DOCSLIB.ORG

Rumanian Slavia As the Frontier of Orthodoxy the Case of the Slavo-Rumanian Tetraevangelion of Sibiu

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Rumanian Slavia As the Frontier of Orthodoxy the Case of the Slavo-Rumanian Tetraevangelion of Sibiu Studia Ceranea 9, 2019, p. 59–87 ISSN: 2084-140X DOI: 10.18778/2084-140X.09.04 e-ISSN: 2449-8378 Giuseppe Stabile (Napoli) https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1427-9466 Rumanian Slavia as the Frontier of Orthodoxy The Case of the Slavo-Rumanian Tetraevangelion of Sibiu the Tetraevangelion also known as the Slavo-Rumanian Evangeliarion of In Sibiu1, the slow sunset of the Slavonism seems to face the dawn of the Rumanian literary tradition. Not only is it the earliest extant text in Slavonic and Rumanian languages, but it is also the earliest provided with parallel bilingual transcription, and the only version of the Gospels printed in such a form, at least in the 16th century2. Regardless whether it originally contained all four – or just three – Synoptic Gospels, only two fragments of the SRT are preserved today, both from the Gospel of Matthew: 1. the more extensive one (ff. 1r–117v, Mt 3, 17 – 27, 55), in the Saltykov-Ščedrin Library in Saint Petersburg3; 2. the shorter one (ff. 36v–37r, Mt 12, 12–28), in the Orthodox Church of Oiejdea (Alba Iulia), where it was discovered in the 1970s4. 1 Evangheliarul slavo-român de la Sibiu (1551–1553), ed. E. Petrovici, L. Demény, Bucureşti 1971 (cetera: SRT). 2 Cf. G. Mihăilă, Textele bilingve slavo-române şi unele aspecte ale studiului calcului lingvistic, [in:] Contribuţii la istoria culturii şi literaturii române vechi, Bucureşti 1972, p. 236–244, esp. 241. For a critical up-to-date overview on the SRT, cf. I. Gheţie, A. Mareş, Originile scrisului In limba română, Bucureşti 1985, p. 337–342; E. Pavel, Textul evanghelic în cultura românească, LR 66, 1, 2012, p. 30–31. 3 Cf. L. Demény, Evangheliarul slavo-român de la Sibiu – Prima tipăritură în limba română cunoscu- tă pînă azi, [in:] SRT, p. 22–98. 4 Cf. E. Mârza, Un fragment din Evangheliarul slavo-român de la Sibiu (1551–1553), LR 27, 2, 1978, p. 173–175 (= Explorări bibliografice, Sibiu 2008, p. 14–16). Retrieved from https://czasopisma.uni.lodz.pl/sceranea [26.09.2021] 60 Giuseppe Stabile Only a handful of fragments of the indirect tradition of the SRT were identi- fied inCodicele Bratul5, a Slavo-Rumanian intercalated miscellaneous text, which contains – among other texts – parts of the Acts of the Apostles and the Gospels, copied perhaps in Southern Transylvania and dated 1559–1560 by Pop Bratul, the copyist himself6. While the Slavonic text – late and “peripheral” – has been almost entirely over- looked by Slavists, the parallel Rumanian one used to arouse a certain interest among Rumanists, especially after it was discovered, about half a century ago, that it was the earliest preserved printed text (the Catehism luteran de la Sibiu, printed in 1544 and considered to be the earliest, has not survived)7. Actually, the SRT has to be considered as a bilingual text, an icastic metaphor for a multiple frontier – linguistic, but also chronological, geographic and cultural – by which our text is crossed and obviously defined. Since it came out of the printing press in Sibiu between 1551 and 1552–1553, the SRT contains the earliest preserved Rumanian translation of the Gospels, made probably after 1526 (assuming the translation, as well as the printing of the SRT, was of Lutheran origin indeed). The SRT print followed shortly the appearance of the first writings in Rumanian vernacular and signed the beginning of the slow decline of Slavonism, a process which had to span more than one century. In fact, it was not before the 18th century that Rumanian became the official language of the Church, State, and written culture, replacing Church and chancery Slavonic. The translation and the final edition of the Rumanian text took place, respec- tively, in Banat or Moldavia and Transylvania, that is on the frontier between the Orthodox East with its Byzantine-Slavic tradition, and the Catholic or Reformed Latin West. In the mid-16th century, the majority of Rumanians formed still part of the so called Slavia Orthodoxa: Rumanian Orthodoxy was firmly based on the prima- cy of the Church Slavonic, which, while not implying any official ban on using vernacular as the language of worship or in the Scripture, did not encourage it 5 Cf. Codicele Bratul, ed. A. Gafton, Iaşi 2003 (cetera: CB) (= http://media.lit.uaic.ro/gafton/txt/text [26 IX 2016]). 6 Gheţie and Mareş observed the following correspondences in the fragments of Mt 26, between r v r v CB and SRT: vv. 7, 14–8, 20 and 24 – SRT ff. 105 11–13, 105 16–106 5, 10–14, 106 1–2; CB ff. 44016–19, 4411–20. Cf. I. Gheţie, Al. Mareş, Originile scrisului…, p. 336–357 and G. Mihăilă, Primul manuscris românesc pre-coresian datat: Codicele Popii Bratul din Braşov (1559–1560) şi sursele sale, [in:] Studii de lingvistică şi filologie, Timişoara 1981, p. 64–71. 7 In 1965, access to the microfilm with the entire text and unprecedented flowering of paleographic and philological studies revolutionized the knowledge of the SRT, that had achieved little progress since 1891 (the printing had been dated back to 1580, assuming the 1579 Slavonic Tetraevangelion of Coresi as a terminus a quo). About the progress occurred in dating the SRT since the middle of the 1960s, cf. I. Gheţie, [rec.:] Evangheliarul slavo-român de la Sibiu 1551–1553… – SCL 23, 6, 1972, p. 664–670 (esp. p. 666–667). Retrieved from https://czasopisma.uni.lodz.pl/sceranea [26.09.2021] Rumanian Slavia as the Frontier of Orthodoxy… 61 either, rightly claiming that it contributed to the spread of heresies8. In this regard, the printing of the Slavo-Rumanian Tetraevangelion represented a formal com- promise between the Lutheran proselytism, which almost certainly inspired the Rumanian translation, and the Slavonic tradition. However, the same necessity for such a compromise indicates that a cultural boundary continued to exist between the two parallel texts of the SRT, and that the Rumanian text (or rather the biblical use of Rumanian vernacular) was still beyond it. Bearing in mind that the contrast between the Latinity of language and the Slavicity of rite was just starting to emerge, the fact that, in the 16th century, a num- ber of texts appeared featuring parallel or alternated Rumanian and Slavonic, may be explained in two ways: 1. Slavonic was less and less known and had to be translated not so much for the faithful, as for the uneducated Orthodox clergy (especially in Transylva- nia, where Orthodoxy was discriminated and consequently no stable Orthodox hierarchy existed at that time)9; 2. at most, the Rumanian text could integrate the canonical one in Slavonic, although its use was not allowed in the liturgy10. As a consequence, the Church Slavonic was itself beyond a linguistic boundary, though it had, apart from its liturgical, sacral value, a kind of identitarian value: throughout the Middle Ages and later, the spiritual and linguistic communion (Slavonism) with the Orthodox Slavs were the principal, if not the unique main- stay of the Rumanian identity, especially in those frontier areas where Rumanian Orthodoxy was exposed to Catholic or Protestant proselytism11. Only thanks to the Union with Rome accepted by the majority of the Orthodox Church of Tran- sylvania (1698–1700) and the consequent emergence of the “Latinist School”, the Romanity by descent and the Latinity by language would play such a role12. 8 Significantly, still in 1698, the instructions of Dositheos, Patriarch of Jerusalem, to the Neo-Met- ropolitan of Transylvania, Athanasiu, indicated church Slavonic and Greek as the sacred languages to be used in the Orhtodox liturgy and in the comments on the Scripture, restricting the use of Ru- manian to sermons – if addressed to Rumanians, and reading of the Gospels, but the latter only in the first 1688 official translation (the so called Bible of Bucharest). Cf. Acte si fragmente latine romanesci pentru istori’a Beserecei romane mai alesu unite, edite si adnotate, ed. T. Cipariu, Blasiu 1855, p. 243–244. 9 Cf. C. Alzati, Terra romena tra Oriente e Occidente. Chiese ed etnie nel tardo ’500, Milano 1981, p. 89–98, 99–105. 10 Cf. G. Mihăilă, Textele bilingve…, p. 233–245, esp. 244. 11 Cf. C. Alzati, Terra romena…, p. 89–90. 12 Cf. L. Valmarin, La latinità dei rumeni come arma politica dalla Scuola transilvana a oggi, [in:] La latinité hier, aujourd’hui, demain, Actes du Congrčs international procurés par Georges et Ilinca Retrieved from https://czasopisma.uni.lodz.pl/sceranea [26.09.2021] 62 Giuseppe Stabile The printing of the Tetraevangelion in Rumanian a few years after the Cat- echism, was an unprecedented event, and yet the appearance of these two Church books in vernacular was quite typical for the Lutheran proselytism. There are no more than two translations inspired by Protestantism in the Rumanian text of the SRT, concealing a radical condemnation of the Orthodox ecclesiastical hierarchies, one of “Pharisee” with duhovnic ‘confessor, spiritual (priest)’, the other of “high priest” with mitropolit ‘metropolitan’, vlădică and pis- cup ‘bishop’13. Needless to say, the SRT, already as a product of the Lutheran proselytism for Rumanian of Orthodox faith, would cross a linguistical and cultural frontier with the West of the Reformation and its local representatives, the Saxons, Hungarians, but also reformed Slavs, of both Latin and Orthodox origins14. The latter, like the Rumanians, are better known for their loyalty to Orthodoxy, loyalty which has not prevented them from contributing to the activity of the Transylvanian Cyrillic presses established by “Latins” (reformed Saxons or Hungarians)15. Filip Maler “the Moldavian”, the printer and probably the editor of the SRT, can also be seen as a “frontier-figure”.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Darius PETKŪNAS – the Sources of the 1545 Old Prussian Language
    THE SOURCES OF THE 1545 OLD PRUSSIAN LANGUAGE CATECHISMS Darius Petkūnas Abstract The Teutonic Order in Prussia recognised and acknowledged its responsibility to catechise both the German-speaking colonists and the native population. The Reformation made no radical changes to these requirements, but gave them serious attention. During the 1540s to the 1560s, several Catechisms for the non-German subjects of the Duke of Prussia were pre- pared and published in Königsberg, including three in the Old Prussian language. The editor 189 of the first and second Old Prussian-language Catechisms published bilingual books, with the German Catechism on the left-hand page, and the same text on the right-hand page in the Old Prussian language. Reinhold Trautmann established that the source of the Decalogue in these books was Luther’s 1531 Small Catechism. However, he had difficulties confirming the sources of the remaining four parts of the Catechism, since he found a number of words and phrases which could not be identified as coming from Luther’s Catechisms. The article elaborates on Trautmann’s thesis that the source of the German Decalogue is Luther’s 1531 Enchiridion. In addition, it argues that the sources of the remaining parts of the Catechism were German-lan- guage catechetical and liturgical texts that were circulating in Prussia at that time. KEY WORDS: Duchy of Prussia, catechisation, Old Prussian language, Martin Luther. ANOTACIJA Vokiečių ordinas Prūsijoje suvokė ir pripažino savo pareigą katechizuoti tiek vokiečiakalbius ko- lonistus, tiek ir vietinius gyventojus. Reformacija neturėjo esminės įtakos šiems reikalavimams atsirasti, bet sustiprino jiems teikiamą dėmesį.
    [Show full text]
  • Philip Melanchthon in the Writings of His Polish Contemporaries
    ODRODZENIE I REFORMACJA W POLSCE ■ SI 2017 ■ PL ISSN 0029-8514 Janusz Tazbir Philip Melanchthon in the Writings of his Polish Contemporaries Over thirty years ago Oskar Bartel, a distinguished scholar of the history of the Polish Reformation, bemoaned how little was known about the relations between preceptor Germaniae and the movement. In an article about the familiarity with Melanchthon, both as person and his oeuvre, in Poland, Bartel wrote: “wir besitzen einige Werke, meist Broschüren über Luther, Calvin, sogar Hus und Zwingli, aber ich habe keine über Melanchton gefunden”.1 Bartel’s article provided a recapitulation, if somewhat incomplete, of the state of research at the time, and essentially stopped at the death of the Reformer. There- fore, in this study I would like to point to the results of the last thirty years of research, on the one hand, and highlight the post-mortem impact of Melanchthon’s writings and the reflection of his person in the memories of the next generations, on the other. The new information about the contacts Melanchthon had with Poland that has come to light since the 1960s is scattered across a number of articles or monographs; there is to date no separate study devoted to the German Reformer. Only a handful of contributions have been published. No wonder therefore that twenty years after the publication of Bartel’s article, Roman Nir begins his study of corre- spondence between Melanchthon and Krzycki thus: “Relatively little 1 O. Bartel, “Luther und Melanchton in Polen,” in: Luther und Melanchton. Refe­ rate und Berichte des Zweiten Internationalen Kongress für Lutherforschung, Münster, 8.–13.
    [Show full text]
  • Evangelical Burial Liturgy in Gdansk and Prussia in the Light of Unknown Liturgical Agendas
    „Universitas Gedanensis”, R.23, 2011, t. 42, ss. 101-116 Ks. Zdzisław Kropidłowski (Bydgoszcz-Gdańsk) Evangelical burial liturgy in Gdansk and Prussia in the light of unknown liturgical agendas Summary: We can learn about forms of Evangelical burial liturgy in Gdansk and Prussia from liturgical agendas published in Konigsberg, Gdansk and Torun. Over ten editions enable to follow through the development of litur- gy and Evangelical doctrine in both Royal and Ducal Prussia. They are also significant for our studies on Polish culture, social life of Polish Protestants and the development of the Polish language. An analysis proves that burial liturgy of Prussian Evangelicals evolved from an austere form conforming to Luther’s and Melanchton’s teachings to a complex one, resembling Roman Catholic liturgy, including texts from the Bible, Church Fathers and even the poetry of Jan Kochanowski, the greatest Polish Renaissance poet, who was a Catholic. The liturgy was conducted in both German and Polish in Gdansk and Konigsberg; in Torun and in the country the Polish language was more frequently used. Key words: Evangelical liturgy, liturgical agendas, funerals, the develop- ment of the Polish language, Royal Prussia and Ducal Prussia. The expression ‘liturgical agenda’ comes from Latin agere – act, fulfill in contrast to credenda, which is what we should believe in. Throughout history the meaning of the term agenda changed. First, it referred to all liturgical activities, then it denoted sacramental liturgy rites (as defined by Pope Innocent I in his Letter to Decencius) or celebrating Holy Mass (as defined by Carthage Second Synod, canon 9). According to the Benedictine rule, canon XIII, agenda meant breviary prayers, e.g.
    [Show full text]
  • Protestantism and the Development of the Polish Language
    The Knowledge Bank at The Ohio State University Article Title: Protestantism and the Development of the Polish Language Article Author: Szymczak, Mieczsław Journal Title: Polata Knigopisnaia Issue Date: August 1987 Publisher: William R. Veder, Vakgroep Slavistiek, Katholieke Universiteit, Postbus 9103, 6500 HD Nijmegen (Holland) Citation: Polata Knigopisnaia: an Information Bulletin Devoted to the Study of Early Slavic Books, Texts and Literatures 16 (August 1987): 48-55. Appears in: Community: Hilandar Research Library Sub-Community: Polata Knigopisnaia Collection: Polata Knigopisnaia: Volume 16 (August 1987) PROTEST ANTI SH AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE POLl SH LANGUAGE HIECZVs-tAW SZYHCZAK The Protestant movement in Poland cast its net very wide. lt marked all fields of social life. lt is not surprising therefore that its influence can be seen also in the field of language. The aim of my paper is to show exactly how this movement affected the development of the Polish language. The Polish Renaissance was a time of the discovery of the world and man; language had to keep up with this development of thought and culture. Language played an especially important part in the struggle to realize the ideas of the Reformation. lt participated in a decisive way in the forming of social consciousness. But at the same time it underwent a process of integration and normalization. This was because socially established meanings of words are necessary for the conveying of a message, hence the social demand for a common na­ tional Polish literary language. In Poland up to and including the fifteenth century the official state language, the language of literature, the language of the Royal Chancellery and the language used in schools was in effect Latin} The national and literary Polish language was formed in the sixteenth cen­ tury.
    [Show full text]
  • Orthographies in Early Modern Europe
    Orthographies in Early Modern Europe Orthographies in Early Modern Europe Edited by Susan Baddeley Anja Voeste De Gruyter Mouton An electronic version of this book is freely available, thanks to the support of libra- ries working with Knowledge Unlatched. KU is a collaborative initiative designed to make high quality books Open Access. More information about the initiative can be found at www.knowledgeunlatched.org An electronic version of this book is freely available, thanks to the support of libra- ries working with Knowledge Unlatched. KU is a collaborative initiative designed to make high quality books Open Access. More information about the initiative can be found at www.knowledgeunlatched.org ISBN 978-3-11-021808-4 e-ISBN (PDF) 978-3-11-021809-1 e-ISBN (EPUB) 978-3-11-021806-2 ISSN 0179-0986 e-ISSN 0179-3256 ThisISBN work 978-3-11-021808-4 is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 3.0 License, ase-ISBN of February (PDF) 978-3-11-021809-1 23, 2017. For details go to http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/. e-ISBN (EPUB) 978-3-11-021806-2 LibraryISSN 0179-0986 of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Ae-ISSN CIP catalog 0179-3256 record for this book has been applied for at the Library of Congress. ISBN 978-3-11-028812-4 e-ISBNBibliografische 978-3-11-028817-9 Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliogra- fie;This detaillierte work is licensed bibliografische under the DatenCreative sind Commons im Internet Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs über 3.0 License, Libraryhttp://dnb.dnb.deas of February of Congress 23, 2017.abrufbar.
    [Show full text]
  • The Development Path of the Serbian Language and Script Matica Srpska – Members’ Society of Montenegro Department of Serbian Language and Literature
    Jelica Stojanović THE DEVELOPMENT PATH OF THE SERBIAN LANGUAGE AND SCRIPT MATICA SRPSKA – MEMBERS’ SOCIETY OF MONTENEGRO DEPARTMENT OF SERBIAN LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE Title of the original Serbian Edition: Jelica Stojanović, Put srpskog jezika i pisma, Belgrade, Srpska književna zadruga, 2017, The Blue Edition series For the publisher JELICA STOJANOVIĆ Editor DRAGO PEROVIĆ Translation NOVICA PETROVIĆ ©Матица српска – Друштво чланова у Црној Гори, Подгорица, 2020. Jelica Stojanović THE DEVELOPMENT PATH OF THE SERBIAN LANGUAGE AND SCRIPT Podgorica 2020 MILOš KOVAčEVIć THE DEVELOPMENT PATH OF THE SERBIAN LANGUAGE AND SCRIPT, MADE UP OF STRAY PATHS Only two years have passed from the two hundredth anni- versary of the beginning of Vuk Karadžić’s struggle for “intro- ducing the folk language in literature”, that is to say, from the introduction of the Serbian folk language in the Serbian literary language, or to put it in the more modern phrasing of today: the standard language. The beginning of that struggle is connected to the year 1814, when, in the royal city of Vienna, Vuk’s first grammar book came out: The Orthography of the Serbian Lan- guage Based on the Speech of the Common Folk, which dealt with resolving the three most important standard-related issues: a) the issue of the Serbian orthography, b) the issue of the morpho- logical structure of the Serbian language, and c) the issue of the name of the language and its national boundaries. Rare are the languages, if, indeed, there are any, which have had such a turbulent history of two hundred years. The histor- ical development of a language can be followed at two histor- ical levels: that of its internal and that of its external history.
    [Show full text]
  • The Lutheran Herald the Evangelical Lutheran Diocese of North America (Eldona)
    The Lutheran Herald The Evangelical Lutheran Diocese of North America (ELDoNA) October 2006 Issue—Festival of the Reformation Lutheran [email protected] Whither the Reformation? by Rt. Rev. James D. Heiser Bishop, The ELDoNA Pastor, Salem Lutheran Church (Malone, TX) as the Reformation become passé? There was us what is the truth, but to demonstrate that most people Ha time when ecclesiastical and secular authori- aren’t even interested—for good or for ill—in the most ties were sufficiently bothered by Lutherans to burn them significant event in the last 500 years of Western history. at the stake and march armies across Germany. But to- In fact, I believe that there isn’t much interest in day the successor of Pope Leo X would probably say, the Reformation in the culture, because there isn’t very much “Why bother?” concern for the Reformation in the Church. The Consider the movie theater, that bastion of mod- Leuenberg Agreement and the Joint Declaration on the ern Western ‘popular culture.’ For good or for ill, one Doctrine of Justification prove this point. can gain a fair estimate of the mental state of the Ameri- In March 1973, delegates of European Lutheran, can people from their choice of entertainment. There Reformed, and United (Union) churches, signed the was a time not too long ago when the classic, black and Leuenberg Agreement. The agreement established that white movie Martin Luther (1953) was at least contro- the doctrinal divisions which had stood since the Refor- versial; Romanists even tried to stop it from being aired mation were no longer divisive of church fellowship.
    [Show full text]
  • Nowo Wydany Kancjonał Pruski 131 Niai (1741) Released by Johann S Heinrich Hartung’S Publish
    (Online) ISSN 2345-0053. KNYGOTYRA. 2015. 64 NOWO WYDanY KancJonał prusKI 131 NIAI (1741) RELEasED BY Johann S HEINRich HARTUNG’S PUBLish- ING HOUSE of KÖnigsbERG STRAIP against thE BackgROUND of thE EaRLIER PUBLications IN KÖnigsbERG Anna Paluszak-Bronka | Kazimierz Wielki University Mirosława Wronkowska- Jana Karola Chodkiewicza 30, -Dimitrowa 85-064 Bydgoszcz, Poland E-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] Königsber was a significant centre of printing and publishing activities during the 16–18th centuries. Printing production was not only set by the needs of the society of Ducal Prussia, but also by the ambitions to reach the readers from the neighbouring Polish and Lithuanian lands. Nowo wydany Kancjonał Pruski, whose main editor was the priest Jerzy Wasiański, ap- peared in 1741, the last edition appeared in 1926. So this songbook circu- lated till the 20th century. There are nearly 150 editions of this songbook, most of them consisting of more than 50 000 books. In the years 1782–1918 this songbook had one edition per year on a regular basis. Nowo wydany Kancjonał Pruski, or Kancjonał mazurski, was the most popular songbook among the Mazurians till beginning of the 20th century. Key Words: Ducal Prussia, Hartung Publishing House, Songbooks. Königsberg, since the times of the Reformation, the centre of the Lutheran Publishing House, had been an example in which one of the elements of the Renaissance Culture, namely – the crowning point in the development of printing and publishing – reached its peak creating the prestige of the town for the next centuries. The Reformation did not provide favourable conditions for its development in the Republic of Poland due to the prohibition of promoting reli- gious trends and publishing the books of the infidel, although the bourgeoisie and 132 gentry were craving for the proper literature in the Polish language.
    [Show full text]
  • Reformatoren
    MANN IM SPIEGEL Periodikum der Männerarbeit der EKBO Seelsorge - Erwachsenenbildung - Gemeindeaufbau Ausgabe für November Dezember 2016 Januar 2017 Der illuminierte Berliner Dom Reformatoren Männerarbeit der EKBO Luther und Melanchthon haben die in Blau innerhalb eines goldenen Ringes einge- fasste silberne Rose, belegt mit einem roten Herzen, dieses wiederum belegt mit einem schwarzen Kreuz, als persönliches heraldisches Symbol geführt, und bezeich- net als „ Lutherrose “. In einem Brief vom 8.7.1530 an Lazarus Spengler gibt Luther selbst in folgende In- terpretation: „ Von der Symbolik her steht das Kreuz auf dem Herz dafür, dass der Glaube an den Gekreuzigten uns selig macht und dass der Glaube das Herz in natürlicher Farbe lebendig erhält. Die weiße (silberne) Rose steht dafür, dass der Glaube Freude, Trost und Frieden gibt. Der goldene Ring soll ausdrücken, dass die Seligkeit im Himmel ewig währt, und wie Gold das höchste Erz ist, so soll die himmlische Seligkeit die köstlichste aller Freuden sein. Das Blau des Feldes steht für den Himmel und für himmlische Freude bzw. die Hoffnung darauf.“ Die Blarer waren ursprünglich Bürger von St. Gallen, aber von 1330 an ging die Fa- milie verstärkt nach Konstanz, handelte mit Leinwand und stieg unter die Ratsge- schlechter auf. Die Reformation spaltete die Konstanzer Familie in zwei Zweige. Die katholische Linie erlosch bald wieder, die protestantische überlebte länger und starb erst mit dem Major Philipp am 20.1.1865 aus. Von der protestantischen Familie ist der Reformator Ambrosius (4.4.1492-6.12.1564) der bekannteste Vertreter war. Blaurer ist die schwäbische Variante des Familiennamens. Inhalt Grußwort und Gedanken zu den Monatslosungen S.
    [Show full text]
  • Festschrift Brogi 2008A Web.Indd
    BIBLIOTECA DI STUDI SLAVISTICI – 8 – COMITATO SCIENTIFICO Giovanna Brogi Bercoff (Direttore), Michaela Böhmig, Stefano Garzonio (Presidente AIS), Nicoletta Marcialis, Marcello Garzaniti (Direttore esecutivo), Krassimir Stantchev COMITATO DI REDAZIONE Alberto Alberti, Giovanna Brogi Bercoff, Maria Chiara Ferro, Marcello Garzaniti, Stefano Garzonio, Giovanna Moracci, Marcello Piacentini, Donatella Possamai, Giovanna Siedina, Andrea Trovesi Titoli pubblicati 1. Nicoletta Marcialis, Introduzione alla lingua paleoslava, 2005 2. Ettore Gherbezza, Dei delitti e delle pene nella traduzione di Michail M. Ščerbatov, 2007 3. Gabriele Mazzitelli, Slavica biblioteconomica, 2007 4. Maria Grazia Bartolini, Giovanna Brogi Bercoff (a cura di), Kiev e Leopoli: il “testo” culturale, 2007 5. Maria Bidovec, Raccontare la Slovenia. Narratività ed echi della cultura popolare in Die Ehre Dess Hertzogthums Crain di J.W. Valvasor, 2008 6. Maria Cristina Bragone, Alfavitar radi učenija malych detej. Un abbecedario nella Russia del Seicento, 2008 7. Alberto Alberti, Stefano Garzonio, Nicoletta Marcialis, Bianca Sulpasso (a cura di), Contributi italiani al XIV Congresso Internazionale degli Slavisti (Ohrid, 10-16 set- tembre 2008), 2008 Nel mondo degli Slavi Incontri e dialoghi tra culture Studi in onore di Giovanna Brogi Bercoff Volume I a cura di Maria Di Salvo Giovanna Moracci Giovanna Siedina Firenze University Press 2008 Nel mondo degli Slavi. Incontri e dialoghi tra culture. Studi in onore di Giovanna Brogi Bercoff / a cura di Maria Di Salvo... [et al.]. - Firenze : Firenze University Press, 2008. (Biblioteca di Studi slavistici ; 8) http://digital.casalini.it/9788884538680 ISBN 978-88-8453-868-0 (online) ISBN 978-88-8453-867-3 (print) La collana Biblioteca di Studi Slavistici è curata dalla redazione di Studi Slavistici, rivista di proprietà dell’Associazione Italiana degli Slavisti (<http://epress.unifi.it/riviste/ss>).
    [Show full text]
  • The Ukrainian Weekly 1951
    THE PEASANT, BACKBONE OE UKRAINE, IS STALIN'S GREATEST FOE I eminent had complete control ovet* The peasants represent today grain distribution. 75% of the total population of Uk­ Ukrainian peasants rose in a ш&Шсьтіий ЩОДЕННИК UKRAINIAN DAILY, raine. Their industrious cultivation spontaneous and determined pro­ of the naturally good soil under test against the Soviet collectiviza­ Рік UX 4. 157. VoL UX. No. favorable climatic conditions help­ tion policy. However, all their ef­ ed to raise Ukrainian agriculture forts to resist were crushed ruth­ to its present high standard. lessly by the Soviets who In their Ukrainian peasants differ great­ "liquidation of the kulaks as a ly in their customs end methods class" did not flinch from a whole­ ftfcratnian Шее sale extermination of Ukrainian of soil-cultivation from the Russian Supplement peasants. Unlike the Russians, peasantry and deportation of every they have a long tradition of inde­ peasant suspected of opposition to яяг their policy. In the years 1929-30 5* в Зл Д. ; 7* Закордоном Ти. „Свобода*:1 BErgen fljjm — Тел. У. Н. Союзу: BErgen 4-ІОІв 5* In the United States; 7* Elsewhere pendent, individual farming. The "commune" system of collective, hundreds of thousands of Ukrain­ repartitional holdings so character­ ian peasants were deported to Si­ WEEKLY: No. 28. JERSEY CITY and NEW YORK. MONDAY, JULY 9, 1951 VOLUME XK beria. Many'escaped to the towns, — istic of Tsarist Russia, was un­ known in Ukraine. At the same where they lived under assumed ACCUMULATED PHENOMENALj THE KOREAN WAR. WHAT NEXT? time, serfdom was less strictly en­ names.
    [Show full text]
  • The Idea of the “True” Church in Sixteenth-Century Polish Catechi
    ODRODZENIE I REFORMACJA W POLSCE ■ SI 2016 ■ PL ISSN 0029-8514 Waldemar Kowalski Jan Kochanowski University, Kielce “Verily, Th is Is the Sheepfold of that Good Shepherd”: Th e Idea of the “True” Church in Sixteenth-Century Polish Catechisms Th e article discusses how the authors of sixteenth-century Polish Catholic and Evangelical catechisms perceived and analysed the notion of “the Church”. Fol- lowing the Tridentine programme, the Catholic authors present their Church as unifi ed under the Pope’s authority and the only inheritor of the works of the Apostles. Th e veracity of its teaching is testifi ed to with God’s unnatural inter- ventions – miracles. Protestant theologians teach about “the visible and outward Church”, which exists whenever the pure Word of God is preached and where sacraments are administered in accordance with the Holy Writ. Alongside the Visible Church, there exists “the invisible and inward Church” that unites all those following Christ, who is the one and only head of the Church. Keywords: Church, Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, catechism, reli- gious education, Renaissance, Council of Trent, reform at Trent A sense of belonging to the proper, i.e., “genuine”, Church was a cru- cial issue in the religiously divided Europe of the sixteenth century.1 Catholic and Evangelical theologians agreed that the right choice led to salvation, although it did not guarantee it.2 Th at made many 1 Th is opinion is shared by among others S.E. Schreiner, “Church,” in: Th e Oxford Encyclopedia of the Reformation, vol. 1, ed. H.J. Hillerbrand (Oxford and New York, 1996), p.
    [Show full text]