another local neighbourhood of the site and contained its own ritual space, like Akapana East. Although the specific context of the human bone flute is not known, 15 human sacrifices or dedications were made as part of the ritual closing of the ceremonial area of this neighbourhood (Couture 2003). Lukurmata, like Tiwanaku, is located to the south of Lake Titicaca in modern-day Bolivia. Lukurmata is located almost directly north of Tiwanaku (Bermann 1994:42-45). This site has both ceremonial and domestic structures throughout and was first occupied around 200 BC. Little excavation has been completed at this site; however, recent work has focussed on the domestic components of the site painting a larger and more complete picture of the life of the inhabitants (Bermann 1994; Janusek 1999; 2004). Janusek (1999:116) describes Lukurmata as "essentially a reduced version of Tiwanaku's monumental core surrounded by cemeteries, ritual places, and spatially segregated residential areas all overwhelmingly affiliated with Tiwanaku-style objects and activities". At Lukurmata, one trumpet and a cache of bone panpipes that had not be fully assembled were found in separate archaeological contexts. The ceramic trumpet was excavated from between two structures with a central hearth. The floors were cobble foundations on the outdoor surface and were associated with human burials. Also found with the ceramic trumpet was a small bone spoon (Janusek 2004:102). This area of the site is described as a residential compound. A cache containing bone panpipes and the tools used to manufacture the instrument was found in the Misiton 1 sector of Lukurmata, a domestic section on the periphery of the site. These panpipes were derived from camelid bones (Figure 20) and 98 deposited in a cache in Structure 4. This area of the site is described as a household workshop, associated with the manufacture of panpipes (Janusek 1999:117). Alongside the bone pipes were lithic tools such as scrapers, as well as polishing stones, important manufacturing tools (Janusek 1993:12). Figure 20. Bone panpipe flutes from Misiton 1 at Lukurmata (Janusek 1999). Cerro Baul Another Middle Horizon musical instrument was excavated from the site of Cerro Baul in a temple context. This site is located in the Moquegua Valley and is considered to be a site where both Tiwanaku and Wari interacted on the frontiers of their boundaries. For many Andeans, the site is considered an apu or sacred mountain in which worship occurs at regular intervals and likely occurred far into the pre-Hispanic past. Due to the fact that the site was located on top of a 600 meter mesa, the authors believe that it 99 was a highly impractical place to live, but would have held important political, defensive and ritual functions for the Wari (Moseley et al. 2005:17264). Figure 21. Monumental architecture on the summit of Cerro Baul (Moseley et al. 2005). A series of monumental buildings, which constitute the largest portion of the archaeological site, was located on the summit of the mesa of Cerro Baul (Figure 21). These buildings consist of temples, storage rooms, palaces, and a brewery (Moseley et al. 2005). The largest monumental architecture on the mesa is located in Sector C of the site. This is also where the Temple Annex is located. A ceramic drum was recently located within the Temple Annex at Cerro Baul (Moseley et al. 2005). The drum is Nasca-style and has paintings of three dancing figures on its sides and a row of stylized birds (Figure 22). One of the dancers is depicted holding a spear. Interestingly, the drum's images are located upside-down to its playing position 100 (Moseley et al. 2005:17270). The drum was found without any evidence of its skin remaining. However, this is quite common with drums as the skins are manufactured with perishable materials, which only survive in rare circumstances. Within the same room as the drum were the remains of an infant interred in an urn and a circular cist burial of an adolescent placed in the centre of the room. Both of these individuals lacked grave goods or offerings of any kind. Along with the drum and human burials were four Loro bowls (also Nasca-style) and one kero (vessel used for drinking. chicha). Both the drum and the Loro bowls were purposefully broken upon abandonment of the building. Furthermore, the roofs were intentionally burned, as in other areas of Cerro Baul upon abandonment of the complex (Moseley et al. 2005:17270). DOMESTIC CONTEXTS There are several contexts and sub-contexts that possess domestic functions. There are six archaeological contexts that are considered primarily domestic in function. However, several other contextual categories are related to domestic activities and, as such, have been included under this heading. There are two contexts designated as courtyards, which are part of larger domestic contexts, alongside two floor fill contexts from domestic courtyards, a single context from sub-terranean chambers that are from a domestic area within a site, and five surface contexts associated with domestic remains. As such, these contexts will be discussed together comprising a total of 17 out of 100 contexts in this sample. Within domestic contexts, two contained panpipes, while the remainder of the contexts contained ceramic trumpets, drums, and bells. Drums and whistles were found in two separate courtyard contexts, while floor fill contexts from domestic courtyards contained whistles and panpipes. A single whistle was found in the sub-terranean chamber. Lastly, all five of the surface contexts produced panpipe fragments. Out of the 17 contexts included in this section, six were located in the highland region. At Pampa Grande, three musical instruments have been found associated with contexts other than the dominant Moche pattern of burials. Pampa Grande is situated in the Lambayeque Valley and was occupied during the latter part of the Early Intermediate Period. This Moche site contains several platform mounds, storage complexes and residential compounds. Furthermore, the site contains specific areas related to craft production (Shimada 1994:137-147). 102 Two areas related to craft production contained two ceramic drums. A courtyard in Compound 14 revealed fragments of a drum face. This instrument was excavated from an area which was directly associated with cotton processing. Within this courtyard, a niched wall contained two sets of deer antlers and a large drum frame. Shimada (2001:184) suggests that the drum may have been used to provide the "rhythmic sounds for beating". In a separate area at the site, a drum frame was found in Compound 1. The artifacts consisted of a dedicatory macaw burial, a hardwood batten (beater), a flaring-rim bowl, painted olla, and a drum frame. Again, Shimada suggests that the drum was used to provide rhythm for the weaving activities. Broken flutes were also found at the site, but contextual information is lacking for these artifacts (Shimada 1994:213). Other domestic contexts were located at the site of Chuquicanra in the northern highlands of Peru. Within the domestic courtyards at the site was excavated a ceramic whistle and a two-tube panpipe, while a third context contained a whistle fragment located in a gallery (Figure 23; Topic and Topic 2009b). The latter musical instrument is in the form of a gourd, with the head of an animal, and was found with other ceramic fragments and camelid remains (Topic et al. 2006:51-54). Chuquicanra is interpreted as a site dedicated to the functioning of the nearby oracle, Catequil. The site contains domestic architecture which likely housed the people who maintained the shrine. During the latter part of the Early Intermediate Period and the Middle Horizon, Chuquicanra was an integral component of the cult of Catequil (Topic et al. 2006:14). Catequil was considered an important cult figure, ancestor, oracle, shrine, and huaca throughout Andean prehistory, beginning in the Early Intermediate Period. As such, throughout antiquity several sites were dedicated to the maintenance of this sanctuary (Topic et al. 2002:308-309). 103 Mt» Figure 23. Plan of Chuquicanra, Court CI, where a whistle fragment was located (Topic et al. 2006:177). FORTRESSES Many of the musical instruments collected for this project were located in specific contexts as part of larger sites, which also held several functions. However, there are a series of sites in the Nepefia, Santa, Casma, Huaura and Supe valleys (Figure 24) which are highly specific in function and less variable than many of the sites described in other sections of this thesis. For example, there are several sites along the North Coast of Peru, which show evidence for warfare or combat activities during the Early Horizon due to the presence of fortification walls, weapons, and other indicators. These sites also include various similarities in terms of the types of instruments found. Many panpipe sherds were 104 collected from the surface of several fortresses (Brown 2009; Pozorski and Pozorksi 1987; Proulx 1985; Topic and Topic 2009a; Wilson 1988). These sherds indicate that music was practiced in rituals associated with warfare. The most tangible evidence for warfare-like activity during the pre-Hispanic past is the presence of fortification walls. Fortifications are somewhat typical in the Andes during the Early Horizon and Late Intermediate period (Brown 2009:255). However, the use and function of fortifications throughout these time periods likely varied significantly (Topic and Topic 2009a:31). In total, 24 fortress contexts contained musical instruments out of the sample of 100 contexts used in this research (Table 5). All of these contexts are found in the coastal valleys of Peru and all of the contexts contain panpipe sherds. No other types of musical instrument were found in fortress contexts and none of the contexts were from the highlands at any other time period in prehistory. Nepefia Valley Sites Several panpipe sherds were found at fortification sites along the Nepefia Valley. The nature of these fortification sites varies slightly, but several common characteristics can be identified. Several of the fortifications contain not only panpipe sherds, but also stone projectile points, and very often spindle whorls can be found among the remains. Often the projectile points are manufactured out of ground slate (Proulx 1985:149, 245). For example, the site PV31-254 (Figure 25) is characterized by having 11 ground stone projectile points, along with 14 panpipe sherds. Furthermore, the site contains two central platforms inside the fortification walls (Proulx 1985:168, 245). The presence of ground stone projectile points and panpipe sherds at other archaeological sites of the same time period (PV31-59 Huancarpon, PV31-163, PV31-234, PV31-247, PV31-248, PV31-253) indicate that this may have been a significant practice. Figure 24. Map of the main central Andean rivers (Burger 1992:13). 106 Entry No. # Associated artifacts Site 050 n/a Slate blades Acaray 051 2 n/a Kushi Pampa 064 1 n/a SVP-ESUCH-20 068 1 n/a SVP-ESUCH-12 069 n/a n/a Chankillo 070 6 9 ground stone projectile points PV31-253 071 14 11 ground stone projectile points PV31-254 072 5 1 ground slate projectile point PV31-163 073 3 n/a Cerro Huarcos 074 7 1 ground stone projectile point, elaborate PV31-234 pottery 075 2 1 ground stone projectile point, pottery PV31-247 076 5 1 ground stone projectile point, spindle PV31-248 whorl 077 5 n/a Motocachy 078 3 n/a PV31-50 079 3 1 ground stone projectile, spindle whorls Huancarpon 080 1 n/a PV31-61 081 3 n/a SVP-VTN-20 082 2 n/a PV31-229 083 1 Spindle whorl PV31-230 084 3 Spindle whorl PV31-231 085 1 n/a PV31-237 086 2 n/a PV31-238 087 2 n/a PV31-250 088 2 n/a Cerro San Isidro Table 5. Early Horizon coastal fortresses or hilltop outposts associated with ceramic panpipes. 107 Spindle whorls are also found in the same context as panpipe sherds in the Nepefia Valley. The sites which contain both panpipe fragments and spindle whorls (PV31-59 Huancarpon, PV31-230, PV31-231, PV31-248) often contain ground stone projectile points as well (Proulx 1985). The various types of architecture comprising Early Horizon fortresses in the Nepefia Valley display some overlapping characteristics. Panpipes are located at Early Horizon fortresses in the Nepefia Valley that also contain domestic architecture; these are identified as such in Appendix I. Chilhuay Alto (PV31-157), for example, has been identified by Proulx (1985:115) as a site that was heavily occupied and was predominantly domestic in function. This site is located along a central plateau with three structures identified as fortification walls. The panpipes were found in the vicinity of these walls. Other sites have less clear-cut functions, such as PV31-159 and PV31-163, which lack clear fortification walls. However, they are identified as fortresses and are situated at the confluence of two rivers and have panpipes that are associated with a stone wall used in the construction of terraces (Proulx 1985:120). Other sites (PV31-229, PV31-230, PV31-231) are hilltop sites with no architecture that contains panpipe fragments and spindle whorls but are still considered fortresses due to their locations (Proulx 1985:143-145). Some sites (PV31-51 Cerro San Isidro, PV31-244) also contained graves, which for the most part have been looted (Proulx 1985:76, 157). Clearly, there is a certain degree of variation which exists at these fortresses. 108 ®8^a<^Jk5s> 3&o~ X PV31-2S3 not to scaii Figure 25. Plan of PV31-254 (top) and PV31-253 (bottom), the former showing two central platforms inside fortification walls (Proulx 1985:168, Figure 24). 109 Santa Valley A similar scenario is present for the Santa Valley, as indicated by the survey completed by Wilson (1988). He suggests that a cluster of fortresses in one sector of the valley indicates that the walls were used for defence of the area. These sites date to the Cayhuamarca phase (1000 to 350 BC). One of these sites (SVP-CAY-35) contained the remains of ceramic tubes, which were likely panpipe pre-forms. However, this site was a large fortified village, differing from some of the smaller fortresses in the valley. Lastly, the site was situated in the Middle Valley section of the Lower Santa Valley (Wilson 1988:100). The subsequent Vinzos and Early Suchimancillo phases indicate that panpipes were used in a similar form as the Nepefia Valley examples. Three panpipe sherds were found at the site SVP-VTN-20. This site is a multi-function citadel which was also occupied in the Cayhuamarca phase. Panpipes were associated with the main citadel, Structure 34 (Figure 26), although it is not clear as to their specific recovery location. Wilson (1988:146) suggests that the citadel also housed some elite members of Vinzos society. In the Early Suchimancillo phase, a series of sites is located along the ridges of hills in naturally defensible positions. Wilson (1988) proposes that a small population of people would have lived at these places, which served primarily as places for temporary refuge in times of stress. However, at two of these sites panpipe fragments were found on the surface in proximity to the fortification walls. In the subsequent Guadalupito and Early Tanguche phases (contemporaneous with the Middle Horizon), there is a disruption of the Early Horizon trend of fortress contexts containing panpipe sherds. In contrast, fortification sites have no indication of being 110 occupied during these times and the musical instruments recovered are whistles and trumpets which were recovered from burial contexts (Wilson 1988:224, 234, 255). i-STOUC M STRUCTURE 34 (perspective vi*W to SSW) Figure 26. Structure 34 (fortress) at SVP-VIN-20 in the Santa Valley (Wilson 1988). Casma Valley Only three sites contained fortress contexts in the Casma Valley although there are a few more that have been included in the domestic context category and could possibly overlap. Nevertheless, these sites contain many elements in common with other fortresses from the Early Horizon in the coastal valleys of Peru. San Diego is located in the lower Casma Valley and consists of a series of "interconnected architectural units including large and small rooms, corridors, plazas, courts, and small platform mounds" (Pozorski and Pozorski 1987:53). Fragments of panpipes, alongside ceramic figurines, spindle whorls, and a club head were recovered from excavations at the site in the same archaeological context. In the surrounding areas, Ill ground slate blades, worked shell, beads, and gourd containers were also located. This site is clearly domestic in function, aside from the platform mounds and the assemblage of artifacts, which have much in common with the above fortresses. Pampa Rosario was occupied during the Early Horizon and is located in the Casma Valley, inland from the site of San Diego. This site is similarly domestic in function, but does contain one isolated building with ceremonial functions. The artifacts from this area include pottery sherds, panpipes, solid figurines, spindle whorls, pottery disks, ground slate blades, woven cotton textiles, and gourd fragments (Pozorski and Pozorski 1987:67-68). Essentially, the isolated building, although not a fortress per se, contains many similarities with other coastal valley sites during this time, specifically those described above and related to warfare. Lastly, the most significant site in the Casma Valley is Chankillo, which contains a significant amount of evidence associating ceremony, music, and warfare. The site is fortified, contains three sets of compounds, and an illusive section that contains 13 towers. Two paired ramps or staircases permit access to the fortress, an architectural form also found on the ceremonial architecture at Pampa Rosario and San Diego. Panpipe sherds have been found at Chankillo associated with several areas including the 13 towers and the main ceremonial compound at the site (Pozorski and Pozorski 1987:95-103). Clearly, there are significant differences between the Casma Valley and other coastal valleys which contain fortresses and panpipes. Nevertheless, the contexts and associated artifacts do suggest that a similar function was prevalent at these sites. Huaura Valley In the Huaura Valley, at the site of Acaray, numerous panpipe sherds were recovered from a series of excavation units at the site. Eight test units and five area 112 excavations in total were conducted both within and outside of the fortification walls of the site (Brown 2009:259). In all but one of these excavation units, panpipe fragments were found and dated to the Early Horizon. Furthermore, slate blades were also found which have also been noted in other valleys. Although specific excavation contexts are not detailed for this site thus far, panpipe fragments are consistently found throughout the units excavated at the site. During the Early Horizon, Acaray may have been used primarily for ceremonial purposes. In general, however, the author suggests that Early Horizon fortresses had both ritual and defensive functions. For example, remains of a stepped platform located inside the fortification wall suggests that Acaray may have housed ceremonial activities in the Early Horizon (Brown 2009:262), similar to the ceremonial architecture located at Chankillo, a large fort from the Casma Valley (Ghezzi 2006). The presence of several panpipe fragments within these compounds suggests that part of the rituals undergone at Acaray were related to both ritual warfare activities and public performance. Supe Valley One site in the Supe Valley has been identified that contains fragments of panpipes and fortification walls. This site, Chimii Capac, was originally considered to be a Middle Horizon administrative centre but has been recently re-examined and new evidence suggests that it was multi-component and held a substantial Early Horizon occupation. The site consists of two components - concentric walls and associated structures covering two hills and a temple structure located at the base of the hills (Valkenier 1995:269). Valkenier (1995:272, 275) considers the two components to be separate entities and deems the temple to predate the fortifications on the hill. 113 The fortification walls located on the top of the hills may not have had defensive purposes (Valkenier 1995:272-273). First, the distance between the walls is quite considerable and does not "make sense" to construct in such a way if under the threat of attack from outsiders. Furthermore, the site of Chimu Capac is located in a position within the valley which is not necessarily defensible. More specifically, there is no evidence for slingstones, dry moats, and bastions (Valkenier 1995:273), which are considered vital characteristics for defensive fortification walls (Topic and Topic 1987). Ultimately, Chimu Capac was restricted, in the sense that it is located at the top.of two hills and contains concentric walls, but the walls likely did not serve a defensive purpose. During excavations, it was discovered that the temple at the base of the hill contained only Early Horizon ceramics and the temple predates the concentric fortification walls on the hill. However, the date of the walls is still questionable as surface remains were not found and excavations revealed Early Horizon sherds and evidence of buildings built prior to the fortification walls (Valkenier 1995:274). One adult male burial was located along the slopes of the hill of this site. This burial was found in a flexed position with no offerings or grave goods associated with the skeleton. In addition, no mat or prepared pit characterized the burial (Valkenier 1995:275). Ultimately, the burial seems to have been expedient and far removed from the other burials located at the base of the hill which date to the Middle Horizon. Excavations of the temple revealed that panpipes were incorporated into the construction of some of the walls of the buildings. However, many panpipe sherds, two large ones in particular, were excavated from one unit in the temple. Additionally, panpipes are noticeably common in the ploughed fields below the temple but were not recovered during Valkenier's surface survey or prior excavations at the top of the hills 114 (Valkenier 1995:275). Nevertheless, in a prior study of the site, a number of broken panpipes were recovered, but it is not noted specifically where these came from. Clearly, the relationship between the temple and the fortification walls is unknown and the presence of panpipe sherds at the temple does not necessarily associate the instruments with the fortification walls. However, it is clear that there were previous buildings prior to the construction of the fortification that now remains on the surface. The nature of these buildings still needs to be examined to provide substantial support for this trend. SUMMARY Musical instruments come from a variety of contexts in prehistoric Andean sites. These contexts include burials, ceremonial caches and temples, fortification sites, and domestic components. It is interesting to note that several contexts are similar throughout this wide range of time and place in the Andes. Musical instruments such as shell trumpets, panpipes, drums, and flutes are all found within contexts relating to the construction,-reconstruction, and abandonment of buildings in several different cultural contexts. This pattern can be observed at Punkuri, in the Nepefia Valley during the Initial Period, Cahuachi, the Nasca ceremonial centre in the Early Intermediate Period, at Cerro Baul during the Wari occupation in the Middle Horizon, and at Lukurmata in the same time period. This indicates that musical instruments were either used during the rituals of closing, constructing, or reconstructing a building, or they were part of the offerings made to ensure well-being and social regeneration (Blom and Janusek 2004). 115 Burials with musical instruments can be found in several cultural contexts throughout the Andes. Furthermore, the type of musical instrument interred with the dead varies significantly. However, the prevalence of musical instruments in burial contexts, relative to the other archaeological contexts discussed in this study, indicates that musical instruments were perhaps used in burial ceremonies for some cultures. In other cultures, musical instruments were more likely interred with the dead and there is little indication that they were used in actual ceremonies. Essentially, the practice of burying the dead with musical instruments is relatively widespread in the pre-Hispanic Andes. In contrast, the pattern of locating panpipe sherds at Early Horizon fortresses presents a seemingly unique pattern in the archaeological record. However, the next chapter will indicate other sources of information which suggest that Andean music was highly engrained with warfare-like activities. Nevertheless, there is no evidence that fortresses are constructed in the Early Intermediate Period. In the subsequent periods, the form and function of fortresses changes drastically (Topic and Topic 2009a). Noticeably, the least frequent pattern observed during this study is finding musical instruments in domestic contexts. Perhaps this is due to the bias of excavation in the Andes, or else results more specifically from the fact that musical instruments in the pre- Hispanic Andes served non-domestic functions, for the most part. The following chapter outlines the use of music in ancient rituals, by using ethnographic analogy and the results this chapter's observations and situates these interpretations under the guise of practice theory, establishing the diversity in the use of music throughout time, while subsequently noting the tradition that circulates throughout prehistory. 116 CHAPTER 6: MUSICAL PRACTICE IN THE PRE-HISPANIC ANDES I have demonstrated that music is involved in several rituals in the contemporary Andes, including those dedicated to insuring agricultural fertility, as well as shamanic practices concerned with healing and communication with ancestral spirits. Furthermore, I have established that musical instruments were deposited in a variety of archaeological contexts from the time span encompassing the Early Horizon to the Middle Horizon in the central Andes, in both coastal and highland regions. This chapter integrates these two datasets using ethnographic analogy and music archaeology, and suggests that the practice of music is variable throughout time and space in the central Andes, but there are inherent themes that dominate musical practice and coincide with a cosmology that is shared by a wide range of people. PRE-HISPANIC CENTRAL ANDEAN RITUALS There are several archaeological contexts in which musical instruments were deposited throughout Andean prehistory. These contexts have been described as burials, fortresses, caches, temples, and domestic places (Chapter 5) and coincide with some practices observable in contemporary Andean communities, suggesting that musical instruments were performed in a variety of public and private rituals including ancient pilgrimages, tinku warfare, shamanic trance, burial ceremonies, and public and private ceremonies. 117 Death and burial Adult male burials are the most frequent archaeological context containing musical instruments in this sample. These burials indicate that adult males were either musicians or elite members of society who were considered important enough to have been buried with instruments used in sacred ceremonies. Presumably, the number of rattles located in tombs such as that of the Lord of Sipan, indicates that the instruments were used by people in a large burial ceremony, and subsequently interred with the deceased. The quantity and position of the musical instruments in some of these elite tombs may have also held significance. Donnan (2009:168-169, 178-179) notes that ofrendas, small crudely made cooking jars, were sometimes deposited in Moche burials in significant number sets and positions within the burial, and held symbolic importance to the Moche people. The number sets five, 10, 20, and 40 seem to have held symbolic importance to the Moche people. Most significantly, 10 gold and 10 silver rattles were interred alongside the body of the Old Lord of Sipan. These rattles were included with 10 silver and 10 copper backflaps (Alva 2001:228-230). Conversely, the Inkas believed that all possessions were to be buried with a person during their afterlife, including food and drink (Cobo 1990[1653]:19), suggesting that these musical instruments may have belonged to the person that they were interred with and represent their role in life as musicians. Alva (2001:235) notes that some of these elite members were likely musicians, and their instruments buried alongside them. Nevertheless, it is clear that many of the Moche burials, which include musical instruments like rattles and panpipes, are associated with elite members of society. Many types of musical instruments, and the ceremonies that involved them, were likely associated with elite members of Moche society. Benson (1972:112) states that 118 panpipes were associated with male elites in ancient Moche society. The elite status of panpipe-players is evident in Moche iconography, as panpipe- players are often displayed as larger figures relative to other characters in the scene (Figure 27). Furthermore, Moche panpipe-players are often depicted with elaborate headdresses and costumes associated with the elite members of society. Donnan (2004:74-75) discusses the prevalence of many different types of headdresses associated with Moche male musicians. He concludes that the variety of headdresses worn does not necessarily signify the identity of the individual. However, certainly the representations of these musicians suggest that they were of elite status. In particular, the sites (Sipan, Moche, San Jose de Moro) which contain elaborate burial platforms, elite tombs, and musical instruments (Chapter 5) further validates the assertion that musicians were held in high esteem in Moche society. Figure 27. Musical procession in Moche iconography showing the elite status of panpipe-players (Donnan 2004:74; Figure 4.60). The prevalence of musical instruments in adult male burials reflects the sexual division of the performance of musical instruments in contemporary Andean highland communities, early Colonial, and Late Horizon contexts. If these musical instruments derived from burial contexts belonged to the people they were interred with, then it is logical to surmise that adult males were the musicians in Moche society. Similarly, 119 archaeologists consider men to have been the musicians in pre-Hispanic societies, as evidenced by iconographic sources (Donnan 2004:74-75; Olsen 2002:42). Olsen (2002:42) notes that females are never depicted playing flutes but others have suggested (Bolin 1998:93; Cordy-Collins 2001; Moore 2006) that drums were often played by females in the past, while common contemporary practice in the Andes dictates that women typically sing and dance. In general, the archaeology indicates that musical instruments were played most typically by men in the past, excluding the drum, which for certain regions and time periods, was also played by female musicians. This division of musical instruments based on gender is further supported by the sexual division of labour found predominately throughout the Andes. Many ethnographers have noted that men and women both participate in agricultural activities, but hold significantly distinct roles (Allen 1988; Bastien 1985; Deere and Leon de Leal 1981; Isbell 1978). Men typically use the agricultural implements, while women complete tasks such as planting the seeds and gathering the crops. Deere and Leon de Leal (1981:349-350) note that in Garcia Rovira, Colombia, men lead the oxen to create the furrows while women follow behind, planting the seeds. During the maize harvest, women gather the crops while men follow behind downing the maize stalks. Similarly, men open the earth with the plough while women place the seed into the earth in Kaata, Bolivia and in Chuschi, Peru (Bastien 1985:74; Isbell 1978:57). Illustrating the longevity - of this practice is Guaman Poma's depictions of planting and harvesting ceremonies by the Inka in which men are depicted using the foot plough, while women are often depicted planting the seeds or gathering the crops (Goodman-Elgar 2009:88-89). Complementarity in agricultural labour reflects the gendered assignment of tasks based on the concept of yanantin, signifying distinct but equal entities such as husband and wife (Isbell 1978:113) or a "matched parr" (Allen 1988:85). It is generally believed that these opposing forces must join for proper production and fertility (Bolin 1998:99- 100). Yanantin is also closely related to the concept of tinku, described below (Topic and Topic 2009a:26). These interconnected, yet opposing relationships dominate the familial and reciprocal relationships of many Andean communities and order the division of labour within and outside the immediate family. Stobart (2006:36) considers the Quechua word yanantin to denote "paired things which belong together, such as arms, eyes or ritual drinking vessels". Furthermore, he considers this interconnectedness to be. prevalent in contemporary indigenous musical performance. Ira and area components of a double- row (siku) panpipe are often described as male and female in some contemporary highland communities. In other communities, siku panpipes are interlocked, and one is not played without the other (Turino 1993:43). Turino (1993) considers indigenous music to reflect the concept of moving out from the centre to the symmetrical halves. Schaedel (1988:769-771) regards complementarity and reciprocity, both embodied in the concept of yanantin, to reflect the basis of an Andean worldview. Essentially, he considers Andean hierarchy to be better described as "the need to balance paired opposites" (Schaedel 1988:770). Many concepts in the Andes are understood in relation to an opposite, such as upper and lower, male and female, strength and weakness, and so on (Bourque 1994:230). Thus, it is apparent that music follows this conceptual arrangement and is intricately linked with the divisions in Andean cosmology based on the association of certain types of musical instruments with male and female counterparts. Although Moche adult male burials are found with a variety of musical instruments, ceramic whistles and ceramic trumpets constitute the main types of mstruments found m non-elite coastal cemetery contexts (Donnan 1973; Proulx 1970; Wilson 1988). According to some current belief systems in the Andes, whistles are considered musical instruments that contain the souls of human beings. Some contemporary coastal populations in Peru believe that whistles in a burial are believed to contain the soul of the person who accompanied the instrument (Sharon 1978:163). Whistles are also used to cure the soul in contemporary shamanic practices in some highland communities (Stobart 2006:28-29). Donnan (1973:95) considers whistles and ceramic trumpets found in these cemetery contexts to better reflect instruments produced for religious reasons, unlike many other Moche instruments found in elite contexts that are very well made. Hence, including a whistle in a non-elite cemetery context may reflect the association with the soul as being preserved by the musical instrument. In contrast, some instruments are not found in burial contexts. Flutes, for example, are believed to call the ancestors or bring the dead back into the land of the living during the rainy season and as part of shamanic rituals in contemporary coastal communities (Olsen 2002:155). Flutes are not found in burial contexts in this sample as a possible result of their distinct meaning from whistles. Furthermore, flutes are more typically associated with highland cultures in this sample. Although they are depicted in Moche iconography, they are rarely found in secure archaeological contexts in this culture (Donnan 1982; 2004). Therefore, the virtual absence of flutes in burial contexts suggests that Andean people created distinct meanings for these two types of musical instruments and considered flutes to be inappropriate musical instruments to inter alongside their dead. In sum, burial contexts provide critical information regarding the ancient use of music by Andean peoples (Table 6). Essentially, adult male burials were sometimes 122 accompanied by a variety of musical instruments, mainly during the Early Intermediate Period. In Moche society, it seems that a variety of rattles, panpipes, and bells as elite items used in elaborate burial ceremonies, and eventually, interred with elite, male rulers. Whistles, by contrast, were included in non-elite burial contexts. Flutes were entirely absent from burial contexts in this sample. Perhaps this reflects that Andean people, specifically during the Early Intermediate Period and along the North Coast, differentiated between types of musical instruments and the roles in which they served in rituals. Lastly, the distinction between types of musical instruments is still made in some contemporary indigenous communities in the central Andean highlands, suggesting that distinguishing between types of musical instruments and assigning contextual-meaning to the different types is a long-standing tradition in the Andes. Instrument Type Archaeological Context Ritual Function Rattles, panpipes, bells Adult male, elite Moche, Elaborate burial Early Intermediate Period ceremonies, yanantin (male and female complementarity) Whistles and ceramic Non-elite, cemetery Preservation of the soul, trumpets contexts, Early Intermediate religious meaning, not Period aesthetic Table 6. Summary of the information derived from musical instruments in pre-Hispanic burial contexts. Trophy heads Although death and burial constitute the end for many contemporary societies, there is widespread evidence that ancient cultures, particularly in the Andes, considered death to be linked to regeneration and fertility. Musical instruments in this sample were 123 excavated from contexts (n=3) associated with Nasca trophy heads. Although many other pre-Hispanic Andean cultures are known to have procured trophy heads, the Nasca culture is known for their heads in archaeological and iconographic examples (Verano et al. 1999:59). Trophy heads are made from men, women, and children and deposited in cemeteries in the early Nasca phases, but are more typically made from young adult males during the later phases (Conlee 2007:439). Trophy heads have been linked to ancestor worship and ritual warfare (Browne et al. 1993:276), and regeneration and fertility (Conlee 2007:439). The head may have held different meanings in various pre- Hispanic Andean cultures, but for the Nasca culture, the trophy head is generally linked to ancestor worship, ritual warfare, and agricultural fertility (Browne et al. 1993:277; DeLeonardis 2000:380) or, more broadly, to death and regeneration (Conlee 2007:438). Both musical instruments and trophy heads were used in similar rituals. This explains their contextual association. For example, Browne et al. (1993:277) suggest that trophy heads were related to death and regeneration in that they were used as items to ensure agricultural fertility and helped to mark the passage of cyclical time. DeLeonardis (2000:364) and Vaughn (2004:67) also consider trophy heads to be associated with fertility rituals and calendrical events. Similarly, contemporary musical instruments throughout many areas of South America and, in particular, the Andean highlands are specifically used to mark the transition into different phases of the agricultural and ritual cycle (Abercrombie 1998; Baumann 1981; Buechler 1980; Harris 1982; Isbell 1978; Mitchell 1977; Sallnow 1987; Sullivan 1988; Stobart 1994; 1996; 2006; Turino 1993; Urton 1981). Consequently, these two seemingly distinct materials may have been used in the same ritual arena or may have held similar meaning. Trophy heads and musical instruments have also been represented as part of the same scenes in Nasca iconography. Nasca iconography (Figure 28) frequently depicts rituals including agricultural activities such as planting and harvesting, preparation for war, and various rites of passage. Trophy heads are also considered part of this repertoire of iconography that depicts the shedding of blood, linked to agricultural fertility and regeneration, and has also been linked to shamanism (Dobkin de Rios 1984:70-72; Proulx 2006:9). A niche containing two modified human skulls or trophy heads was located at the Pyramids of Moche, within a domestic structure close to Huaca de la Luna10. Numerous ceramic figurines were recovered from this niche as well, including what may be part of a musical instrument (Verano et al. 1999:63). However, this has not been included in the sample of this thesis because of the uncertainty of the musical instrument attribution, but it does suggest that music and severed heads were conceptually linked in coastal cultures of the Early Intermediate Period. Therefore, music may have been associated with the processing, disposal, or display of trophy heads in Early Intermediate Period rituals. Particular musical instruments associated with trophy heads include panpipes, which are found in the same archaeological contexts in this sample. However, the amount of looting and disturbance that these particular contexts have experienced in the past place this relationship in question. Like the concept of trophy heads, tinku involves the idea of sacrifice, bloodshed, and renewal. Music may have also been involved in these activities as well, as numerous panpipe sherds were found in the vicinity of fortification walls; at fortresses, fortified 10 Pyramid of the Moon; several human sacrifices were made at the Pyramid of the Moon (Verano et al. 1999) 125 habitation and fortified burial sites. Most frequently, these panpipes are found in fragments, sometimes incorporated into walls and floor fill of later constructions but were most often found during surveys accompanied by slate blades, projectile points, and ceramic spindle whorls (Chapter 5). There are several trends which indicate that during the Early Horizon, panpipes were used as part of ceremonies dedicated to the renewal of rain and the fertility of crops during times of drought or natural pestilence. Figure 28. Nasca ceramic vessel depicting shamans/musicians playing panpipes and rattles around mummy bundles; one-holds a trophy head (Proulx 2006: Plate 23). Tinku warfare Topic and Topic (2009a) have proposed that Early Horizon fortresses are related to the practice of contemporary and historic highland tinku warfare. This type of warfare 126 has been described elsewhere (Chapter 4) and was practiced in prearranged locations, sometimes on the borders between two different moieties or communities. Similarly, during Inka reign tinku battles occurred at the borderlines between suyus or ethnic division boundaries (Bolin 1998:94-95; Zuidema 1991). The purpose of this warfare is very complex, but is thought to have been used to settle disputes between communities, members of the same community, or distinct regions. Tinku essentially reproduces or rearranges social order (Topic and Topic 2009a:26). On the other hand, tinku battles were fought with the intention of drawing blood. Although tinku is sometimes expressed as ritual warfare, Topic and Topic (2009a) stress that it is real warfare and one of the main purposes is bloodshed and death. Blood has been linked to regeneration and fertility, and is closely associated with the concepts described for trophy heads in the Early Intermediate Period, above (Dobkin de Rios 1984:70-72; Proulx 2006:9). Blood and energy are also central components in contemporary tinku warfare (Topic and Topic 2009a:27). Of the Early Horizon fortresses discussed in this research, few contain evidence of defensive functions, despite some archaeologists assuming that fortresses are commonly defensive in nature (Allen and Arkush 2008:1; Arkush and Stanish 2005). Typical explanations for warfare include sedentism, state formation, population growth, masculinity, and power struggles (Allen and Arkush 2008:2-3). Nevertheless, warfare has - held different meanings and fulfilled different purposes temporally and spatially. As such, some Early Horizon warfare may be linked to other concepts, in addition to the above secular causes. The location of these fortresses throughout the Nepefia, Casma, Santa, and Huaura valleys along the coast is often puzzling due to the distance between fortresses and habitation sites. The former are typically situated on hilltops at a great distance from permanent settlements (Proulx 1968; Topic and Topic 2009a; Wilson 1988). ). For example, Topic and Topic (2009a:31) suggest that Cayhuamarca phase fortifications have large gaps between them that would have defeated the purpose of using fortresses for defence as the attackers could have easily reached the habitations located at a distance in the lower valley. Likewise, contemporary tinku battles are often fought at a distance from habitations and village settlements: Fights... between communities in adjacent districts... both sets of encounters take place in desolate puna locations, far from human habitation and close to the boundaries of the districts or provinces concerned (Sallnow 1987:142). This suggests that Early Horizon fortresses did not operate purely for defensive purposes, but likely involved activities similar to modern and historic tinku practices that occurred in prearranged locations. Chankillo, for example, may have been used as a prearranged stage for these warfare activities (Ghezzi 2006:69-70; Topic and Topic 2009a:34). Furthermore, panpipes found scattered throughout these fortresses suggests that music was involved in this ritual, like it is in many highland Andean communities today (Abercrombie 1998; Allen 1988; Sallnow 1987; Stobart 2006). Dancing figures, depicted in Moche iconography, indicate that music and contemporary tinku concepts are related. Figure 29 is an iconographic representation of a dance scene, which Donnan (1982:99, 109) identifies as a dance procession of warriors. One of the figures has been identified as a prisoner with a rope around his neck. Whips are still used in contemporary dances to draw blood from opposing dancers (Bolin 1998:76-77) and both whipping and dance may be represented in Moche iconography (Donnan 1982:99). These dances are linked with fertility; again as blood and energy are constant symbols of life and regeneration in Andean cosmology. Dance is also linked 128 with competition between two distinct groups of people. In colonial festivals in the eighteenth century, fighting often erupted when large amounts of alcohol were consumed while feasting and dancing. Dean (1999:60) suggests that these dances were actually battle dances between two different groups of people performed in order to negotiate social order. Therefore, contemporary tinku battles have historical and, potentially, archaeological antecedents. Another connection between music and the concept of tinku is understanding panpipe performance. As described above, some communities interlock their siku panpipe parts. In the highlands, this can be described as tinku, as paired panpipes create a melody (Stobart 2006:150). Interestingly, Moche iconography (Figure 30) depicts scenes with panpipes and warriors who dance while holding hands, possibly representing the idea of tinku in music and warfare. Similarly, some Moche iconography depicts pairs of panpipes tied together with strings, indicating that they were meant to be played together or panpipe players who face each other (Donnan 1982:99-100). Figure 29. Moche V dance scene with musicians and warriors (Donnan 1982:109). Ritual battles commonly take place before the ploughing for potato planting. Trees and unripened fruit are used in these rituals as items thrown at opponents to draw blood and to produce a good harvest (Conlee 2007:442). Allen (1988:182-183) identifies that these ritual battles took place around the end of the rainy season in pre-Hispanic Andean societies, and now coincide with the Spanish Carnival. Topic and Topic (2009a:29) also note that the timing of these battles commonly follows the rainy season and that the prediction of harvest results occur during tinku, as the more bloodshed and death that occurs means that there will be a successful harvest. In Inka times, agricultural ceremonies sometimes involved songs imbued with the concept of hailli (haylli), a Quechua term denoting triumph over the soil. The term also translates into "songs of triumph", and is associated with victory in warfare and victory over the soil (Dean 1999:38; Goodman-Elgar 2009:83-84). 5 &. •j^':.Miu.Mac^iftAiiJi<» M _A. hr ~ .> VA * ?,*!!!„. jiiiMi. »**,**«.-. ..«ft«...«,«„„-.j—; „w,'£,t Figure 30. Moche stirrup-spout vessel with scene depicting warriors with death figures playing panpipes in the background and a central drum player (Anton 1972:113). 130 Construction and termination rituals Sacrifice, human blood, and the use of musical instruments are further interconnected as evidenced by the appearance of musical instruments in contexts relating to or directly a part of architectural construction and termination rituals. Rituals associated with the construction and abandonment of buildings were often used to protect and ensure the success of a building and the activities performed therein (Shady 2006:58), or to ensure the regeneration and social well-being of the community (Blom and Janusek 2004:126). Sacrifices of humans and animals, as well as ceremonial feasting, were performed during these rituals (Shady 2006:58; Verano et al. 1999:59). Musical instruments have been found in some of these contexts related to the life-cycle of a building, including its construction, re-flooring and abandonment. Evidence of musical instruments as dedicatory offerings in these transitional stages of monumental architecture construction can be found at Cerro Baul, Cahuachi, Tiwanaku, and Morro de Eten (Chapter 5). Cerro Baul was rapidly abandoned sometime during its occupation during the Middle Horizon. Moseley et al. (2005) suggest that this Wari site underwent rapid ritual closure. The site contained several complexes, including a brewery where chicha, a drink used in ceremonial feasting activities, was made and consumed in elite contexts (Goldstein et al. 2009:142). Chicha was likely consumed in the temple annex due to the remains of a kero vessel, in the same temple complex as the ceremonial, ceramic drum. An important offering to Pachamama, chicha was frequently offered alongside other items such as llamas, guinea pigs, silver, blood, coca, llama fat, maize, feathers, Spondylus, cinnabar, and other items throughout the Late Horizon (Hayashida 2009:242). Many of these items, such as offerings of children and llamas, can be found in the temple 131 annex at Cerro Baul. Furthermore, chicha has symbolic associations with termination rituals and regeneration. For example, Jennings and Bowser (2009:10) note the importance of chicha in maintaining reciprocal relationships between the gods, the living, and the dead and suggest that the offering of chicha enables the continuous flow of sami, or the essence of life. In the pre-Hispanic Andes, the offering of chicha was considered fundamental to agricultural fertility during Inka times (Goodman-Elgar 2009; Jennings and Bowser 2009:11-12). Several sections of the site were ceremoniously burned, artifacts discarded or purposefully broken, and the rooms abandoned. The temple annex, in particular, housed artifacts related to termination rituals, including those used for libation, feasting and also contained evidence of roof burning. Evidence for the involvement of music in these rituals comes from this temple annex, where a ceramic Nasca-style drum was found ritually smashed in one of the smaller rooms of this complex. The drum's images of dancing warriors and the inversion of these images on the vessel (Chapter 5) may have held symbolic meaning related to the concept of the termination ritual suggesting that the drum was manufactured and decorated specifically for this event. Many archaeologists suggest that dancing was used in rituals alongside drinking as special offerings to Pachamama or to local huacas (Allen 2009:36-37; Goodman-Elgar 2009:88-89; Hayashida 2009:242). Dancing is currently used in some areas of the Andean highlands to expend energy and create social well-being and regeneration (Allen 1988; Turino 1993). In the drum's playing position, the dancing warriors would have been positioned upside-down (Moseley et al. 2005:17270). Moreover, the drum was placed upside-down, with its skin on the ground, when ritually smashed. Inversion has been linked, in some contemporary Andean communities, to the Underworld, or Ukhu Pacha, the residing place of the dead (Harris 1982:62; Stobart 2006:236). To some Andean people, Ukhu Pacha is believed to be inhabited by humans who are half the size of normal humans. In some belief systems, their world is upside-down (Bourque 1994:231; Harris 1982; Skar 1982). Ukhu Pacha is also conceived of as the residing place of the Devil, where the Devil accumulates various resources in the Underworld, especially water. Water, the Underworld, and music are further connected by the concept of wet season instruments, such as the flute, which are used in specific contexts to call upon the rains, as well as to bring back the dead or the ancestors from Ukhu Pacha (Harris 1982; Stobart 2006:33, 166). The depiction of dancing warriors and the inversion of the drum's images were intentionally decorated for the purposes of a termination ritual. The inverted drum, alongside child and llama sacrifices, drinking vessels, and other ceremonial items, indicates that the site's temples were ritually closed at a specific time of year with some relation to the Underworld or the ancestors. Ethnographically, this is commonly related to the wet season. At Tiwanaku, there is further evidence for construction and termination rituals containing animal and human sacrifices, alongside musical instruments. In the domestic and ritual complex called Akapana East at Tiwanaku, each of the residential buildings contained a fetal or juvenile llama interred underneath the floors. A human infant was also placed in the foundations of a compound in the same sector of Tiwanaku (Blom and Janusek 2004:126). Interestingly, flutes are the most prominent type of musical instrument found within or associated with these archaeological contexts (Janusek 1993; 2004). As mentioned above, flutes are typically linked to the ancestors in contemporary highland communities, but are also used in many wet season events. 133 There is no indication as to why these sites were so rapidly abandoned. However, pre-Hispanic termination rituals in the Maya lowlands were completed in elite complexes, like the compounds at Cerro Baul. Often these types of abandonment rituals were completed when the death of a major elite or political ruler had occurred (Stanton et al. 2008:227-229). The sacrifice of children and animals and the idea of shedding blood for the promise of agricultural fertility and productivity are prevalent throughout traditional Andean societies today. Children are often considered the ultimate sacrifice for rituals dedicated to the construction and abandonment of buildings. Shady (2006:58) notes that bones of children can be found underneath walls or the floors of a dwelling, left as offerings. Practiced in the Andes up until very recently, this type of ritual is considered vital to the success of the building and the people it represents (Blom and Janusek 2004:126). However, offerings now consist of animals and special material items replacing the bodies of children and adults (Shady 2006:58) demonstrating how practices change throughout time due to political and cultural change. In the central Andean highlands, bundles of maize, coca leaves, llama or alpaca fat, and other ingredients are often burned or deposited as offerings when laying the foundations of a house (Sallnow 1987:131). These construction and termination rituals associated with architecture express the variance that existed in the past and still surfaces in the present, clearly demonstrating that not all practices examined in the archaeological record have survived unchanged into - modern times. Ancient Andean pilgrimage and ancestor worship Considerable evidence is present for the use of music in processions during modern pilgrimages to various Catholic sites incorporated with indigenous Andean rites. Similarly, there are four ceremonial sites in the Andes that are considered ancient places 134 of pilgrimage, which contain evidence of musical instrument playing. These sites are the coastal site of Cahuachi, and sites from the highlands including Chavin de Huantar, Chuquicanra, and Tiwanaku (Burger 1992; Janusek 2004; Sallnow 1987; Silverman 1993; Topic et al. 2002). A wide variety of musical instruments is found at these sites related to pilgrimage, as flutes, panpipes, shell trumpets, and whistles are found. Pilgrimage has been a significant component of Andean religion for centuries, as sites like Pachacamac and various regional shrines (huacas) were considered part of the sacred geography that characterized the pre-Hispanic Andean world. Pilgrimage in the Andes has likely occurred since the Initial Period (1800 to 500 BC). Alongside ritual offerings, oracular proselytizing, and feasting, ancient Andean pilgrimage is said to have involved music and dance. Major festivals would have been held at the pilgrimage locales, closely following the annual cycle or ritual calendar much like contemporary pilgrimage (Janusek 2004:43; Poole 1991:307). Contemporary pilgrimage is described as: The musicians played continuously and flawlessly, apparently unaffected by the excess of drink and lack of breath that afflicted the rest of us. Their music was like a guide. Trudging across the rough pampa, I was aware of following the music rather than a path or the people in front (Sallnow 1987:187). Cahuachi contains abundant evidence for ceremonial activity. The mounds contained numerous panpipe sherds that have no indication of having been used for domestic purposes (Silverman 1991:216; 1993:300-302). The excess of ritual artifacts from various regions at Cahuachi indicate that the site was used for frequent ceremonial activity and pilgrimages (Figure 31). Major Nasca rituals associated with agricultural fertility, ancestor worship, and calendrical events have been proposed to have taken place at Cahuachi, drawing people from the surrounding areas to large public ceremonial events (DeLeonardis 2000:364; Silverman 1991; 1993). Due to the scarcity of water along the coast of Peru, now, and in pre-Hispanic times, pilgrimage and offerings were used to attract rain or ward off climatic events which interfered with agricultural activities. As such, pilgrimages are often centered on mountains, springs, lakes, and oddly-shaped stones or rock formations. These huacas are considered Andean spirit or ancestor places (Doyon 2006:353-354). South-central Andean ayllus or descent-groups, claim ancestry from various huacas and worship these places with pilgrimages and sacred ceremonies (Bastien 1985:60; Glowacki and Malpass 2003:436). Feasting ceremonies at Cahuachi, achieved through pilgrimages by people from the Nasca and lea valleys, centred on activities revering the ancestors of this complex culture (Valdez 1994; Vaughn 2004; Vaughn and Grados 2006:610). Figure 31. Ceramic figure of a procession, depictmg panpipe players, birds, and dogs (Proulx 2006: Plate 9). The considerable number of musical instruments (especially panpipes) excavated thus far from the mounds at Cahuachi indicates that music shares a substantial connection with ceremonial and pilgrimage activity. So much so, that Silverman (1993:302) suggests that panpipes were a large component of the Nasca cult. Proulx (2006:2) also shares this assertion and notes the prevalence of large shamanic figures playing and holding panpipes, in addition to other musical instruments, in Nasca iconography. Particularly, depictions of musical instruments in Nasca iconography are frequently found alongside what Proulx (2006:9) considers harvest rituals. These rituals, associated with agricultural fertility, also involved ancestor worship (Conlee 2007:442; Vaughn 2004:67). According to Silverman (1991:227) pilgrimage likely happened via the Nasca lines, which are located nearby. Using ethnographic analogy, Silverman suggests that the Nasca lines were used for processions of costumed people, musicians, and dancing. Pilgrimage is also connected with ancestor worship at Cahuachi based on the main ceremonial component of the site, called the Room of the Posts. Within this room were found several posts made from huarango trees. This room has been associated with ritual activities pertaining to ancestor worship (Silverman 1993:190). Furthermore, trees have been linked to ancestors, as the term mallki denotes tree, but also signifies ancestors, sapling, branch, and Underworld. The latter is also the residing place of the ancestors (Isbell 1978:211). The contextual association of musical instruments with the highly ceremonial Room of the Posts further indicates that ancestor ceremonies likely involved the use of musical instruments at Cahuachi. The Early Horizon site of Chavin de Huantar is considered a place once used for large public ceremonies, seasonal pilgrimages, and oracular proselytizing (Burger 1992; Drue 2004; Herrera 2009; Moseley 1992; Sallnow 1987; Silverman 1994). This is supported by the religious importance of the site due to the widespread sacred imagery- the central deity of the Chavin cult, as well as other sculptures and images of processions in the central ceremonial area of the site. The Old Temple, in particular, is considered a place composed of sunken court ceremonial architecture, which was the stage for religious rituals and functioned to focus sacred.energy (Burger 1992; Lathrap 1985). Pilgrimage has been more recently supported by Drue's (2004:362) conclusions that non local, non-utilitarian ceramic wares comprised over 30 percent of the ceramic assemblage at Chavin de Huantar between 850 and 200 BC, attesting to the site's significance as a ceremonial centre and the interregional connection with the coast. Sallnow (1987:20-21) states that religious pilgrimage began with the Chavin tradition. Musical instruments at Chavin de Huantar and other related sites indicate that pilgrimage in this instance directed offerings to various springs, to ensure rainfall and prevent drought. For example, Strombus shells found at Chavin de Huantar in the ceremonial sector were used as musical instruments and deposited as offerings to water (Herrera 2009). Materials that come from distant regions, such as shell from Ecuador and coca (Erythroxylon coca) from the eastern tropics, are considered exotic and are typically used as offerings to Pachamama and huacas (Bastien 1985:55). PikiUacta, a Middle Horizon centre in the central Andean highlands, revealed a cache of 40 stone ancestor figurines and a Strombus shell trumpet in the site's ceremonial core, which integrates the concepts of ancestor worship and musical performance (Cook 1992). These stone figurines may represent the founding ancestors of the Wari polity and were interred with marine shell, including a trumpet, indicating that shell, water, ancestry and music share meaning in particular Andean rituals. Shamanism, divination, and healing 138 Music is linked with shamanism, especially along the north and south coasts of Peru, in both pre-Hispanic and contemporary Andean populations. Andean shamanism involved the use of drums, rattles, shell trumpets and whistles to activate the shaman during rituals, to promote healing of the body or spiritual soul, and as a communicative device to contact ancestral spirits. Coastal Andean shamanism is characterized by an altar, now known as a mesa, musical instruments, the use of hallucinogenic plants, and other ritual items to "mediate between two opposite forces of life-giving and life-taking" (Olsen 2002:149). During trance, induced by hallucinogenic substances, shamans transform themselves into animal familiars and enter into another realm or level via communication with ancestors and the spirit world (Dobkin de Rios 1977:194). In ancient Nasca society, it has been argued that shamans were the officiators of various rituals. They were considered the intermediaries between the multilayered worlds which composed the basic belief systems of many Andean peoples. Using hallucinogenic drugs, such as the San Pedro cactus plant (Trichocereus pachanoi) and floripondium (Datura arborea), shamans were able to transmit knowledge from various realms (Dobkin de Rios 1984:67; Proulx 2006:8-9). Nasca shamanism, as depicted through ceramic iconography, places the shaman in a multifaceted role in Nasca society (Figure 32). He was at once a defender of the group from evil forces, a healer, and someone able to communicate with other realms of existence. Blood by means of combat is linked with supplying the earth with sustenance. Hence, through Nasca shamanism "evil is thus combated, the enemy's head is taken, and the crops are harvested without problem" (Dobkin de Rios 1984:70-71). 139 Figure 32. Images represented on a Nasca ceremonial vessel of a shaman and accompanying musicians with numerous musical instruments (Proulx 2006:9, Figure 1.6). In ancient Moche society, hallucinogens were also used by shamans to enter the spirit world (Dobkin de Rios 1977; 1984; Donnan 1978; Cordy-Collins 1977). In Moche iconography, for example, numerous themes were consistently depicted including shamanic trance, death figures, sexual unions, the spilling of blood and the productiveness of the earth. Significantly, musical instruments, especially reed panpipes, were often performed in these scenes alongside what Donnan (1982) identifies as dancing. Rattles and bells accompany many of these dances, along with flutes, drums, and panpipes. Fraresso (2008:440) considers these dances to be seasonal ceremonial dances performed by elite members of Moche society. Dobkin de Rios (1984:109) suggests that these scenes represent the life and death continuum, the motif of death and rebirth as conceptualized by the Moche people. Dean (1999:59) argues that alcohol was consumed in high quantities by the Inkas, and was often linked to dance by chroniclers. Music, hallucinogen use, and ritual could have induced this transformation into another platform of existence. In the highlands there is considerable evidence that shamanism involved trance induced by music and the use of hallucinogens. Middle Horizon snuff tablets, in particular, speak to the use of these substances to enter into shamanic trance and are 140 characteristic of Middle Horizon highland societies such as Tiwanaku (Fernandez 1993:31-35; Knudson 2008:6). In archaeological contexts associated with the Early Horizon Chavin culture, a rattle was located embedded in a shaman's femur and was interred alongside an anthracite mirror and two bone spatulas likely used for inhaling snuff (Burger 1992:201). Shell trumpets in particular (Figure 33) are linked with shamanic practices in the past. Strombus shell symbolizes water and the sea. To some Andean societies, water involves a highly symbolic association with life, death, and renewal (Doyon 2006:364; Shimada 1994:46). The Inka sacrificed seashells as offerings to springs after planting had been completed in order to assure that springs would not run dry. Notably, these sacrifices were accompanied by feasting activities, as well as games, dancing, and songs (Cobo 1990:117-121). Music, like hallucinogenic San Pedro, is used in contemporary shamanic practices to enter into these other realms and access knowledge from the past. Musical instruments currently involved in contemporary shamanism have particular roles and incidences in shamanic rituals. For example, whistles are believed to call "encantos" and attract guardian spirits, as shell trumpets were likely used in a similar way in the past. Rattles, in contrast, activate the shaman and are associated with pre- Hispanic coastal cultures like Moche and Nasca, but have also been found in the highlands in shamanic contexts (Burger 1992). Although drums are not currently used in - contemporary Andean shamanism, they were used in the past in a similar way to rattles, which provide rhythm and consistency for a shamanic ritual, especially during healing ceremonies (Joralemon and Sharon 1993:45; Moore 2006:66; Olsen 2002:150-161). r .' , ^ Figure 33. Snuff spoon with religious specialist blowing a shell trumpet from Chavin de Huantar (Burger 1992:201, Figure 219). In shamanic ritual, music and the human soul are linked together. Music accompanies the soul's travel into the afterlife and bridges the multiple worlds during shamanic trances (Dobkin de Rios 1977:199; Sullivan 1998:279, 434). Contact with the ancestors, or divination, is used to cleanse or heal the spirit of an afflicted person. In this respect, shamanism is closely linked with oracles, which also have indirect associations with musical instruments. Musical instruments were found in courtyard complexes at the sites of Chuquicanra and Namanchugo11. The latter is the main sanctuary of Catequil, a 11 These instruments were not included in the sample used in this research because they fall outside of the temporal scope of this study. Nevertheless, they are useful for comparative purposes. 142 local huaca and, in later times, an oracle used for prognostications (Topic et al. 2006:14). The community of Compi in Bolivia use llano panpipes to accompany divinations which predict the upcoming potato harvest (Buechler 1980:359). Dobkin de Rios (1984:208- 209) notes that music is integral to shamanic trances, cross-culturally, in order to reach altered states of consciousness. Furthermore, music has been linked to shamanism and the use of hallucinogenic drugs in the San Pedro de Atacama culture of Chile, from AD 300 to 900. During this time, aerophones and idiophones were used in shamanic rituals involving divination and healing (Fernandez 1993:31-35). CULTURAL CONTINUITY AND CHANGE Although a wide variety of musical instruments are found, more often than not, in burial contexts and sites associated with public ceremonial activities, it is interesting to note that of the instrument types found in the Andes, those found in-situ are found only mixed with musical instruments of the same type. For example, numerous panpipe sherds were found at the site of Cahuachi in the Nazca river valley (Silverman 1993). No other types of musical instruments were found associated with these panpipe sherds. Furthermore, in the sample analyzed, there is no indication that different types of musical instruments were intentionally deposited (in caches, burials, and other contexts with clear purposeful deposition) in the same in-situ context. All musical instruments in this sample were located either as singular instruments, or found with other musical instruments of the same type. The significance of this observation is further supported by some contemporary communities' practice of never mixing instrument types during performance and the association of musical instruments with the agricultural calendar, aside from drums, which are frequently played with other musical mstruments. Not all iconographic scenes indicate that different musical instruments were never mixed. Some iconographic scenes (see Figure 27) depict various musicians playing flutes and panpipes in the same scene for the Moche and Nasca cultures (Donnan 1982:100; Olsen 2002:146; Proulx 2006:9). Nevertheless, what is indicated by the archaeological evidence is that musical instruments of different types were not mixed in actuality, similar to the practice in many contemporary Andean societies. Furthermore, the scenes depicted on ceremonial vessels may indicate the passage of time, or seasonal division of playing particular types of musical instruments, which is difficult to represent on a static material item. For example, different registers in an iconographic scene are often achieved by horizontal and vertical lines (see Figure 29). These registers may indicate a different point, phase, or time of the ritual being depicted. Hence, there is a clear indication that this practice has been passed down over several generations and is considered a culture-specific way of performing Andean music, in ensembles of the same type of musical instrument. Similarly, musical instruments are found in several contexts relating to public rituals, especially along the coast, while domestic private ritual contexts are particularly prevalent in the south-central highlands. Essentially, large ceremonies involving music took place at sites like Chavin de Huantar, numerous Early Horizon sites, the pyramids at Moche and Cahuachi. In contrast, restricted access to ritual areas is suggested in the Middle Horizon sites of Cerro Baul, Tiwanaku, and Lukurmata. Moore (1996:792-795) suggests that the sunken plazas of Tiwanaku are specifically designed to accommodate fewer religious specialists and that this pattern is markedly different from the large coastal plazas. In either case, music was a highly social activity involving musicians and observers, but all were participants in a ritual activity. This parallels the contemporary 144 practice by several south-central Andean highland communities, which indicates that men typically perform music in group settings and are rarely noted to play music alone (Turino 1989:10). Hence, the archaeological contexts containing musical instruments from the Early Horizon to the Middle Horizon are highly indicative that music served as a component of public rituals and functioned in mamtaining solidarity within a group setting. Tradition There are several commonalities and disparities in the music archaeology of various cultures in the central Andes from the Early Horizon to the Middle Horizon. These qualities indicate that music shared a common meaning to various Andean cultures in shaping the traditions linked with religious and ritual practices. Fernandez (1993:31) suggests that rituals involving the control of rain, water, fertility, and natural elements stemmed from a society based around land work. Essentially, the common dependence on an agricultural way of life, especially one that was considered intensive (canals, irrigation, terracing, etc.), has created a worldview or religious system based primarily around the control of these natural phenomena; avoidance of drought, floods, and so on. A common adaptation of Andean people, and what I have recognized as an Andean tradition, became the use of musical instruments in particular rituals at specific times of the year to transform these problematic situations. Furthermore, this knowledge was passed down from generation to generation and was altered by members of different populations. Music is currently used in what van Gennep (1960:3-4) famously considers as rites de passage, marked by the stages of separation, transition, and incorporation. These rites take place during an individual's life crises or major stages of life which require that an individual or a group of individuals transition into another stage of being. Music is currently used to mark the transition into different phases of the agricultural cycle, in celebration of Catholic festivals, and in other indigenous rituals. Moore (2006:66) argues that drums were similarly used by the Moche, Chimu, and Inka, to mark the stages of a ritual, as they are currently used in some instances to transform the stages of agricultural production. Turner (1969:168-169) distinguishes between life-crisis rites and calendrical rituals. The former include physical transformations, including birth, death, puberty, but also include major life events such as coming of age and marriage. The latter, in contrast, refer more specifically to collective rituals, "performed at well-delineated points in the annual productive cycle, and attest to the passage from scarcity to plenty or from plenty to scarcity" (Turner 1969:169). After this transition, the individual is reincorporated into society into a state of communitas (Turner 1969:96) or as part of the sacred (Durkheim 1995:36-37). These culminating stages of being result in the "collective ephrevescence" of community members or a sense of recognizing a "human bond" that is shared by society (Turner 1969:97). Music, alongside feasting and alcoholic drink (Lau 2002:280), is considered an integral aspect of this transition. Archaeologically, music can be associated with these major events. Identity and performance Clearly, there is a wide variety of cultural practices associated with music, with shared meaning between many of these distinct practices. A recurrent theme throughout this study involves the interplay between group identity and musical performance. Ethnic identity involves the display of differences and similarities and typically revolved around kinship. However, Meskell (2001:189-190) reminds us that ethnicity or identity does not always fit nicely into a simple definition and is not equivalent to a single language, 146 region, or material culture. Therefore, archaeologists must use caution when assigning ethnicity in the archaeological record. Nevertheless, cultural affiliations between some types of musical instruments and particular archaeological contexts do suggest that identity was exemplified through musical performance in the past. Contemporary Andean ceremonies are immersed in displays of group identity - ranging from the style of dress that a group wears, or the songs that musical groups play during processions and tinku battles. In the Andean region, individuals are defined based on their ethnic affiliation, visible by their style of dress, weaving styles, and motifs which . suggest to others their place of origin (Cook 1992:353). Music coincides with this pattern, as it is used as an identity marker in contemporary pilgrimage, tinku battles, and musical performance within these occasions. Similarly, archaeological cultures in the Andes, spanning the Early Horizon to the Middle Horizon indicate that group identity was defined by cultural styles of dress, symbols, and music. For example, Moche iconography depicts people wearing different styles of dress that signified them as members of a group or community (Donnan 2004:74). Musical arrangements, like those performed by people from highland communities today, may have also been used as distinct group identity markers. Clearly, specific types of musical instruments are commonly associated with specific cultural groups. For example, coastal and highland Chavin-influenced groups often used Strombus shell trumpets as.musical instruments, while other types of musical instruments are less commonly found: Panpipes are often found in Nasca and Moche cultural contexts, but are physically distinct from each other and would have created different sounds (Olsen 2002). Hence, even when the same type of musical instrument is present in the archaeological record in different cultural contexts, ethnic variation may still be indicated by subtle differences m the way the mstrument is manufactured. Flutes are more typically found in highland contexts, associated with ancestor worship. Like the production, performance, and consumption of chicha, which are understood as outlets where Andean identities are created and maintained (Jennings and Bowser 2009:10-11), musical performance as a shared social event can also be conceived of as a marker of group identity and membership to a particular community or ayllu. CHAPTER 7: SUMMARY OF ANDEAN MUSIC This thesis examined the use of musical instruments by various people in the central Andes during the Early Horizon, the Early Intermediate Period, and the Middle Horizon. Three general research questions were presented in Chapter 1 regarding the use of music in the ancient Andes. This section summarizes the answers to those questions, discusses the contributions this information makes to Andean archaeology, and presents possible topics for future research. Contexts and Musical Instrument Types This study shows that musical instruments were deposited in various archaeological contexts including burials, caches, domestic places, fortresses, and temples. However, particular types of musical instruments are found more prominently in some archaeological contexts, used by specific groups of people in different regions of the central Andes. Moche and Nasca musical instruments are commonly found in burial contexts, including cemeteries. However, whistles and trumpets are found most prominently in cemeteries, while rattles, bells and panpipes accompanied the interment of elite members of society in elaborate tombs. Rattles, in particular, are attributed to the elite members of Moche society, but are also related to shamanism in some contexts. In both of these Early Intermediate Period cultural contexts, various types of musical instruments are used in ceremonies concerned with the dead. However, flutes and drums are absent from these archaeological contexts, suggesting that to coastal Andean people during this time, these instruments served separate purposes. Although most of the burial and cemetery contexts m this sample derive from the coast, these contexts contam the most variety of musical instrument types in relation to other archaeological contexts observed. Also during the Early Intermediate Period, panpipes were used in rituals at the Nasca site of Cahuachi, a place reached by pilgrimage by worshippers in the surrounding valleys. Panpipes were used in public ceremonies at Cahuachi, at different times of the year and were likely related to ancestor worship and agricultural fertility rituals. Furthermore, panpipes were found alongside Nasca trophy heads, and both items may have been used in rituals of a similar nature, hi general, panpipes were widespread, found in different contexts by both highland and coastal groups during the Early Horizon, the Early Intermediate Period, but are less common in the Middle Horizon in this sample. In the Early Horizon, panpipes were used at fortresses as they can be found throughout many valleys along the north coast. Ethnographic analogy used by scholars (Topic and Topic 2009a) indicates that these fortresses were used for pre-arranged warfare, comparable to modern and historic tinku practices. Ethnographic analogy further supports the assertion that this type of warfare was practiced in pre-Hispanic times. For example, the use of musical instruments, such as panpipes and flutes, is commonly practiced around the time of Carnival and the beginning of harvest in contemporary and historic examples. Notably, only panpipes are found in this type of archaeological context and the practice does not appear to continue, in the same way, into the Early Intermediate Period. Like Early Horizon panpipes, flutes are found in very specific archaeological contexts. Flutes are not found in burial contexts, are only constructed of bone, and are not found along the coast of Peru in this sample. Thus, flutes are found only in temple contexts in the highlands of the central Andes. Nevertheless, they are depicted in Moche 150 iconography suggesting that the archaeological remains of flutes in Moche contexts have yet to be found, did not survive in the archaeological record due to the poor preservation of perishable remains, or something else that we have not yet discovered. However, flutes are found in semi-public ceremonial temples at Tiwanaku. Alongside flutes, drums are very rarely found in secure archaeological contexts in central Andean archaeology. Only a small amount of data was obtained on the use of drums by pre-Hispanic Andean people. Nevertheless, the very few examples that were found indicate that drums were used by Moche and Wari people. However, there are other archaeological specimens that can be stylistically attributed to other cultures, but were not included in this sample. Shell, and ceramic trumpets were found throughout the duration of the temporal scope of this study. Shell trumpets, however, were found in Early Horizon and Middle Horizon contexts, while ceramic trumpets were not found in Early Horizon contexts. Both types of instruments were found in burials and caches, although ceramic trumpets from the highlands have been found more commonly in cache contexts, while coastal ceramic trumpets come from cemeteries. Similarly, a cache of shell trumpets was found at the Early Horizon highland site of Chavin de Huantar in an underground cache. Along the coast, shell trumpets are depicted in Moche iconography and are shown in burials. Musical Practice in the Ancient Andes Considering the widespread use of some types of musical instruments, like panpipes, and the more limited use of other types of instruments, such as flutes, this study indicates that music was practiced differently by various groups of people in the past. However, one overlapping trend is that only the same type of musical instrument is found in one archaeological context. Not one archaeological context, in this sample, was found 151 to contain more than one type of musical instrument. Furthermore, musical instruments are often found in contexts in high quantities. This suggests that an overarching tradition in the Andes is to play music, no matter what the ritual, in consorts or ensembles of people playing the same types of musical instruments. Notably, this is also practiced by many contemporary groups from the south-central Andean highlands. Although there are several themes underlying Andean musical practice, the concepts of transition and production overlap many of these smaller ideas. Like the contemporary agricultural calendar, music was probably used during rituals at various stages in agricultural production in the past to ensure agricultural fertility, bring on the rains, and maintain the reciprocal relationships with the earth that enable production and fertility to continue. Music throughout the Early Horizon to the Middle Horizon seems to be intimately connected with agriculture. Considering that the survival and livelihood of these pre-Hispanic people was tied directly to agricultural fertility of the soils, harvest, and rainfall, it is considered common sense in this worldview that music and the rituals involving musical instruments would be dedicated to this concept. Unlike traditional music in the ethnographic record, music was also used in rituals involving the construction and termination of architecture during the Early Horizon and the Middle Horizon. Music may have bridged the connection between the Underworld and the ancestors who resided there, as currently some musical instruments are used to call the dead to the land of the living at particular times of the year. The act of dedicating animals and humans to significant architectural remains would have ensured the well- being of the community or family residing in that particular place. CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANDEAN ARCHAEOLOGY Music has been commonly overlooked when considering past ceremonial practices in the Andean culture area. While feasting and drinking have been emphasized as important components to pre-Hispanic Andean rituals, little attention has been paid to the use of musical instruments in the same events. Moreover, the role of music in Andean rituals is often considered passive, but conceptually many groups in the Andes today, and in traditional societies throughout South America, consider the performance of music to be an agent in ceremonies. Just as hallucinogenic substances induce transformation and communication with other worlds, music serves a similar intoxicating purpose. There have been numerous studies questioning the tonal characteristics of pre- Hispanic Andean music (Haeberli 1979; Izikowitz 1935; Martinez and Huayta 2008; Schmidt 2008), as well as a few studies that consider music as it is displayed in coastal Andean iconography and historical myth (Donnan 1982; Gruszczynska-Ziolkowska 2008; Moore 2006; Olsen 2002). This thesis joins the few archaeological reports that consider Andean music through a practice approach, by studying the archaeological contexts that contain musical instruments (Fernandez 1993; Fraresso 2008; Herrera 2009), instead of the physical and tonal properties of the instruments. Just as yanantin and tinku represent concepts with opposing components, which when they unite, create a renewal of the world (Topic and Topic 2009a:25-26), the placement of music within this cosmological system suggests that the playing of particular instruments results in the fertility of the soils or a transformation of the agricultural cycle. The presence of musical instruments at fortresses possibly used for tinku-like warfare, the depiction of musicians, warriors, and ancestors in Moche 153 iconography, and the inclusion of musical instruments in elite Moche mortuary contexts suggest that these concepts are intimately linked in the archaeological record as well as in some ethnographic communities. This thesis has examined musical practice over time, identifying the variations that existed in the practice of music within various cultural contexts. Although there is significant overlap in the archaeological contexts and the inherent meaning of these contexts, there is also a considerable amount of diversity in the ways that pre-Hispanic people practiced music. Future studies could examine this practice more specifically by examining single cultural sequences of musical practice over a long duration of time to see how music changed in a particular region. 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Indiana University Press, Bloomington. 172 APPENDIX I 173 ! 01 oa go 5 u - * £ u 0> o a 0) t- a s « R .-3 £ g ? a •° S a « a 2 a U a *c S a ° o .-s o « a & C 1 4a 5 U N U o -5 35 U 05 fa s a Bell 2 £ar/y Intermediate Period 20 Copper Burial (A- n/a Coast Moche n/a Sipan Ceremony 002 Alva M) 2001:166; Alva and Donnan i 1994:185, fig. 200 1 Copper Domestic High status Coast Moche Axes, small pierced Galindo Habitation 043 Shimada residence discs, adjacent to major 1994:206 elite platform Drum £ar/y Intermediate Period 1 Ceramic Surface Cemetery Coast Moche n/a PV28-119 Burial and 055 Donnan Habitation 1973:29, 140, fig. 208 1 Ceramic Surface Cemetery Coast Moche n/a PV28-108 Burial and 062 Donnan Habitation 1973:27, 140, fig. 209 1 Ceramic Temple n/a Coast Nasca n/a Cahuachi Ceremony 100 Silverman 1993:28 n/a Ceramic Burial Ceramic Coast Moche n/a Cerro Mayal Habitation 018 Russell and Production Jackson 2001 1 Ceramic Courtyard Compound 14, Coast Moche 2 sets of deer antlers, Pampa Habitation 041 Shimada cotton charred fibre, six wall Grande 2001:184- processing niches 186 1 Ceramic Domestic Elite Coast Moche Dedicatory macaw Pampa Habitation 045 Shimada compound burial, weaving batten, Grande 2001:187 florero Drum Middle Horizon 41 4> -fa* 41 a u •a C >* * go t a a .•3 -S • 1 -** u u ? a a 1 v a 2 a fa) a *c a a ° o «> a X a « a an d H CM C 5 U U Othe r Artifact s Detail s CA to U fc 1 Ceramic Temple Infant and H Wari Ceremonial apu; Cerro Baul Ceremony 096 Moseley et adolescent images of dancing and al. 2005 burials figures (one with spear) Habitation and birds Flute Middle Horizon 1 Bone Cache Akapana East H Tiwanaku Single hole Tiwanaku Ceremony 029 Janusek and 1993:21, Habitation Figure 16.1d 1 Bone Cache Domestic, H Tiwanaku Basalt bowl, beads, Tiwanaku Ceremony 032 Janusek ritual copper rings, 3 holes, and 1993:21, domestic structure 1; Habitation Figure camelid bone; 16al; instrument possibly Janusek used by a shaman 2004:216- 217 1 Bone Temple Mollo Kontu H Tiwanaku 15 partial and complete Tiwanaku Ceremony 095 Couture (human) human skeletons and 2003; Habitation Janusek 1993;2003; Blom and Janusek 2004 Panpipe Early Horizon • 1 peramic Domestic n/a Coast Not n/a SVP-CAY- Habitation 044 Wilson affiliated 35 1988:100, 378, 539 n/a Ceramic Fortress n/a Coast Not Slate blades Acaray Fortress, 050 Brown affiliated Burial, 2009:262 and Ceremony 175 41 41 -** a U u S3 I a 41 O a -** 41 I u a u a *£ a fa * S a v a v a 43 a a ° o •- rS es a H CM C N 3 0 < 33 U Ifl &M U £ 2 2 Ceramic Domestic n/a Coast Not n/a Kushi- Ceremony 051 Proulx affiliated Pampa and 1985:77, Habitation 245 1 Ceramic Surface Cemetery/2 Coast Not n/a PV31-244 n/a 054 Proulx unknown affiliated 1985:157, structures 245 3 Ceramic Surface Domestic Coast Not n/a Chilhuay Habitation 065 Proulx affiliated Alto 1985:115, 245 n/a Ceramic Surface Domestic Coast Not Figurines, spindle San Diego Habitation 066 Pozorski affiliated whorls, ceramic club and head, slate blades, Pozorski worked shells, beads, 1987:51-60 gourd containers n/a Ceramic Surface Domestic Coast Not Solid figurines, spindle Pampa Habitation 067 Pozorski affiliated whorls, pottery disks, Rosario and slate blades, woven Pozorski cotton textiles, thorn 1987:65-68 needle, gourd fragment n/a Ceramic Surface Fortress, base Coast Not n/a Chankillo Ceremony 069 Pozorski of 13 towers affiliated and and Fortress Pozorski 1987 6 Ceramic Surface Fortress Coast Not 9 ground stone PV31-253 Fortress 070 Proulx affiliated projectile points and 1985:165, Habitation 245 14 Ceramic Surface Fortress Coast Not 11 ground stone PV31-254 Fortress 071 Proulx affiliated projectile points, two 1985:168, platforms 245 5 Ceramic Surface Fortress Coast Not Ground slate projectile PV31-163 Ceremony 072 Proulx affiliated point and 1985:126, Fortress 245 Time Period 1>J *-* to 4^ u> U) o O o O O 0 • 0 O 0 n n Material Si ft ft ft ft ft ft P •-t P 1 1 3. 1 1 1 3 o 0' 0' 0' 0 0 0' o 0 00 oo 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 In-situ H 6. 6 H Context o o o 0 0 0 ft ft ft ft ft ft re rt ft rt ft X Ttl E 3 o 0 0 O O 0 0 O Sub R R R R R Context o o o ft ft CD a> a 5; CO CO Cfi CO •a CO CO in CO CO CO Cfl CO o O o CO co f fo f o CO o CO nCO O O n 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 o o o o 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Zone p p p p P p p P P p p CO CO CO CO CO CO CO CO CO CO CO s, 2; 8, 2; s, 2; • 5, 2! Culture 3 2, 3 2. ga pa 3 a 3 a 3 a if si' §.' ft IT If ft ft ft rt ft ft ft a. a. If a. a- ft a. 0. 00 OO 5, 5. 5. a j? 5. •a T3 "8 9 0 a P Other S3 P P i-3 3 "? B" ft ft Artifacts & & co 3 ft* CO *^ 1 >T3 co a. § P* CO 3" 3 O O. 3 II T3 ft ft p ft fT 0 ft •3 -r TS X h3 Site < < < < < 0 < 3 P2 c (^ 0 Context • • • 0 1 0 1 1 • a ^ to to to Ov P to to 0 to 0 4^ 4^ CO o VO 1 -O. 4^ 0 t OO 3 5. 5. 5. jig n 5. 5. 5. 0 Site p p P 0 g ct 0 3 ft 0 |f? P P P R ft ft g tt Function ft g s i CO - 2 CO CO O % 2 o o o 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 oo oo oo 00 -0. -0. Catalogue *> 1>J to 0 VO 00 -0 o\ 4^ 1>J Number 24 5 Proul x 1985:145 , to >— h3 tO 1— ITJ to 1— h3 to *- >T3 to i— >T3 to i— h3 tO H- ITS tO H- l-O to 1— ha to H- h3 •UVB3 *. VO 3 Ji vo 3 A VO 3 ^ vo a * VO T * vo a * VOT * VO T 4s. vo 3 Reference uiooO uioo o U100O Oi OO O uiceO Ln 3 iyi 3_ Wi 3 <~n 3 Ui 3 <-n 3 Ul 00 0 <-n 3 CJI 3 <-* 3 vo X bb * 01 3 Ov X "-^ >< 4s> VO vo o> Ov 4^. to 4^ 2* 0 O ^vo VO 177 41 V -*- a is -** 4) -** M S u u 5 £ 43 4) O a 1 -2 4) s w a I. ,03 « a 2 S g cs * 5 o a *» S3 41 a s a « a a *c a 1 ? a N 3x5 U° .S 41 O 4a a ° o < H CH 1 Ceramic Surface Hilltop outpost Coast Not n/a PV31-237 n/a 085 Proulx affiliated 1985:151, 245 2 Ceramic Surface Hilltop outpost Coast Not n/a PV31-238 n/a 086 Proulx affiliated 1985:152, 245 2 Ceramic Surface Hilltop outpost Coast Not n/a PV31-250 n/a 087 Proulx affiliated 1985:162, 245 2 Ceramic Surface Hilltop outpost Coast Not n/a Cerro San n/a 088 Proulx affiliated Isidro 1985:76, 245 n/a Ceramic Surface Plaza Coast Not Perforated sherd disks La Cantina n/a 090 Pozorski affiliated and Pozorski 1987:92-95 n/a Ceramic Surface Terrace Coast Not n/a PV31-159 n/a 092 Proulx affiliated 1985:120, 245 n/a Ceramic Surface n/a H Chavin Chavin ceramics, slate Pallka n/a 093 Pozorski blade fragment and Pozorksi 1987:86-88 n/a Ceramic Temple Fortress Coast Not n/a Chimu n/a 094 Valkenier affiliated Capac 1995 Panpipe Early Intermediate Period 1 Ceramic Burial (A- Tomb 5 - Coast Moche Copper mask, weapons, Sipan Ceremony 009 Alva M) Warrior crescent headdress, 2001:233- wooden spear-thrower 234 1 Ceramic Burial Gravelot F3 Coast Nasca 12-tubes El Tambo n/a 024 Proulx 1970 1 Ceramic Burial GravelotFlO Coast Nasca 13-tubes El Tambo n/a 025 Proulx 1970 41 a V "S -** 4) o ui S u •E £ U .03 1 4) O 4) | u a 03 ? a « 5 s a 41 S 'E A 5 3 .g a I. a « a ° 1 03 3 CM •B 4) C 4a u 53 in U 53 fc H CH 1 Ceramic Burial Tomb 4 Coast Nasca 5 incised Spondylus LaMuna Burial 026 Isla and shells, 5 obsidian Reindel projectile points, 4 gold 2006:391 beads 7 Ceramic Cache Domestic Coast Nasca One female ceramic Cerro Habitation 030 Browne et ritual figurine, two spindle Carapo al. 1993 whorls, cloth wool, gourd fragments n/a Ceramic Cache Trophy head Coast Nasca Cache of hair, white Cahuachi Ceremony 037 Carmichael quartz, pallar beans, 2 1998:78, canes 109, figure 132; Silverman 1993:210 n/a Ceramic Cache Great Temple Coast Nasca n/a Cahuachi Ceremony 040 Silverman 1993:52,61 n/a Ceramic Floor fill Temple - Unit Coast Nasca Textiles, maize cobs Cahuachi Ceremony 046 Silverman 19 and sheaths, cane and 1993:148 pigments 1 Ceramic Floor fill Domestic H Not Two-tubes Chuquicanra Ceremony 049 Topic and courtyard affiliated and Topic Habitation 2009b; Topic et al. 2006 1 Ceramic Surface Cemetery/ Coast Gallinazo n/a SVP- Burial and 064 Wilson Fortress ESUCH-20 Fortress 1988:161-2, 170,412, 542 1 Ceramic Surface Fortress Coast Not n/a SVP- Fortress 068 Wilson affiliated ESUCH-12 and 1988:160, Habitation 412, 542 4) to a 3 i. 41 u -4-1 s OJD Jj •e >- -•a a 4) O a 1 4) h .03 8 £ A 4) 03 i. ? a a B 4) a «4H •S 41 a -** o -** 5 a CH N 9 53 53 fe H 4 5 U £ o 03 3 3 • Cerami1 c Surface Citadel Coast Not n/a SVP-VIN- Fortress 081 Wilson affiliated 20 and 1988:120- Habitation 121, 140, 145-146, 392 n/a Ceramic Surface Patio groups Coast Nasca n/a Marcaya Habitation 089 Vaughn 2004 n/a Ceramic Surface Terrace Coast Nasca Large plainware vessels Cahuachi Ceremony 091 Silverman 1993:84 207 Ceramic Temple Mound/Unit Coast Nasca n/a Cahuachi Ceremony 097 Silverman 19 (upper) and Proulx 1988 1 Ceramic Temple Mound/Unit Coast Nasca n/a Cahuachi Ceremony 098 Silverman 19 (lower) 1993:241, 259 n/a Ceramic Temple Unit 2/Great Coast Nasca Elaborate pottery, llama Cahuachi Ceremony 099 Silverman Temple remains, feasting and Proulx activities 1988 Panpipe Middle Horizon 1 Bone Cache Instrument H Tiwanaku n/a Lukurmata Habitation 035 Janusek production 1999:119- 120; 2004:179, fig. 6.5, 180 Rattle Early Horizon 1 Bone Burial (A- Burial Temple Coast Chavin Shaman: Rattle inserted Morro de Burial and 008 Burger (Deer) M) - Shaman into right leg pouch; Eten Ceremony 1992:205- two bone spatulas, 206; Elera anthracite mirror, two 1986 slate stones; no high status items found Rattle Early Intermediate Period 180 ! CO a u 73 -*- -** o 3 u '•O > * u « a 4) O a -*- 4> =3 I. ,03 41 S- 03 '5- ja a s a ? a a o a CM a a ° o a v a 03 3 a *E 5^ 55 U .a v sa 5! fa H CM 13 Copper Burial (A- Elite Burial Coast Moche n/a Moche Ceremony 003 Chauchat M) Platform (Huaca de la and Luna) Gutierrez 2004; Fraresso 2008 31 , Metal Burial (A- n/a Coast Moche n/a San Jose de Ceremony 004 Fraresso M) Moro and 2008:441 Habitation n/a Metal Burial (A- Lord of Sipan Coast Moche Coffin or primary lord Sipan Ceremony 005 Alva M) and retainers, gilded 2001:226- metal banners, 228 pectorals, ear ornaments, necklace gold and silver, gold and silver sceptre, crescent headdress, backflaps, rattles with decapitator figure 20 Gold Burial (A- Old Lord of Coast Moche Female attendant and Sipan Ceremony 006 Alva ' and M) Sipan llama, gold necklace, 2001:228- Silver gilded copper 229 ornaments, 2 small sceptres, banners, pectorals, ear and nose ornaments, 10 silver backflaps, 10 gilded copper backflaps, 1 gold backflap, group of weapons 1 n/a Burial (A- Tomb 9 - Coast Moche Copper crescent Sipan Ceremony 010 Alva M) Warrior headdress, war club, 2001:237- mask inlaid with shell 238 181 4) a u 73 it •S3 3 u •d -** 41 o a 41 O a -** 41 •43 03 -** *J u s a 3 a "a 4i a * a o •3 P .-si 03 3 H CM 0* 1 sa a ° N a s t» U 0 ^ 53 U n/a Ceramic Burial Ceramic Coast Moche Serving bowls Cerro Mayal Habitatiocc to n 020 Russell and workshop Jackson , l 2001:166- 168 2 Gourd Cache .Room of the Coast Nasca Blue-painted q/7 Cahuachi Ceremony 036 Silverman posts peppers, four portable and Proulx looms, plain gourd 1988; containers 1993:181, 186,283 Trumpet Early Horizon 1 Shell Burial (A- Construction Coast Not n/a Punkuri n/a on Daggett F) dedication affiliated 1987; Falcon et al. 2005; Herrera 2009:57 20 Shell Cache Gallery of the H Chavin Adjacent patio depicts Chavin de Ceremony 034 Herrera Shells figures holding Huantar 2009; trumpets with Kembel and headdresses, costumes, Rick 2004; jaguar pelts, Rick 2004 underground water system throughout galleries 3 • Shell Burial (A- Elite Temple H Chavin Gold crown, gold Kuntur Wasi Ceremony 007 Burger pectoral, red dye around 1992:205; j M) Summit head, polished gold ear Herrera spools, placed in 2009:57 squatting position 2 Shell Burial n/a H Chavin n/a Huayurco n/a 015 Herrera 2009:57 Trumpet Early Intermediate Period 182 4> 4" en a u 73 -** 41 -** o 3 u a •9 -** •c U u •43 V o a 4< 8 U ,03 u 03 -** as a v a a 'E 3 « a s a a 8 a * a o .•a o .-a a 03 3 .3 cu O 1 N si 55 U % to H CH sa 3 ° 4 Ceramic Surface Cemetery Coast Moche n/a Cenicero Burial 056 Donnan shell 1973:29, replica 141, pi. 6b, 6c, 6e, 6g 1 Ceramic Surface Cemetery Coast Moche n/a PV28-64 Burial 057 Donnan shell 1973:14, replica 141, pi. 6h 3 Ceramic Surface Cemetery Coast Moche n/a PV28-82 Burial and 058 Donnan shell Habitation 1973:17, replica 141, pi. 6a, 6d,6i 1 Ceramic Surface Cemetery Coast Moche n/a PV28-117 Burial and 063 Donnan shell Habitation 1973:28, replica 141,pl.6f 2 Ceramic Surface Cemetery Coast Moche n/a Cenicero Burial and 059 Donnan Habitation 1973:23, 140, fig. 202,203 1 Ceramic Surface Cemetery Coast Moche n/a PV28-82 Burial and 060 Donnan Habitation 1973:15, 140, fig. 204 1 Ceramic Cache Kalasasaya - H Tiwanaku Offering pits, human Tiwanaku Ceremony 038 Janusek elite ritual burials, 35 elaborate and 2004:101 ceremonial vessels Habitation Trumpet Middle Horizon 1 Ceramic Burial n/a Coast Moche Trumpet is coiled SVP-ETAN- Burial and 016 Wilson 77 Habitation 1988:224, 234,255, fig. 251a, 483 183 41 4) 73 -*- •2 a 3 t. 41 f 'E u £ a 41 o a .•3 2 1 4> 4* *•* 41 03 41 a 4> a 1 ^ a U 3 ? a •3 'P a* a CM a *E •** * a o 1 .a * 03 3 sa N 55 U 55 to .a « a a ° 0 3 U £ H to I Cerami1 c Burial n/a Coast Moche Trumpet is coiled SVP-ETAN- Burial and 017 Wilson 77 Habitation 1988:224, 234, 255, fig. 251b, 483 n/a Ceramic Burial Ceramic Coast Moche n/a Cerro Mayal Habitation 021 Russell and workshop Jackson 2001:166- 168 1 Ceramic Cache Domestic H Tiwanaku • Found in association Lukurmata Habitation 033 Janusek ritual with hearth 2004:102 1 Shell Cache Gallery H Wari Pointed bronze bar, PikiUacta Habitation 031 Cook Spondylus princeps, 1992:344 and 40 stone figurines representing 40 ancestors of Wari 3 Ceramic Kancha n/a H Not n/a Keushu Ceremony 052 Herrera (modell affiliated and 2009 ed after Habitation shell) Unknown Early Intermediate Period n/a n/a Burial (I) Sacrifice Coast Moche Llama bones, ceramic Moche (in Ceremony 013 Chapdelaine figurines, retainer to between two 2001:82 warrior burial huacas) Whistle Early Horizon 14 Ceramic Burial n/a Coast Chavin Fertility figurines, Tembladera Burial 014 Morgan ceramic depictions of 2009:38, musicians 357-358, PI. 2,3 3 Ceramic Floor fill Burial temple H Chavin Granite axe head, Pashash Habitation 047 Grieder bowls, cups, spindle 1978:39m whorls 51,235 184 f 4> 4) CO a 3 i. 41 73 •4-* 41 -M -M 61) £ X u s a rs •E 4) M ,03 •43 £ £> 4) O a •M 41 a 8 u 03 « a a 1 CM -= A o *a 5° o 9 •3 -P •** 4i a 43 a a § U 55 to 03 a a 0* CM U SI u 0 «< •0 4) » a U S5 Whistle .a o H to 55 O Early Intermediate Period 2 Ceramic Burial (A) n/a Coast Moche Miniature vessel, clay PV28-122 Burial 001 Donnan beads 1973:29, 133, fig. 206-7 1 Ceramic Burial (C) Trophy head Coast Nasca Pottery, textiles, Cantayo Burial 012 Carmichael burial camelid bones. Whistle 1998:72-73, is shape of bird. 241, figure 385 1 Ceramic Burial Gravelot F3 Coast Nasca n/a El Tambo n/a 027 Proulx 1970 3 Ceramic Burial Gravelot Coast Nasca Whistles in form of El Tambo n/a 028 Proubc FIO head of a man, animal, 1970: pi. 24 and human 1 Ceramic Cache n/a H Tiwanaku In form of shrine Tiwanaku Ceremony 039 Janusek and 2004:101 Habitation 1 Ceramic Floor fill Domestic H Not n/a Chuquicanra Ceremony 048 Topic and courtyard affiliated and Topic Habitation 2009b; Topic et al. 2006 1 Ceramic Surface Cemetery Coast Moche n/a PV28-117 Burial and 061 Donnan Habitation 1973:28, 140, fig. 205 n/a Ceramic Burial n/a Coast Not n/a SVP- Burial 022 Wilson affiliated GUAD-5 1988:198, 213,456, 551, fig. 231 Whistle Middle Horizon 185 41 41 CO a 3 i. U 73 41 -** -** o Oil g S M 41 « £ 42 g 4) O a % 41 03 ? 3 a s 3 -** •** o a .4a> aa 2 a a '"= U -** 03 3 J= a N 0 << 4> a CM to •a v o 4 3 3 ° .-a ® H to nidi Cerami1 c Burial CeramiCM U c Coast Moche n/a Cerr55 Uo Mayal Habitation 023 Russell and workshop Jackson 2001:166- 167 1 Ceramic Courtyard Gallery H Not Form of gourd with Chuquicanra Ceremony 042 Topic and affiliated head of an animal, and Topic found with other Habitation 2009b; ceramic fragments in Topic et al. gallery with nearby 2006 plant and animal remains 1 Ceramic Sub Pit 8b H Wari Double-tube whistle Wari Habitation 053 Bennett terranean 1953:18-20, chambers 34,71