Rumanian Slavia As the Frontier of Orthodoxy the Case of the Slavo-Rumanian Tetraevangelion of Sibiu

Studia Ceranea 9, 2019, p. 59–87 ISSN: 2084-140X DOI: 10.18778/2084-140X.09.04 e-ISSN: 2449-8378

Giuseppe Stabile (Napoli) https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1427-9466

Rumanian Slavia as the Frontier of Orthodoxy The Case of the Slavo-Rumanian Tetraevangelion of Sibiu

the Tetraevangelion also known as the Slavo-Rumanian Evangeliarion of In Sibiu1, the slow sunset of the Slavonism seems to face the dawn of the Rumanian literary tradition. Not only is it the earliest extant text in Slavonic and Rumanian languages, but it is also the earliest provided with parallel bilingual transcription, and the only version of the Gospels printed in such a form, at least in the 16th century2. Regardless whether it originally contained all four – or just three – Synoptic Gospels, only two fragments of the SRT are preserved today, both from the Gospel of Matthew:

1. the more extensive one (ff. 1r–117v, Mt 3, 17 – 27, 55), in the Saltykov-Ščedrin Library in Saint Petersburg3;

2. the shorter one (ff. 36v–37r, Mt 12, 12–28), in the Orthodox Church of Oiejdea (Alba Iulia), where it was discovered in the 1970s4.

1 Evangheliarul slavo-român de la Sibiu (1551–1553), ed. E. Petrovici, L. Demény, Bucureşti 1971 (cetera: SRT). 2 Cf. G. Mihăilă, Textele bilingve slavo-române şi unele aspecte ale studiului calcului lingvistic, [in:] Contribuţii la istoria culturii şi literaturii române vechi, Bucureşti 1972, p. 236–244, esp. 241. For a critical up-to-date overview on the SRT, cf. I. Gheţie, A. Mareş, Originile scrisului In limba română, Bucureşti 1985, p. 337–342; E. Pavel, Textul evanghelic în cultura românească, LR 66, 1, 2012, p. 30–31. 3 Cf. L. Demény, Evangheliarul slavo-român de la Sibiu – Prima tipăritură în limba română cunoscu- tă pînă azi, [in:] SRT, p. 22–98. 4 Cf. E. Mârza, Un fragment din Evangheliarul slavo-român de la Sibiu (1551–1553), LR 27, 2, 1978, p. 173–175 (= Explorări bibliografice, Sibiu 2008, p. 14–16).

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Only a handful of fragments of the indirect tradition of the SRT were identified inCodicele Bratul5, a Slavo-Rumanian intercalated miscellaneous text, which contains – among other texts – parts of the Acts of the Apostles and the Gospels, copied perhaps in Southern Transylvania and dated 1559–1560 by Pop Bratul, the copyist himself6. While the Slavonic text – late and “peripheral” – has been almost entirely overlooked by Slavists, the parallel Rumanian one used to arouse a certain interest among Rumanists, especially after it was discovered, about half a century ago, that it was the earliest preserved printed text (the Catehism luteran de la Sibiu, printed in 1544 and considered to be the earliest, has not survived)7. Actually, the SRT has to be considered as a bilingual text, an icastic metaphor for a multiple frontier – linguistic, but also chronological, geographic and cultural – by which our text is crossed and obviously defined. Since it came out of the printing press in Sibiu between 1551 and 1552–1553, the SRT contains the earliest preserved Rumanian translation of the Gospels, made probably after 1526 (assuming the translation, as well as the printing of the SRT, was of Lutheran origin indeed). The SRT print followed shortly the appearance of the first writings in Rumanian vernacular and signed the beginning of the slow decline of Slavonism, a process which had to span more than one century. In fact, it was not before the 18th century that Rumanian became the official language of the Church, State, and written culture, replacing Church and chancery Slavonic. The translation and the final edition of the Rumanian text took place, respectively, in Banat or Moldavia and Transylvania, that is on the frontier between the Orthodox East with its Byzantine-Slavic tradition, and the Catholic or Reformed Latin West. In the mid-16th century, the majority of Rumanians formed still part of the so called Slavia Orthodoxa: Rumanian Orthodoxy was firmly based on the prima- cy of the Church Slavonic, which, while not implying any official ban on using vernacular as the language of worship or in the Scripture, did not encourage it

5 Cf. Codicele Bratul, ed. A. Gafton, Iaşi 2003 (cetera: CB) (= http://media.lit.uaic.ro/gafton/txt/text [26 IX 2016]). 6 Gheţie and Mareş observed the following correspondences in the fragments of Mt 26, between r v r v CB and SRT: vv. 7, 14–8, 20 and 24 – SRT ff. 105 11–13, 105 16–106 5, 10–14, 106 1–2; CB ff. 44016–19, 4411–20. Cf. I. Gheţie, Al. Mareş, Originile scrisului…, p. 336–357 and G. Mihăilă, Primul manuscris românesc pre-coresian datat: Codicele Popii Bratul din Braşov (1559–1560) şi sursele sale, [in:] Studii de lingvistică şi filologie, Timişoara 1981, p. 64–71. 7 In 1965, access to the microfilm with the entire text and unprecedented flowering of paleographic and philological studies revolutionized the knowledge of the SRT, that had achieved little progress since 1891 (the printing had been dated back to 1580, assuming the 1579 Slavonic Tetraevangelion of Coresi as a terminus a quo). About the progress occurred in dating the SRT since the middle of the 1960s, cf. I. Gheţie, [rec.:] Evangheliarul slavo-român de la Sibiu 1551–1553… – SCL 23, 6, 1972, p. 664–670 (esp. p. 666–667).

Retrieved from https://czasopisma.uni.lodz.pl/sceranea [26.09.2021] Rumanian Slavia as the Frontier of Orthodoxy… 61 either, rightly claiming that it contributed to the spread of heresies8. In this regard, the printing of the Slavo-Rumanian Tetraevangelion represented a formal compromise between the Lutheran proselytism, which almost certainly inspired the Rumanian translation, and the Slavonic tradition. However, the same necessity for such a compromise indicates that a cultural boundary continued to exist between the two parallel texts of the SRT, and that the Rumanian text (or rather the biblical use of Rumanian vernacular) was still beyond it. Bearing in mind that the contrast between the Latinity of language and the Slavicity of rite was just starting to emerge, the fact that, in the 16th century, a number of texts appeared featuring parallel or alternated Rumanian and Slavonic, may be explained in two ways:

1. Slavonic was less and less known and had to be translated not so much for the faithful, as for the uneducated Orthodox clergy (especially in Transylva- nia, where Orthodoxy was discriminated and consequently no stable Orthodox hierarchy existed at that time)9;

2. at most, the Rumanian text could integrate the canonical one in Slavonic, although its use was not allowed in the liturgy10.

As a consequence, the Church Slavonic was itself beyond a linguistic boundary, though it had, apart from its liturgical, sacral value, a kind of identitarian value: throughout the Middle Ages and later, the spiritual and linguistic communion (Slavonism) with the Orthodox Slavs were the principal, if not the unique main- stay of the Rumanian identity, especially in those frontier areas where Rumanian Orthodoxy was exposed to Catholic or Protestant proselytism11. Only thanks to the Union with Rome accepted by the majority of the Orthodox Church of Tran- sylvania (1698–1700) and the consequent emergence of the “Latinist School”, the Romanity by descent and the Latinity by language would play such a role12.

8 Significantly, still in 1698, the instructions of Dositheos, Patriarch of Jerusalem, to the Neo-Met- ropolitan of Transylvania, Athanasiu, indicated church Slavonic and Greek as the sacred languages to be used in the Orhtodox liturgy and in the comments on the Scripture, restricting the use of Ru- manian to sermons – if addressed to Rumanians, and reading of the Gospels, but the latter only in the first 1688 official translation (the so called Bible of Bucharest). Cf. Acte si fragmente latine romanesci pentru istori’a Beserecei romane mai alesu unite, edite si adnotate, ed. T. Cipariu, Blasiu 1855, p. 243–244. 9 Cf. C. Alzati, Terra romena tra Oriente e Occidente. Chiese ed etnie nel tardo ’500, Milano 1981, p. 89–98, 99–105. 10 Cf. G. Mihăilă, Textele bilingve…, p. 233–245, esp. 244. 11 Cf. C. Alzati, Terra romena…, p. 89–90. 12 Cf. L. Valmarin, La latinità dei rumeni come arma politica dalla Scuola transilvana a oggi, [in:] La latinité hier, aujourd’hui, demain, Actes du Congrčs international procurés par Georges et Ilinca

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The printing of the Tetraevangelion in Rumanian a few years after the Cat- echism, was an unprecedented event, and yet the appearance of these two Church books in vernacular was quite typical for the Lutheran proselytism. There are no more than two translations inspired by Protestantism in the Rumanian text of the SRT, concealing a radical condemnation of the Orthodox ecclesiastical hierarchies, one of “Pharisee” with duhovnic ‘confessor, spiritual (priest)’, the other of “high priest” with mitropolit ‘metropolitan’, vlădică and pis- cup ‘bishop’13. Needless to say, the SRT, already as a product of the Lutheran proselytism for Rumanian of Orthodox faith, would cross a linguistical and cultural frontier with the West of the Reformation and its local representatives, the Saxons, Hungarians, but also reformed Slavs, of both Latin and Orthodox origins14. The latter, like the Rumanians, are better known for their loyalty to Orthodoxy, loyalty which has not prevented them from contributing to the activity of the Transylvanian Cyrillic presses established by “Latins” (reformed Saxons or Hungarians)15. Filip Maler “the Moldavian”, the printer and probably the editor of the SRT, can also be seen as a “frontier-figure”. A native of Moldavia or Banat, Filip was almost certainly a Saxon, and as such he belonged to a community that shared strong Latin traditions, in recent times converted to Hussitism and later to Luther- anism16. Between 1521 and 1554, a Magister Philippus is mentioned in the Konsularrech- nungen of Sibiu in the service of the city government as a typographer, engraver/

Barthouil-Ionesco, Avignon – 10–13 mai 1978, ed. G. Barthouil, I. Barthouil-Ionesco, Bucarest 1981, p. 403. 13 Cf. I. Gheţie, A. Mareş, Originile scrisului…, p. 342. 14 They were a part of what I would call the little Slavia transylvanica mixta, community of Czechs and Slovakians, but also Bulgarians, Serbians and Ruthenians, not to mention the Şchei. Between the 15th and the 16th century, Rum. Şcheau designated Bulgarians from Transylvania (and perhaps Rumanians coming from Bulgaria), mainly Orthodox, but among which the Lutheran and Catholic propaganda seem to have found proselytes in a significant number, cf. F. Miklośich, Die Sprache der Bulgaren in Siebenbürgen, Wien 1856, p. 2; Л. МИЛЕТИЧ, Дако-ромънитѣ и тѣхната славян- ска писменость, II, Нови влахо-български грамоти отъ Брашовъ, СНУНК 9, 1896, p. 9–17, 29. About etymology and meaning of Rum. Şcheau, cf. also I. Hurdubeţiu, Originea Scheilor şi răspîn- direa lor pe teritoriul carpato-dunărean, SAIst 14, 1969, p. 196–199, 202–204; about Şcheau/Bulgar alternation in Transylvanian documents, A.M. Gherman, Lexic românesc în documente transilvăne- ne. Socotelile oraşelor Braşov şi Sibiu, D [s.n.] 13, 1, 2008, p. 57. 15 Hard to say, realistically, whether their contribution was motivated by a missionary spirit or by profit. Cf. P. Atanasov, L’imprimerie en Roumanie et les bulgares de Braşov au XVIe s. (La collaboration culturelle bulgaro-roumaine au XVIe s.), EB 6, 1967, p. 123–139. 16 Cf. I. Gheţie, Consideraţii filologice asupra Evangheliarului din Petersburg, SCL 17, 1, 1966, p. 54, 61, 77; idem, Evangheliarul slavo-român de la Sibiu şi textele româneşti cu litere latine şi ortografie maghiară, LR 28, 2, 1979, p. 84; A. Mareş, Observaţii cu privire la Evangheliarul din Petersburg, LR 16, 1, 1967, p. 72 and idem, Evangheliarul din Petersburg, tipărirea unei mai vechi traduceri moldove- neşti, LR 17, 1, 1968, p. 86.

Retrieved from https://czasopisma.uni.lodz.pl/sceranea [26.09.2021] Rumanian Slavia as the Frontier of Orthodoxy… 63 illustrator (Moler/pictor), scribe and translator of “Wallachian” (scriba/interpres), and a liaison and envoy to the Rumanian countries17. In 1544, the versatile typographer was commissioned by the Saxon authorities of Sibiu – recently converted to the Lutheran Reformation – to print the (now lost) Rumanian Catechism and in 1546 the Slavonic Tetraevangelion18, whose colophon bears the signature Филипь Мо(л)довѣнинь19. Considering his functions, it is highly probable that apart from German and possibly Latin, Filip knew Slavonic and Rumanian. He presumably knew the kind of Slavonic used in tribunals, legislation and chancery rather than the ecclesiastical one, while he had a practical knowledge of Rumanian, as a non-native speaker but grown up in constant relation with the Rumanophone communities. Since as a non-Orthodox layman he did not have access to higher education in Slavonic, it was impossible for him to receive it in Rumanian: at the time, no literary tradition existed, much less biblical, in the vernacular, only recently and sporadically used in its written form (a handful of proto-translations of the Gos- pels we know would be seen as pioneering and isolated attempts). Even if the title of Magister/Meister implied not the craft but higher education – as Hervay assumed20 – it did not include litteræ slavonicæ or rutenicales: sons of Saxon nobility received Western Catholic or Protestant education, preferably in Cracow, Prague, Vienna or some German city21. The fact that Filip and his “bottega” (assistants) printed alongside the Tetra- evangelion in Church Slavonic does not tell us which knowledge they had of this language: the Slavonic text of the SRT is a faithful reprint of the SST, which, in turn, was a faithful reprint of the Slavonic Tetraevangelion printed in Târgovişte by the Hieromonk Makarije of Montenegro in 1512 (Trg)22. Reprinting the SST had

17 Cf. P. Binder, A. Huttmann, Contribuţii la biografie lui Filip Moldoveanul, primul tipograf român. Evoluţia vieţii culturale româneşti la Sibiu în epoca umanistă, LL 16, 1968, p. 150–156, 165, 170–174. 18 Tetraevanghel slavonesc, Sibiu 1546, BAR II 630 838 (cetera: SST). 19 Cf. N. Iorga, Cinci comunicări la Academia Română, III, Tipărituri româneşti necunoscute, RI 17, 1–3, 1931, p. 9–10; L. Demény, Evangheliarul slavo-român…, p. 81–88; contra P. P. Panaitescu, Les origines de l’imprimerie en langue roumaine, RESEE 6, 1, 1968, p. 26. 20 Cf. F. Hervay, L’imprimerie du maître Philippe de Nagyszeben et les premiers livres en langue roumaine, MK 81, 2, 1965, p. 124–125. 21 Cf. Ş. Papacostea, Moldova în epoca Reformei. Contribuţie la istoria societăţii moldoveneşti în veacul al XVI-lea, SRI 11, 4, 1958, p. 61 and R. Manolescu, Cultura orăşenească în Moldova în a doua jumătate a secolului al XV-lea, [in:] Cultura moldovenească în timpul lui Ştefan cel Mare, ed. M. Berza, Bucureşti 1964, p. 79–81. 22 Cf. Das Tetraevangelium des Makarije aus dem Jahre 1512. Der 1te kirchenslavische Evangeliendruck. Faksimile-Ausgabe, ed. H. Miklas et al., Padeborn–München–Wien–Zürich 1999 (cetera: Trg). The first allusion to typographical analogies between the SRT and the Trg can be found in P. Sîrku (cf. [rec.] Psaltirea publicată la 1577 de Diaconul Coresi, Reprodusă cu un studiu şi glosar comparativ la B. Petriceicu-Haşdeu – ЖMНП 228, 1883, p. 393). The discovery that, except for sporadic omissions and spelling differences, the Trg, the SST and the SRT contain the same text can be attributed to Emil Petrovici apud L. Demény, O tipăritură slavo-română precoresiană, SRI 18, 5, 1965, p. 1031.

Retrieved from https://czasopisma.uni.lodz.pl/sceranea [26.09.2021] 64 Giuseppe Stabile the obvious advantage of reduced time and costs, not to mention that no particular knowledge of Slavonic was required. Moreover, the text was the first printed Sla- vonic Tetraevangelion and, if that was not enough to make it more authoritative, it contained a poslědoslovie by Voivode Neagoe Basarab who made it de facto an “official” edition23. Crossing the Carpathians, however, the Trg seems to have undergone some significant adjustments to the Lutheran milieu in the paratext. In the prědislovie to the Gospel of John, written by Theophylact of Ohrid, two sentences were omitted that the Sibian editor apparently considered to be too openly at odds with Luther’s Reformation:

1. [иже дх҃а сила въ немощи съвръшает сѧ• ꙗко же и писано єⷭ҇ и вѣрѹемь•] въ немощиже не тѣлеси тъчїѫ, нѫ ѹбо и слова и прѣмѫдрѡсти на ѧꙁыцѣ лежѫ- v 4 ще (Trg, f. 213 5–8; cf. SST , p. 25) [ἠ τοῦ ἁγίου Πνεύματος δύναμις ἐν ἀσθενείᾳ τελειοῦται, καθὰ γέγραπται καὶ πιστεύομεν·] ἐν ἀσθενείᾳ δὲ οὐ σώματος μόνον, ἀλλὰ δὴ καὶ λόγου, καὶ σοφίας ἐν γλώττῃ κειμένης (PG, vol. CXXIII, col. 1133)

2. нѣцїи рѣшѧ ꙗко молишѧ его православнїи написати тѣмь о горнемь роженїи• ꙗкоже ꙗвлъшемь сѧ нѣкыимь еретикѡⷨ въ дн҃ехь ѡнѣхь⸱ прѣдаѫщиⷨ чл҃ка прос- r v 4 табыти Іс҃а (Trg, ff. 214 19–214 1; cf. SST , p. 26) δέ τινές φασι, καὶ ἠξίωσαν αὐτὸν οἱ ὀρθόδοξοι συγγράψαι περὶ τῆς ἄνω γεν- νήσεω; οἶα ἀναφανέντων τινῶν αἱρετικῶν ἐν ταῖ; ἠμήραι, ἐκείναιςν τῶν δγμα- τιζόντων ἄνθρωπον φιλὸν ὑπάρξαι τὸν ησοῦν (PG, vol. CXXIII, col. 1135)24.

In the first one – as far as we know, this omission has never been noticed so far – Theophylact commented on 2 Cor 12, 9 explaining that, as Paul points out, if the power of the Holy Spirit is fully manifested in its «weakness», this should be referred not to the flesh but to the word and the knowledge, which John, a man

Cf. L. Demény, D. Simonescu, Un capitol important din vechea cultură românească (Tetraevanghelul, Sibiu 1546), SCDB 1, Supl., 1965, p. 11 and A. Mareş, Precizări cu privire la traducerea Tetraevan- ghelului lui Coresi, SCL 18, 6, 1967, p. 664–665. 23 r v Cf. Trg, ff. 290 13–290 3: и аꙁь въ ха ба бл҃говѣрнїи и бг҃мь хранимїи и самодръжавни господарь Іѡ҃ басараба великыи воевода• и гпⷭ҇дїнь въсеи ꙁемли ѹ҆гровлахїскои и подѹнавїю… въꙁревновахь поспѣшѐнїемь ст҃го дх҃а и любовїѧ єже къ бжⷭ҇тъвнимь и ст҃имь цр҃квамь, написахь сїѧ дш҃е сп҃снѫѧ книгѫ четворобл҃говѣстїе… 24 The preface of Theopylact was reproduced, without any omission, not only by Makarije, but also by Coresi and Tudor in Braşov, in 1562, and by Lavrentie in Plumbuita, in 1575 ca. Cf. Tetra- r v evanghel slavonesc lui Coresi (Braşov 1562), BAR III 234 272 (cetera: CST), ff. 159 14–19, 159 1–6 and Tetraevanghel slavonesc lui Lavrentie or de la Plumbuita (1575 ca.), BCU-Cluj BRV 34 (cetera: PST), v r ff. 149 12–14, 150 20–25.

Retrieved from https://czasopisma.uni.lodz.pl/sceranea [26.09.2021] Rumanian Slavia as the Frontier of Orthodoxy… 65 of humble origins, was lacking. The overzealous Sibian editor may have thought that Theophylact’s comment clashed with Luther’s doctrine, according to which God’s Word (the Gospel) is the supreme symbol and testimony of the Revelation, the only nurturing of the faith (and in the faith, der Glaube aber ist es, wenn er gleich klein und schwach ist, God reveals Himself in all His power and greatness)25. In the second sentence – pointed out by Demény in 196526 – the Evangelist was described as a defender of Orthodoxy against heresy (according to Theophylact, at the request of some Orthodox Christians, John meant to confute an heresy that denied the eternal conception of the Christ by attributing Him a solely human nature). In fact, the sentence was omitted together with an entire fragment of the r v text in which Theophylact referred to the same heresy (Trg, ff. 214 1–214 11), then replaced by a part of prědislovie to the Gospel of Mark, where, in the form of a prophetic vision (cf. Apoc 4, 7 and Ezk 10, 14), Theophylact symbolically v r described the Four Evangelists (Trg, ff. 83 11–84 6). As for the possible Lutheran origin of such omissions, it should be also noticed that they all concern the Gospel of John and the Epistles of Paul, that Luther famously put first in the context of the New Testament27. In summary, it can be said with reasonable certainty that the Trg, an editio princeps of the Slavonic Tetraevangelion reprinted in the left-hand column of the SRT:

1. is different from the text printed in the CST and the PST28, but on par with all other sacred texts printed by Makarije in Wallachia,

2. is a clear example of the Middle Bulgarian redaction and Euthymian orthography, with occasional Serbian redactional features29, and

25 Cf. M. Luther, Predigt am vierten Sonntage nach Epiphanias, [in:] Hauspostille, vol. II, ed. J.G. Ploch- mann, Erlangen 1826, p. 47. Cf. also R.H. Bainton, The Reformation of the 16th Century, Boston 1952, p. 44–45 (esp. 45: For him [Luther] the ultimate authority was the word of God, by which he meant the self-disclosure of God through the incarnation, the crucifixion, and the resurrection of Christ. This revelation was not restricted in time to the historical life of Jesus, because Christ is eternal and ever at work in the hearts of men, but the supreme manifestation was in flesh. The Bible is the record of this stupendous event). 26 Cf. L. Demény, D. Simonescu, Un capitol important…, p. 11 and L. Demény, Evangheliarul slavo- român…, p. 90. 27 Cf. R.H. Bainton, The Reformation…, p. 45. 28 Cf. A. Mareş, Originalele primelor traduceri româneşti ale Tetraevanghelului şi Psaltirii, [in:] Scriere şi Cultură Românească Veche, Bucureşti 2005, p. 261–263 (= Cele mai vechi texte româneşti. Contribu- ţii filologice şi lingvistice, ed. I. Gheţie, Bucureşti 1982, p. 185–187). 29 P. P. Panaitescu talks about a text “cu foarte rare sîrbisme” [with extremely rare Serbianisms]. Cf. Liturghierul lui Macarie (1508) şi începuturile tipografiei în ţările române, [in:] Contribuţii la istoria culturii româneşti, Bucureşti 1971, p. 304 (the most recent contributions to the topic are substantially concordant: F. Miklas, Das Tetraevangelium des Makarije aus dem Jahre 1512

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3. documents a rather established version of the Athonite Slavonic text, dated between the end of the 15th and the beginning of the 16th century (Voskresen- sky’s “fourth redaction” of the Slavonic Tetraevangelion), the most faithful to the textual Byzantine tradition, although Nemirovsky discovered in it some original “Wallachian” variants and, for the first time, some Eastern-Slavonic ones, claiming that Makarije should have been familiar with the Eastern-Slavonic manuscript tradition (especially the liturgical rubrics of the manuscript source would have been edited, according to Miklas, von einem nicht-Bulgaren)30.

The SST and the SRT also inherited from the Trg the typographic dress, which, in the form of the semi-uncial type and ornamentation, cannot be seen in the Serbian editions of Venetian school but in the Moldavian manuscripts of Bulgar- ian school. Therefore the two Transylvanian Tetraevangelia attest the beginning of an original and partially “native” typographic tradition (note that the Walla- chian manuscripts had been influenced by the Moldo-Bulgarian tradition before the printed books)31. It should be reminded, in this regard, that the style of the Moldavian scriptoria also influenced the production of Schweipolt Fiol’s ephem- eral typography – the first Cyrillic – who was active in Cracow between 1481 and 1492–1493, and which must have come into contact with Moldavia and Tran- sylvania32. As an engraver and illuminator of Moldavian descent, Filip developed the characters of the Cyrillic typography of Sibiu partially imitating the ones used by Makarije and possibly being inspired by a direct knowledge of the manuscripts copied in the Moldavian scriptoria33. Since the paratexts remain the unique trait d’union between the Trg and the books already printed by Makarije in Cetinje – as well as the main confirmation

(Einleitung: Sprache), [in:] Trg, p. XIX; Е.Л. НЕМИРОВСКИЙ, Начало книгопечатния в Валахии, Москва 2008, p. 546–548). 30 Cf. Д. ИВАНОВА, Търговищкото печатно Евангелие (1512 г.) и старите славянски преводи на Евангелието (с оглед на текстологичната традиция), [in:] Българистични проучвания, vol. I, Велико Търново 1996, p. 46–57; Das Tetraevangelium…, p. XIX, XXXV–XLI; Е.Л. НЕМИРОВСКИЙ, Начало…, p. 523–524; A. Alberti, Gli scriptoria moldavi e la tradizione medio-bulgara. Il caso del Vangelo di Elisavetgrad, [in:] Linee di confine. Separazione e processi di integrazione nello spazio culturale slavo, ed. G. Moracci, A. Alberti, Firenze 2013, p. 34, 50. 31 Cf. L. Demény, Cartea şi tiparul. Promotori ai legăturilor culturale dintre ţările române în secolul al XVI-lea, SMIM 6, 1973, p. 92–94; D. Deletant, A Survey of Rumanian Presses and Printing in the 16th Century, SEER 53, 131, 1975, p. 162–163. 32 Cf. L. Demény, L’imprimerie cyrillique de Macarios de Valaquie, RRH 7, 3, 1969, p. 557. 33 Cf. F. Hervay, L’imprimerie du maître Philippe…, p. 121, 125–126; L. Demény, Typographische Kennzeichen der kyrillischen Druckerpresse in Hermannstadt im 16. Jahrhundert, FVL 19, 1, 1969, p. 29–36; idem, Evangheliarul slavo-român…, p. 85–87; E. Turdeanu, L’activité littéraire en Molda- vie à l’époque de Etiènne le Grand (1457–1504), [in:] Etudes de littérature roumaine et d’écrits slaves et grecs des Principautés roumaines, Leiden 1985, p. 113–161 (= RER 5/6, 1960, p. 21–66).

Retrieved from https://czasopisma.uni.lodz.pl/sceranea [26.09.2021] Rumanian Slavia as the Frontier of Orthodoxy… 67 that the Montenegrin and the Wallachian Makarije are the same person34 – the SST colophon itself introduces a new and probably relevant element: Filip dated this printing both in the Latin way, from the Incarnation (҂аф҃мѕ. = 1546), and in the Byzantine way, from the Creation (зн҃д. = 7054), but most of all, he added the Dominical letter (нєдєлноє слово г҃ = 3), even rarer in the Rumanian editions of the 16th century and clearly Latin too35. The presence of two Latin chronological elements among other Byzantine ones is a reflection of the frontier milieu, a Latin-Orthodox blend, where the SST was printed and where Filip “the Moldavian” was educated and/or learned the art of printing. Assuming that Filip was a layman of Lutheran faith, his apprentice- ship had to be made rather in a German typography than in an Orthodox monas- tery, perhaps even in Hermannstadt-Sibiu, where, between 1528 and 1530, the first typography with Latin script in Transylvania had been functioning36. From Mol- davia, the children of middle-class merchants and artisans – mostly non-native (German, Hungarian, Polish or Czech) – were sent to Transylvania or to their motherland, in order to receive better education or to learn or hone their skills37. Furthermore, between the end of the 15th and the beginning of the 16th there was no documented typographic activity, neither in Moldavia nor in the near- by Maramureş38, despite a manuscript production, still flourishing and evolv- ing at the time (cf. the boierească [noble] edition of the Slavonic Tetravengelion, which appeared in Moldavia at the beginning of the 16th century, less expensive and luxurious than the domnească [voivodal, lordly] one)39. What remains unknown, however, is in particular the source from where Filip derived the Littera Dominicalis for the colophon of his SST, since it cannot be attributed to any of the typographical models most likely to have inspired him (including the Serbian-Venetian)40.

34 Cf. P. Аtanasov, L’imprimerie en Roumanie…, p. 124–125; P.P. Panaitescu, Liturghierul lui Ma- carie…, p. 316–319. 35 Cf. D.P. Bogdan, Contribuţiuni la bibliografia românească veche. Tipărituri dintre anii 1546–1762 necunoscute la noi, Bucureşti 1938, p. 6. (Already conclusive about the identification of the “two Makarijes” was Demény in L’imprimerie cyrillique de Macarios…, p. 550–551, 560–561). 36 Cf. F. Hervay, L’imprimerie du maître Philippe…, p. 122 and Z. Jakó, Szeben latin betűs könyv- nyomtatása a XVI. században, [in:] Írás köniv értelmiség, Bukarest 1976, p. 180–183. 37 Cf. R. Manolescu, Cultura orăşenească în Moldova…, p. 49–56. 38 Cf. L. Demény, Cartea şi tiparul…, p. 104. 39 Cf. M. Székely, I. Biliarsky, Tetraevanghelul Ieromonahului Macarie din Putna (1529), Apu 2, 2013, p. 60. 40 There is no trace of nedelnoe slovo neither in the colophon used by Makarije in Cetinje and Tîrgovişte (1494–1495 and 1508–1512), nor in those used by Schweipolt Fiol in Cracow (1491–1493), Theodor Ljubavić in Goražde (1519–1523) and Božidar Vuković in Venice (1519–1521, 1536–1539), cf. Е.Л. НЕМИРОВСКИЙ, Славянские издания кирилловского (церковнославянского) шрифта: 1491–2000. Инвеантарь сохранившихся экземпляров и указатель литературы, vol. I, (1491–1550), Мо- сква 2009, p. 101, 115–116; Liturghier slavonesc lui Macarie (Târgovişte 1508) – BAR II 170567,

Retrieved from https://czasopisma.uni.lodz.pl/sceranea [26.09.2021] 68 Giuseppe Stabile

As a result, at least two other hypotheses should be taken in consideration: 1. Filip could have been influenced by Latin manuscript practice, which he probably knew in a country of Latin traditions, maybe in Transylvania, Moldavia and/or Wallachia41; 2. the Trg is not the real antigraph of the SST or at least not the only one; in other words, the apograph derives from another, similar but not identical manuscript or it is the fruit of a collation with another manuscript, bearer of a Latin influence (in Transylvania and Moldavia, Catholic, Hussite and Lutheran versions of the Holy Scriptures were virtually accessible at the time)42. Further indications that Filip Maler’s education was at least partially western can be found in his illustrations with anthropomorphic figures of the SST, rarely found in the Rumanian and Slavic codicological panorama still after the 16th cen- tury43. The style of Filip’s engravings – so different from the Byzantine colourful min- iatures in the Tetraevangelion of Elisavetgrad and Ivan Alexander – seems to betray the eclecticism of a Latin illustrator, as a Saxon could be44. An analogous style can be found, in fact, in the woodcuts of the Octoechos printed in Cracow (1491) by the German-born Schweipolt Fiol and in the Pentecostal Triduum printed by the Deacon Coresi in Târgovişte (1558), believed to have been illustrated by a Saxon and/or inspired by Fiol’s work45. According to Mareş, Filip could have reproduced his engravings from a printed text of western origin, namely Serbian-Venetian46. p. 258; Octoih slavonesc lui Macarie (Târgovişte 1510) – BAR II 630846, p. 63; И.П. КАРАТАЕВ, Опи- сание славяно-русских книг, напечатанных кирилловскими буквами, COPЯC 34, 2, 1883, p. 5, 7, 17–18, 20, 79–80, 87, 94). 41 Cf. R. Manolescu, L’écriture latine en Valachie et en Moldavie au Moyen Âge, RRH 25, 1–2, 1986, p. 59–68. 42 Cf. I.-F. Florescu, Le Tetraévangile de Sibiu (1551–1553). Nouvelles informations sur les sources de la premičre traduction en roumain des Evangiles, BJas 1, 2010, p. 40–41, 43. 43 Cf. L. Demény, Evangheliarul slavo-român…, p. 84–85. 44 The Church Slavonic Tetraevangelion of Elizavetgrad (end of 16th century?), Moldavian, reproduces decorative and iconographic apparatus of the Trnovian Ivan Aleksander’s Tetraevangelion (1356), considered in its turn “an unicum”. In Stephen the Great’s Moldavia (1433–1504), however, the Byzantine-Bulgarian manner of illustrating the Gospels’ episodes spread beyond the scriptoria, being itself exposed to other influences. Cf. E. Dragnev, O capodoperă a miniaturii din Moldova medievală. Tetraevanghelul de la Elizavetgrad ţi manuscrisele grupului Parisinus Græcus 74, Chişinău 2004, p. 169–180; A. Alberti, Gli scriptoria moldavi…, p. 24–25; E. Moussakova, The Illustra- ted Slavonic Miscellanies of Damascenes Studite’s Thesauros – A New Context for Gospel Illustrations in the 17th century, [in:] Byzantine and Post-Byzantine Art: Crossing Borders, Exploring Boundaries. Art Readings. Thematic Peer-reviewed Annual in Art Studies, vol. I, Old Art, ed. E. Mutafov, I. Toth, София 2017, p. 325–326, 339–340. 45 Cf. A. Sokolyszyn, Sweipolt Fiol: The First Slavic Printer of Cyrillic Characters, ASEER 18, 1, 1959, p. 90 and V. Molin, Ilustraţia în vechea carte bisericească, BOR 78, 7–8, 1960, p. 705. 46 Cf. A. Mareş, [rec.] Demény L., L.A. Demény, Carte, tipar şi societate la Români în secolul al XVI-lea…, LR 27, 5, 1988, p. 479–481 (but cf. also Д. МЕДАКОВИЋ, Графика српских штампаних књига XV–XVII века, Београд 1958, p. 119).

Retrieved from https://czasopisma.uni.lodz.pl/sceranea [26.09.2021] Rumanian Slavia as the Frontier of Orthodoxy… 69

As a Saxon, Lutheran, and layman, Filip was an exception in the Rumanian typographic panorama of the 16th century, populated mainly by Orthodox clergymen, supposedly consisting – at least in Sibiu and Braşov – of deacons and popes from Şcheii and Răşinari. In Braşov-Kronstadt, Coresi’s assistants were local members of the clergy, Şchei or “Wallachian”, often employed by the Stadt-Notar as Walachischer Schreiber or Stadt-Loguffet, position rarely held by Saxons or Latins (in Sibiu, Filip and Ioachim Maler – presumably father and son – seem to have been the only Saxons holding it, Filip being perhaps the only one who combined it with that of Stadt-Typograph)47. Another layman, albeit of Orthodox Serbian origin, was the Logofet Dimitrije Ljubavić, son of Đurađ and grandson of Božidar. Dimitrije’s typography – active in Târgovişte between 1544 and 1547 – employed Jerodïakon Moysi Dečanski48 and at least two Şchei or Rumanian apprentices, Oprea and Petru, from Şchei (perhaps members of the local Orthodox clergy, instructed at the church school of Sf. Nicolae)49. Hieromonk Makarije was also helped by priests – Serbian in Cetinje and, more likely, Şchei in Târgovişte – in an Orthodox milieu (Makarije himself and his assistants would have been Şchei, but educated in a German milieu, perhaps in Cracow, according to Atanasov)50. Filip Maler’s assistants remain anonymous, and yet had they been Orthodox priests, their names would have been presumably mentioned in the colophon of the SST to increase the authority of the Sibian Tetreavangelion, as a guarantee of its Orthodoxy. Neither in Moldavia, nor much less in Banat and Transylvania – where the “schismatic” Church was still discriminated – the Lutheran Reformation had rea- son to encourage its proper faithful to learn Slavonic, if not for practical or con- tingent purposes (affecting individual Lutherans and/or their communities, never the Reformed Church as a whole)51. With this in mind, it is hard to believe that

47 P. B inder, A. Huttmann, Contribuţii…, p. 146–149; idem, Între istorie şi filologie, I. Mediul cultural românesc al Braşovului în epoca coresiană, LR 20, 1, 1971, p. 10–11, 14. 48 Moysi was native of Budlja; as an assistant of Vuković, Karataev wrongly attributed to him Mol- davian origins, the error was amended by Simonescu. Cf. И.П. КАРАТАЕВ, Описание славяно-рус- ских книг…, p. 89; J. Badalić, Jugoslavica usque ad annum 1600. Bibliographie der südslavischen Frühdrucke, Aureliae Aquensis 1959, p. 47 (D. Simonescu, Un Octoih al lui Bojidar Vucovici la noi şi legăturile acestuia cu tipografia românească, RIR 3, 2/3, 1933, p. 229). 49 Cf. P.P. Panaitescu, Începuturile şi biruinţa scrisului în limba română, Bucureşti 1965, p. 137, 169; P. Atanasov, L’imprimerie en Roumanie…, p. 127. 50 Cf. P. Atanasov, L’imprimerie en Roumanie…, p. 125. 51 Not even among the Latins converted to the Bohemian Reformation the knowledge of the Slavonic language was more than exceptional: the Hussites of Transylvania, Maramureş and Moldavia always used vernacular – Czech, Saxon, Hungarian and perhaps Rumanian – for preaching and cult. Only locally they went far enough to vulgarize single parts of Holy Scriptures and Church books. Cf. J. Macůrek, Husitství v rumunských zemích, ČMM 51, 1927, p. 3, 40, 56–58, 77; Istoria Romîniei, vol. I, ed. A. Oţetea, M. Berza et al., Bucureşti 1962, p. 702. It does not make the contacts between single Hussites and Orthodoxy less likely, especially in Moldavia and Maramureş (Veress noticed that

Retrieved from https://czasopisma.uni.lodz.pl/sceranea [26.09.2021] 70 Giuseppe Stabile the printing of the sacred books in Church Slavonic could have had, for the Luther- an editors of Sibiu, other purposes beyond the commercial ones. Our current knowledge on the SRT texts describes an environment in which the contribution of Orthodox clergymen was seemingly marginal, to say the least:

1. the Slavonic text is, until proven otherwise, a reprint of the Trg (the edition of the sacred texts in Slavonic at the typography of Sibiu was limited to two faithful reprints of the same text);

2. translation errors present in the Rumanian text reveal that both its translators and final redactors had a flawed understanding of the Slavonic and Rumanian language (it may be presumed that the Sibian typography remained a Latin one converted to Cyrillic to operate in a Rumanian-Orthodox context)52.

By contrast, there is little doubt that the Rumanian text of the SRT was translated and printed primarily for missionary purposes (notwithstanding the possibility of a final review that would make it better accepted by the Orthodox authorities of the Principalities). The scant circulation of the books printed in Rumanian at Sibiu – relatable to what’s left of them today – shows the difference between its reception beyond the Carpathians53. Apart from the original sin of being issued by “the Heresy Press”, the same flaws of the Rumanian redaction (first of all the Saxon inflection) could have had in this a significant role. The Rumanian text of the SRT remains the principal source of information not only about Filip Maler and his assistants but also about the border environment in which it was edited and printed. From the archaic and lively Rumanian emerges a clear predominance of the Banat-Hunedorean and Moldavian features over the South-Eastern Transylvanian (i.e. Sibian) and Muntenian ones (Gheţie talked about two strata of language, the one Banatean and the other Moldavian)54. The unique colouring in the panorama of the first Rumanian translations of the Bible comes from alloglot inflexions – Saxon, Hungarian and Ruthenian – which

Németi György, a Hungarian of perhaps Saxon origins, copying the Huszita Biblia in Trotuş [1466], abbreviated the nomina sacra in the Slavonic-Byzantine and not in the Latin form [e.g.: Is vs. Ihs], cf. E. Veress, Bibliografia Română-Ungară, vol. III, Românii în literatura ungară şi Ungurii în literatura română (1839-1878), Bucureşti 1935, p. 18). 52 On both issues, cf. also I.-F. Florescu, Le Tetraévangile de Sibiu…, p. 45–47. 53 It is also true that at least in one case the Rumanian Catechism – presumably the “most Luther- an text” printed in Sibiu – was even requested by a voivode of Wallachia (in 1556, the documents of Braşov register the payment of 12 aspra ½ pro Catechismo valachico Matheo ferenti a Cibinio…, recipient Pătraşcu cel Bun [1545–1557]). Cf. P. Binder, A. Huttmann, Contribuţii…, p. 165–166. 54 Cf. I. Gheţie, Baza dialectală a românei literare, Bucureşti 1975, p. 219–221.

Retrieved from https://czasopisma.uni.lodz.pl/sceranea [26.09.2021] Rumanian Slavia as the Frontier of Orthodoxy… 71 place the Rumanian text of the SRT on the frontier between East and West (certainly Saxon are considered the confusion between articulated and unarticulated forms, the unvoicing of consonants and the epenthetic diphthongs)55. Banatisms would apparently derive from the translation, while Moldavisms and Transylva- nisms form the redaction for printing, as are the Saxonisms and other alloglotisms, which, however, might derive from both translation and redaction56. The translation made in Banat-Hunedoara, or by someone who presumably was from there, would have been collated with Luther’s German text and assembled for printing by some Saxons from Moldavia, in the mixed milieu of Sibiu57. It has been observed58 that only if the revisor and/or printer of the Rumanian text of the SRT was a Saxon or a non-native, one could explain:

1. the presence of alloglot features in the orthography, not in the syntax, of the Rumanian text and

2. the fact that the final revisor didn’t amend words which he should have been presumably able to identify as atypical or wrong in case he was a mother-tongue Rumanophone.

By choice or necessity, the Lutheran authorities of Sibiu would have entrust- ed their official translator for the “Wallachian” language with the final revision of the text, despite his Saxon origins and probably the lack of solid priestly back- ground. In fact, such a peculiar presence of alloglotisms in the text printed at Sibiu suggests that the Lutheran revision was inspired by typographical and/or editorial requirements, mostly already reported by the critics, such as e.g.:

1. transliterating in the Cyrillic script and Rumanian spelling a text originally edited in the Latin script59 and Hungarian spelling60, without being – in all like- lihood – neither Rumanian nor Hungarian;

55 Cf. A. Mareş, Evangheliarul din Petersburg…, p. 86; E. Petrovici, Observaţii asupra grafiei şi limbii textului românesc al Evangheliarului Slavo-Român de la Sibiu, [in:] SRT, p. 19 and T. Bodogae, Şi totuşi prima carte romanească s-a tipărit la Sibiu. Consideraţii despre Evangheliarul slavo-român din 1551–1553, MArd 17, 1–2, 1972, p. 86. For a more extended list of the alloglotisms containted in the SRT, cf. I. Gheţie, Consideraţii filologice…, p. 54, 56, 61–64. 56 Cf. A. Mareş, Originalele…, p. 266. 57 Cf. I. Gheţie, A. Mareş, Originile scrisului…, p. 341. 58 Cf. A. Mareş, Observaţii…, p. 73. 59 Cf. E. Petrovici, Observaţii…, p. 18. 60 Cf. I. Gheţie, [rec.:] Evangheliarul…, p. 84.

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2. reorienting a text edited in the Latin milieu toward an Orthodox-Slavonic milieu, that is a Rumanian proto-translation, bearing “Latin” influences (ascribable maybe to Carpatho-Danubian outcomes of the Hussite Reform)61;

3. assembling a fragmentary and/or incomplete text, perhaps a translation made in haste by different translators, including Rumanians and Saxons (the hypoth- esis may be compatible with an ad hoc translation made for a bilingual edition, just before the printing)62;

4. collating and harmonizing the original Rumanian translation with Luther’s German one and to the parallel Slavonic text (respectively real and fictitious model of the Rumanian text)63.

The collation with Luther’s New Testament – irregular and inaccurate64 – explains the prominent role of Saxons, at most bilingual, in the editing of the Rumanian text, printed by Filip Maler. One would expect that such a revision had the most sensitive part of the religious vocabulary as its main objective (cf. the heretic translation of “High Priest”), without requiring a perfect knowledge of Rumanian or Slavonic. There is no doubt that the contribution of a Saxon German-Rumanophone represented the unique alternative to a complex collaboration between Saxons and Rumanians, ignorant of their respective languages (the final result suggests that the second possibility was rejected due to time constraints). On the other hand, the unfavourable conditions in which Luther’s Reforma- tion had to take root – already around 1525–1530 – among Catholic and Ortho- dox “Wallachians” of the Banat-Hunedoara, suggest that the original translation could have been executed by a “Wallachian”, not even a reformed one, maybe, knowing Slavonic but not German, who necessarily didn’t base his work on the Septembertestament (it’s slightly doubtful that his Lutheran commissioners had the integral text of Luther’s New Testament)65. Under the same, unfavourable,

61 Florescu talks about “un prototype roumain”, translated, without doubts, from Church Slavonic [qui] présentait des concordances textuelles avec les traductions tchèques (notamment ‘Bible Olomou- cká’) et allemandes du XVe siècle. Cf. I.-F. Florescu, Le Tetraévangile de Sibiu…, p. 70–83. 62 Cf. A. Mareş, Originalele…, p. 266; L. Tasmowski, În ajunul unei ediţii transliterate şi electronice a Evangheliarului bilingv slavo-român de la Sibiu, [in:] Per Teresa. Studi e ricerche in ricordo di Teresa Ferro, vol. II, Obiettivo Romania, ed. G. Borghello et al., Udine 2009, p. 334. 63 Cf. A. Mareş, Originalele…, p. 267. 64 Cf. Ibidem, p. 263–265; L. Tasmowski, În ajunul unei ediţii…, p. 332–335 and I.-F. Florescu, Le Tetraévangile de Sibiu…, p. 47–50. 65 Cf. P. Binder, Începuturile Reformei din Transilvania şi Românii din Hunedoara, LR 20, 3, 1971, p. 273–275; I. Gheţie, Textele rotacizante şi originile scrisului literar românesc. Chestiuni de metodă, [in:] Începuturile scrisului în limba română, Bucureşti 1974, p. 22–24, 170–171.

Retrieved from https://czasopisma.uni.lodz.pl/sceranea [26.09.2021] Rumanian Slavia as the Frontier of Orthodoxy… 73 conditions the Lutheran Reformation reached Moldavia, where, at that time, «quidam doctor» is said to have translated the Gospels and Acts of the Apostles into Rumanian, bringing his translation directly to Wittenberg (he presumably wanted it to be printed and approved by the supreme Protestant authorities)66. The communis opinio is that the Rumanian SRT text was translated from Church Slavonic, precisely from the parallel Slavonic text, that is from the Trg via the SST67. It cannot be excluded, however, that the translation is not based on the Trg, but on a related text, as for instance its main antigraph, which remains unknown. In that regard, the Trg presents difficulties being not a simple copy that reproduces the antique manuscripts word by word, but a text in which a significant contribution of its editor (and also the translator) may be noticed68. It has been observed69 that two untranslated Slavonisms contained in the Ruma- nian text of the SRT – although the Trg is of Middle Bulgarian redaction – display the acc. -ѹ/ю of the m. sg. with -a-/-ja- stem, as is typical of Serbian, Russian and Lithuano-Ruthenian redactions. This redactional feature, though so sporadic, is r = limited to frozen forms: an apophthegm (38 5: сатана сатанꙋ скоте сатана сатанꙋ иꙁгонить [Satan cast out Satan], cf. Mt 12, 26) and a Hebrew toponym difficult v = to pronounce (77 6: Виѳафагыю Виѳсфагїѫ, [Bethphage], cf. Mt 21, 1). Fur- thermore, none of the two examples of -ѹ/ю for -ѫ/ѭ can be found in Trg, only r one (сатанꙋ) in SST (cf. Trg, f. 33 19–20; SST, p. 63), which suggests a combination of another antigraph, if not a reflexion of the “workshop” of Filip Maler70. The Sla- vonisms in the Rumanian text have, as a rule, the acc. sg. -ѫ/ѭ and the gen. sg. -ы/ѩ of the masculines and feminines with -a-/-ja- stem, as is typical of Middle Bulgar- ian (cf. e 58v , 79v ; or 39v , 57v , Ієрємїѫ Ілїѫ 19–20 Виѳанїѫ 5 Іоны Іѡны 14 10 Иродїады r v 49 6 and лꙋи Ꙁахарїѫ 92 11). In particular, the use of genitive form лꙋи Ꙁахарїѫ

66 Cf. Ş. Papacostea, Moldova în epoca Reformei…, p. 62–63; A. Rosetti, Cu privire la datarea primelor traduceri româneşti de cărţi religioase, LR 7, 2, 1958, p. 20–21 (= Du nouveau sur la date des premières traductions roumaines de livres religieux, Rom 80, 317, p. 80–81). Someone identified doctor ex Walachia, vir canus, qui non germanice sed latine et polonice loquitur with the same Filip Maler (cf. L. Demény, Evangheliarul slavo-român…, p. 97, contra I. Gheţie, [rec.:] Evangheliarul…, p. 668–669; the latest contribution on the issue and on the role of the Moldavian Saxons in the dif- fusion of Lutheranism, in P. Philippi, Ein Moldauer 1532 als Bibelübersetzer?, [in:] Land des Segens? Fragen an die Geschichte Siebenbürgens und seiner Sachsen, Köln–Weimar–Wien 2008, p. 105–109 [= ZSL 13, 1, 1990, p. 19–22]). 67 The first to propose that was Ioan Bogdan at the end of the 19th century (originalul slav se află în faţa traducerii româneşti), cf. I. Bogdan, O Evanghelie slavonă cu traducere română din secolul al XVI-lea, ConvLit 25, 1, 1891, p. 36, 38. 68 Cf. Д. ИВАНОВА, Търговищкото…, p. 46, note 6–7; eadem, Печатните български книги от XVI век и старата ръкописна традиция, ТКШ 6, 1999, p. 295–311. 69 Cf. E. Petrovici, Observaţii…, p. 14. 70 The forms in -ѫ/ѭ (cf. сотона сотонѫ and Витфаћиѭ) also prevail in the variæ lectiones of the most ancient Church Slavonic tradition of the Gospel of Matthew. Cf. Евангелие от Матфея в славянской традиции, А.А. АЛЕКСЕЕВ, А.А. ПИЧХАДЗЕ et al., Санкт-Петербург 2005, p. 67, 110.

Retrieved from https://czasopisma.uni.lodz.pl/sceranea [26.09.2021] 74 Giuseppe Stabile lui Zaharïa in the Rumanian text of SRT confirms the tendency to trace the biblical names of the parallel Slavonic text in their original form ([до кървє] Ꙁахарїѫ) and the Middle-Bulgarian education of the Sibian editor (-їѧ = -їѫ [ѧ = ѫ] is typical of Bulgarian Slavonic and of all the «sub-types» of the Rumanian one), but also his Moldavian origin (ѧ = ĭa was typical of Russian, Lituano-Ruthenian and Mol- davian Slavonics)71. It may also be observed that in the Rumanian text of the SRT, ѧ is confused with both ꙗ, ѣ and є/ѥ, a confusion transmitted, respectively, to the Moldavian and Wallachian «sub-types» from the Russian, Lithuano-Ruthenian, Serbian and, to a lesser extent, Bulgarian Slavonics (e.g.: 1v , 15r пїꙗтра 18 пїѧтра 5 r v r v piĭatra; свинцѧщє 90 19, свинцѣщє 90 4 svinţĭaşte; мꙋѧрє 7 8, мꙋєрє 105 1 muĭare/ muĭere)72. The Rumano-Cyrillicscripta of the SRT registers also numerous cases of ꙑ (ы) for (ї)и in the inflection of the m. pl. n.-acc., both articled (cf. -ы for -їи, in гꙋбавы r r v r r r 27 17 and 32 3, болнавы 19 1, батръныи 111 2, спины 42 4, ѹрекы 43 4) and bare v v (cf. -ы for -и, in апл҇ⷭы 59 6, вєкы 47 2), and in other cases, where ꙑ was read r v r undoubtedly as i and not ă or â/î (cf. обыдить-амь 33 15, осебы 18 22, ѹны 117 5, v r вечыѫ 79 22, выѧ 82 4). This use ofꙑ – an “orthographic Slavonism” not rare in the Rumanian and Slavo-Rumanian texts of the 16th century – indicates that who translated and redacted the Rumanian text of the SRT had learned Cyrillic in Ser- bian or, more likely, Bulgarian, but not Russian or Ruthenian environment (but cf. Psl. ꙑ = r. y, Ucr. y/i), which could also mean Wallachian or Moldavian73. Due to the influence of Lituano-Ruthenian and Russian Slavonic, started in the 15th century, the Rumanisms contained in Moldo-Slavonic documents often assign to yeryi the value of a central vowel – confusing it with ѫ and ъ, not with и – and the same situation occurs later, in the Moldavian scriptæ of Rumanian74. More- over, the influence of the Euthymian tradition on the Moldavian scriptoria pre- vents us from drawing a frontier line based on the Middle Bulgarian and “southern” use of the ꙑ, placing the redaction of the SRT on either side of it75. Compared to the orthography, the mould of the Slavonic lexicon of the Ruma- nian text gets even more complicated, with terms ascribable to different Slavonics

71 Cf. L. Djamo-Diaconiță, Redacțiile slavonei, [in:] Slava veche şi slavona românească, ed. P. Olte- anu, Bucureşti 1975, p. 245, 253, 263. 72 Cf. Ibidem, p. 267. 73 Cf. I. Bărbulescu, Fonetica alfabetului chirilic în textele române din vécul XVI şi XVII în legătură cu monumentele paleo-, sîrbo-, bulgaro-, ruso- şi româno-slave, Bucuresci 1904, p. 345–363. 74 About the use of ꙑ (ы) in the Rumanian environment, cf. L. Djamo-Diaconiţă, Limba documentelor slavo-române emise în Ţara Românească în sec. XIV şi XV, Bucureşti 1971, p. 73–74 and G. Mi- hăilă, Grafia cuvintelor româneşti, [in:] Dicţionar al limbii române vechi. Sfârşitul sec. X – începutul sec. XVI, Bucureşti 1974, p. 187. 75 The same use of ꙑ can be found in the Rumanian Tetraevangelion of Coresi, edited with the contribution of Şchei belonging to the Orthodox Transylvanian low clergy. Cf. Tetraevanghelul tipărit de Coresi (Braşov 1560–1561), comparat cu Evangheliarul lui Radu de la Măniceşti (1574), ed. F. Dimi- trescu, Bucureşti 1963 (cetera: CRT), p. 32, 40, 58, 60, 61, 76, 85, 124, 127, 136, 167.

Retrieved from https://czasopisma.uni.lodz.pl/sceranea [26.09.2021] Rumanian Slavia as the Frontier of Orthodoxy… 75 and uses of Slavonic but, above all, common to Slavonic and emerging vernaculars (Slavic and naturally Rumanian). The Rumanian text of the SRT contains a significant number of erudite Sla- vonisms, which cannot be found either in the Slavonic parallel text of the SRT, the SST, the Trg, or in the oldest Church Slavonic tradition of the Gospel of Mat- thew (with the exception of a handful of versions from the Eastern-Slavonic area, cf. EMST). These are crude or little acclimated loans, ascribable not only to ecclesiastical (if not properly biblical)76 lexicon but also to the chancery one or to both77. The most characterizing are common Slavonisms – in some cases, rather words from Slavic vernaculars – with an equally low level of Rumanian acclimation, whose origins are yet to be studied in detail78. See the list of salient cases, with a description of influences (Slavic and non- Slavic) that they might have been exposed to and a comparison to the most relevant versions of the Gospel of Matthew, provided below79:

1. v таѧгь taĭag ‘stick’ 27 8 hap. – Mt 10, 10 SRT-Sl, CST жєꙁль; EMST жъꙁлъ; CRT тоѧгь; Sept Stecken; Ment Růte; Ol holi; etym.: Ch. Sl. тоꙗга, -ъ – cf. Bg. тояг(а)80; It is clearly a Bulgarism – of even Proto-Bulgarian origins – but with a certain literary tradition in Church Slavonic sources also of Eastern-Slavonic redaction. It displays a peculiar case of akan’e (o > a) maybe Ruthenian, Russian or dialectal Bulgarian (in Bulgarian, this phenomenon is limited to the most conservative dialects, such as dialect of Rodopi or of Şchei in Transylvania)81.

76 Cf. аѕима ‘azzimo’ – (parallel Slavonic text) опрѣснъкь; влъдикъ, пискꙋпь, митрополить ‘high priest’ – архїєрєй; дꙋховникь ‘Pharisee’ – фарїсєй; двєръ ‘door (veil of the temple)’ – опона; прѣстоль ‘altar, throne’ – ѡлтарь; спъсєнїє ‘sweet, gentle (used as an adj.)’ – благо. 77 Cf. чїнь ‘order, kind’ – пѡль; даждє ‘duty’ – кинось; слова ‘letter’ – іѡта; титла ‘sign’ – чрьта; ватахь ‘dignitary, bailiff (centurion)’ – сътникь; снѣмь, съборь (съборєлє) ‘synagogue, sanhedrim ’ – сън- мищє, сънимь. 78 Cf. Г.П. KЛЕПИКОВА, Наблюдения над лексикой румынских переводов славяно-румынских текстов конфессионального характера (XVI–XVII вв.), [in:] Folia Slavistica Рале Михайловне Цейтлин, ed. А.Ф. ЖУРАВЛЕВ, Москва 2000, p. 59–60. 79 In addition to the Slavonic parallel text (SRT-sl), the Rumanian SRT text will be compared to other 8 versions of the Gospel of Matthew, 3 of which have never been mentioned sofar: Paleoslavic tradition of the Gospel of Matthew, Septembertestament of Luther (1522), Mentelin Bibel (1466) and Czech Olomoucká Bible (1417). Cf. M. Luther, Die Septemberbibel. Das Neue Testament deutsch von Martin Luther, Berlin 1883 (cetera: Sept); Die erste deutsche Bibel, vol. I, Evangelien, ed. W. Kurrelmeyer, Tübingen 1904 (cetera: Ment); Olomoucká Bible, SVKOl M III1/II (cetera: Ol). For the Greek and Latin text of the NT, cf. https://www.academic-bible.com/en/home [1 III 2019]. 80 Cf. F. Miklosich, Lexicon Linguae Palaeoslovenico-Graeco-Latinum. Emendatum Auctum, Vindobo- nae 1862–1865, p. 998; Lexicon Linguae Palaeoslovenicae. Slovník Jazyka Staroslověnskeho, vol. XLIII, Praha 1990, p. 479; Н. ГЕРОВЪ, Рѣчник на блъгарскый языкъ, vol. V, Пловдивъ 1904, p. 349. 81 Cf. В.И. ГЕОРГИЕВ, Русское аканье и его отношение к системе фонем праславянского языка, ВЯ 12, 2, 1963, p. 26–27 (F. Miklośich, Die Sprache der Bulgaren in Siebenbürgen, DKAW.PhH 7, 1856, p. 23, 36).

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2. v ꙁъдꙋхь zăduh ‘scorching heat’ 74 20 hap. – Mt 20, 12 SRT-Sl, CST варь; EMST варъ; CRT ꙁѫдѹхь; Sept Hytze; Ment Hitze; Ol horko; etym.: Bg. задух(a); – cf. Ch. Sl. ꙁадѹхнѫти сѧ; Rum. zăduf (zăduh)82; Maybe originally a “living” Bulgarism. Not attested in Paleoslavic, it cannot be, however, clas- sified as a literary Slavonism. It shows a typical sign of Rumanian acclimation such as closing a pretonic -а- in -ъ- (Rum. ă < Bulg. a, cf. Bulg. за-) but also a dialect -дѹфъ rebuilt over more literary and “more Bulgarian” -дѹхъ83.

3. v v дꙋховничи duhovnici ‘Pharisees (priests)’ 25 22, 69 14… – Mt 9, 34; 19, 3 and passim SRT-Sl фарїсєиє; ЕМSТ фарисѣи; CRT фарисєи; Sept, Ment Phariſeer; Ol dhu- cownyczi; etym.: Ch. Sl. дѹховьникъ – cf. Pol. duchownych and C. duchovník ‘Pharisee, religious (Latin priest)’84; The attestation of дѹховьникь can be found in Church Slavonic at least from the 14th century in Serbian area, in the 15th in Lithuano-Ruthenian and Russian areas, with the meaning of ‘theo- logian’ («veniæ divinæ interpres») and ‘priest, parish priest’85, more than enough to make the SRT use of the word “heretic” with the meaning of “Pharisee” (see above). It remains probable, however, that the this last – with which Slavo-Rumanian voice has never been attested86 – derives from the contribution of Polish and, above all, Czech, where the word is recorded in several sources of the same centuries, meaning not only ‘interpreter of the Mosaic Law, Pharisee, Hebraic priest’, but ‘Latin priest’ too.

4. v гривнє grivne ‘talents, silver coins’, 67 17 hap. – Mt 18, 24 SRT-Sl, TCS таланть; ЕМSТ таланътъ ‘talents’; CRT соми ‘sommi’; Sept, Ment Pfundt ‘talents (value of equivalent weight in silver or gold’); Ol záwazzij [cf. závažie];

82 Н. ГЕРОВЪ, Рѣчник…, vol. II, Пловдивъ 1897, p. 68; Старобългарски речник, vol. I, София 1999, p. 515; DEXonline: zăduf (zăduh), https://dexonline.ro/definitie/zaduh [14 I 2019]. 83 Cf. E. Petrovici, Note slavo-române III, D 11, 1948, p. 192; G. Mihăilă, Împrumuturi vechi sud- slave în limba romînă. Studiu lexico-semantic, Bucureşti 1960, p. 106. 84 Cf. Vokabulář webový: duchovník, http://vokabular.ujc.cas.cz/hledani.aspx [13 I 2019]; IBL Słownik Polszczyzny XVI wieku: duchownik, https://spxvi.edu.pl/indeks/haslo/50 060 [20 I 2019]; Słownik staropolski, ed. S. Urbańczyk, vol. II.3, Wrocław–Kraków–Warszawa 1957, p. 219; P. Skok, La terminologie chrétienne en slave: l’église, les prêtres et les fidèles, RES 7, 3, 1927, p. 189. 85 Cf. F. Miklosich, Lexicon…, p. 182; Ђ. ДАНИЧИЋ, Рјечник из књижевних старина српских, vol. I, Биоград 1863–1864, p. 318–319; Словник Староукраїнської Мови XIV–XV ст., vol. I, Київ 1971, p. 332; Гістарычны Слоўнік Беларускай Мовы, vol. IX, Минск 1989, p. 107 and Словарь русского языка XI–XVII вв., ed. В.В. ВИНОГРАДОВ et al., vol. IV, Москва 1977, p. 381–382. 86 In Rumanian, duhovnic is attested since the 17th century with the meaning of ‘confessor’. Cf. H. Tik- tin, Rumänisch-Deutsches Wörterbuch, vol. II, Cluj-Napoca 2003 [1911], p. 116; Dicţionarul Limbii Române, s.n., vol. I.6, Bucureşti 2009, p. 982–984; I. Popinceanu, Religion, Glaube und Aberglaube in der Rumänischen Sprache, Nürneberg 1964, p. 151.

Retrieved from https://czasopisma.uni.lodz.pl/sceranea [26.09.2021] Rumanian Slavia as the Frontier of Orthodoxy… 77

etym.: Ch. Sl. грывьна – cf. Pol. grzywna and C. grivna, hrzyvna87; Densusianu records it in the 16th century as «ancienne monnaie (marc)»88. In Rumanian, гривнъ entered by means of Moldo-Slavonic, where it was firstly attested in 1408 (the first time in Wal- lacho-Slavonic not earlier than 1544)89, but it derives from грив(ь)на (грывна), that is Lithuano- -Ruthenian and Russian Slavonic90, if not directly from Polish or Czech vernacular (the Polish grzywna was the most familiar among Rumanians, especially in Moldavia)91.

5. r мъꙁка măzca ‘sap’ 97 1 hap. – Mt 24, 32 SRT-Sl, CST вѣꙗ; EMST вѣѣ; CRT стєблєлє steblele; Sept Tzweyg; Ment Aſſt; Ol vietew; etim.: Bulg. мъзга (cf. Sl. eccl. мѣзга; r. мѣзга; Ser. мезг[р]а; Pol. miazga) and Rum. mâzcă92; It is the Bulgarian form of Ch. Sl. мѣзга ‘juice, sap’, with Saxon unvoicement of the velar (-g- > -k-).

In the Rumanian text of the SRT, the word “branch” is missing (cf. GNT UBS5 κλάδος, Vulg ramus). The sentence «when the branch [of the fig-tree] becomes tender» was curiously replaced in Rumanian by къндь ва фи мъꙁка ꙟнтиирѣщє «cândŭ va fi măzca întinireaşte» [when the sap will make it tender (the fig-tree)], which does not match neither with the Slavonic parallel text, nor with any other version of the Gospel of Matthew likely to have influenced the Rumanian version of the SRT93. Only in Sept the branch of the fig-tree “becomes succulent” («wenn ſeyn

87 Cf. Словник Староукраїнської…, vol. I, p. 262; Гістарычны Слоўнік Беларускай…, vol. VII, Минск 1986, p. 159; И.И. СРЕЗНЕВСКИЙ, Матералы для Словаря древне-русскаго языка по пись- меннымъ памятникамъ, vol. I, С.-Петербургъ 1893, p. 590; F. Sławski, Słownik etymologiczny języka polskiego, pars 4, Kraków 1955, p. 374–375; Słownik staropolski…, vol. II.7, p. 517–520; Voka- bulář webový: grivna (hrzyvna) [14 I 2019]. 88 O. Densusianu, Opere, vol. II, Lingvistica: Histoire de la langue roumaine, Bucureşti 1975 [1938], p. 809. 89 Cf. G. Bolocan, Dicționarul elementelor româneşti din documentele slavoromâne, 1374–1600, Bu- cureşti 1981, p. 98; Dicţionarul Limbii Române, vol. II.1, ed. S. Puşcariiu, Bucureşti 1934, p. 314–315. 90 Actually, the Sl. eccl. грив(ь)на was attested from the beginning of the 11th century in sources of Russian-Kevian and Czech-Moravian redaction (the latter [i.e. Gregory the Great’s XL Homiliæ in Evangelia] were originated in the Bohemian area, but are preserved in Russian copies from the 13th and 14th centuries, cf. F. Miklosich, Lexicon…, p. 143; Lexicon Linguae Palaeoslovenicae…, vol. VIII, Praha 1964, p. 434 and И.И. СРЕЗНЕВСКИЙ, Матералы…, vol. I, p. 589–591). 91 Cf. A. Mareş, Echivalările Talantului în textele româneşti din secolele al XVI-lea şi al XVII-lea, LR 49, 3, 2000, p. 483–484. 92 Cf. F. Miklosich, Lexicon…, p. 123–124; Български етимологчен речник, vol. IV, ed. В.И. ГЕОР- ГИЕВ, София 1995, p. 379; Dicţionarul Limbii Române, s.n., vol. XVII.6, Bucureşti 1968, p. 735–736. 93 Compare the first Paleoslavic redaction of Mt 24, 32 (єгда ѹжє вѣѣ єѩ бѫдєть млада) with the Czech version of Olomoucká Bible («když již vietew jeho miekká»), the Hungarian version of the so-called Huszita Biblia (1425 ca.), copied in Moldavia in 1466 («mikor ő ága meggyermekdedö- lend») and the Polish version of Murzynowski (1551), inspired by the Lutheran tradition («Gdy by już gałąź jéj zstała się młodocianą»). The word “branch” is written in italics in every quotation. vb Cf. Ol, f. 182 47; A Müncheni kódex (1466). A négy Evangélium szövege és szótára [Huszita Biblia], ed. G. Décsi, T. Szabó, Békéscsaba 1985, p. 87; Evangelia Svvieta pana Iesusa Christusa Vedle Mathæuſza Svietego z Greckiego Iezyka na Polski przelozona [przez S. Murzynowskiego]…, w Krolew- v cu Pruſkim 1551, f. 94 2–3.

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tzweyg itzt ſafftig wirt»)94. The Lutheran text remains, indeed, the only comparable to the Sib- ian as for the translation of Mt 24, 3295.

6. v лꙋновнїѧ lunovnïa o -ïe, ‘epileptics, somnambulists (lunatics)’ 3 22 hap. – Mt 4, 24 SRT-Sl мѣсѧчныѫ (SST, Trg [CST] мѣсѧчныѧ); ЕМSТ мѣсѧчьнꙑꙗ (Čud лꙋн- ствꙋющаꙗ); CRT дрѫчици прє лꙋни drăciţi pre luni ‘possessed at every new moon’; Sept, Ment Monſuchtigen; Ol namieſiecznyki; etym.: Ch. Sl. лѹновнꙑи? (лѹновьнъ, лѹнавъ) – cf. Ch. Sl. лѹн(ств)овати ся ‘suffer from lunatism (somnambulism or epilepsy)’, лунствующий (лунующий ся) ‘lunatic, possessed, epileptic’, лѹновєниѥ ‘menses’; Pol. lunatyk ‘lunatic, epileptic’96; It’s clearly a calque after the Ch. Sl. лѹновнꙑѩ, the pl. acc. of an adj. лѹновнꙑи and pronominal form of лѹновьнъ (Rum. *lunovnŭ). Interestingly, the Sibian revision seems to have overlooked this word, though it’s perfectly Slavic: 1. The suffix -їѧ -iĭe for Rumanian m. pl. acc. suggests a typographical error, though it is but a slight adjustment of the Church Slavonic adjectival suffix (with ꙑ > ї); 2. The suffix -овьнъ, among the most productive in Slavonic, is rare in Ancient Ru- manian (we only find it in the adj. слоновнъ slonovnŭ ‘ivory’ < слоновьнъ, an “exotic” Slavonism, in the late 16th century)97; 3. The same stem luna- is, in fact, no less Slavic than Latin98. In the

94 Sept, p. 20 (cf. also Biblia: das ist die gantze Heilige Schrifft Deudsch auffs New zugericht. D. Mart. v Luth.… Gedrückt zu Wittemberg: Hans Lufft, 1541 [cetera: Lut]), f. 259 43. 95 Luther’s Bible registers an adj. safftig only in Mt 24, 32, the corresponding noun Saft ‘sap (vital = lymph [also fig.])’ in different settings and, especially, in Lc 8, 6 (in the Parable of a sower [cf. Mt 13, 5]: und ettlichs [ſamen] fiel auff den fels und da es aufgieng verdorret es darumb das nicht ſafft hatte…). Saft appears, however, more often in the sermons of Luther and, above all, in the locution Saft und Kraft ‘quinta essentia (fünfte Wesen)’, where the fig-tree is explicitly identified with the Holy Scriptures made fruitful thanks to the incarnation of the Word. Cf. M. Luther, Saemmtliche Werke, vol. X, Kirchenpostille, ed. G. Plochmann, Erlangen 1827, p. 78; DWB: http://www.woerterbuch- r netz.de/DWB?lemma=saft [25 II 2019]; Sept, p. 42 (Lut, f. 231 16). 96 Cf. F. Miklosich, Lexicon…, p. 344; П.Д. ФИЛКОВА, Староболгаризмы и церковнославянизмы в лексике русского литературного языка. Учебный словарь, vol. II, София 1986, p. 591 and Сло- варь русского языка…, vol. VIII, Москва 1981, p. 306; IBL Słownik Polszczyzny XVI wieku: lunatyk, https://spxvi.edu.pl/indeks/haslo/62 455 [20 I 2019]; about the Czech tradition, http://vokabular. ujc.cas.cz/hledani.aspx [28 II 2019]. 97 More specifically, слѡнвнилор slonovnilor [made of ivory], in several versions of Sal 44, 9. Cf. Psaltirea Şcheiană comparată cu celelalte psaltiri din sec. XVI şi XVII traduse din slavoneşte, vol. II, Textul şi glosarele, ed. I.-A. Candrea, Bucureşti 1916, p. 87; O. Densusianu, Opere, vol. II…, p. 826 (the suff. -овьнъ is attested at least 22 times in the Paleoslavic canon, cf. Z. Ribarova, Indexy k staroslověnskému slovníku, Praha 2003, p. 168). 98 It is believed that Sl. *luná- and Lat. lūna- (proto-it. *louksnā-) are independent outcomes of the proto- i.e. *louk-s-neh2 ‘luminous, resplendent’. Naturally, that does not affect the possibility of a reciprocal influence between the outcomes of the two stems in contact areas. Cf. H. Mihăescu, La romanité dans le Sud-Est de l’Europe, Bucureşti 1993, p. 451–453; Этимологический сло- варь славянских языков. Праславянский лексический фонд, ed. О.П. ТРУБАЧЕВ, vol. XVI, Мо- сква 1990, p. 173–174; M. De Vaan, Etymological Dictionary of Latin and the other Italic Languages, Leiden–Boston 2008, p. 352; R. Derksen, Etymological Dictionary of the Slavic Inherited Lexi-

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Coresian corpus, a popular belief that associated epilepsy with lunatism led to various termino- logical outcomes, but no exact equivalent of “lunatic”99. The only relatable word in Rumanian seems to be lunovnïe until the second quarter of the 17th century, when лнави lunavi and лнатє- чи lunateci appeared in ecclesiastical sources100. Unlike *lunovnŭ, lunav and lunatec already were Rumanian, at least virtually: 1. since they already used suffixes which were productive in Ancient Rumanian101; 2. lunatec is considered to be an inherited Latinism (cf. zănatec < lat. dianaticus ‘in- sane [due to the influence of Diana i.e. of the Moon]’, therefore ‘possessed, enchanted by a zână’, cf. Rum. zână ‘fairy’ < Lat. Diana)102. It’s a fact that lunav and lunatec are attested in Rumanian only after лѹнавъ and лѹнатикъ (cf. also лю-) are in late Church Slavonic, respectively of southern and eastern redaction103. Emblematic is the case of lunatec, which will enter the literary Ru- manian language at its early stage thanks to the influence of educated Latin104, directly or via Ruthenian105 and/or Polish106. We can suppose that about a century before, *lunovnŭ had been con, Leiden–Boston 2008, p. 291 (about the influence of other similar suffixes in the Slavic area, cf. also Л.В. КУРКИНА, Славянские этимологии (*luna, *lun’a, *setьnъjь и *sotiti, *stopьnъkъ, *telm-, *tolm-, *tъlm-, *trek-, *trok-, *trak-, *tronъka, *zǫbъlь), [in:] Этимология 1983, ed. О.Н. ТРУБАЧЕВ, Москва 1985, p. 20–21). 99 It is not irrelevant that the CRT restricts the meaning of “lunatic” to “possessed” (cf. дрѫчици прє лꙋни drăciţi pre luni). Coresi’s Cazanie II (1581) – an homiletic text – renders, by apparently current Old Rumanian words, as “lunaticism” (лѹнїє lunïe, боалѫ деꙟ лѹнѫ boală den lună ‘moon sickness’) as the verb “to suffer from…” (сє лѹнѣщє se luneaşte, сє лꙋниѧ se luniĭa, 3rd sg. ind. pres. and impf., vb. a se luni ‘to suffer from lunatism’; ꙟ лꙋнѫ ноаѡ дрѫчѣщє î[n] lună noao drăceaşte 3rd sg. v ind. pres., vb. a drăci în lună nouă ‘to display possession at the new moon’). Cf. CRT, p. 43 [f. 6 5]; Carte cu învăţătură (1581), vol. I, Textu, ed. S. Puşcariu, A. Procopovici, Bucureşti 1914, p. 271, 273–276 (CR XVI V 1 BNR, ff. 69r–71r). 100 Respectively, Lunav in Metropolitan Varlaam’s Cazanie (1643) and lunatec in the Nou Testament de la Bălgrad (1648). Cf. Varlaam, Cazanie 1643, ed. J. Byck, Bucureşti 1966, p. 153 (CR-XVII-V-2 r BNR, f. 220 5); Noul Testament sau Înpăcarea, sau Leagea Noao a lui Iisus Hristos…, Bălgrad [Alba r Iulia] 1648 (cetera: NTB), f. 6 28. 101 Not only does -atec < Lat. -aticus belong to the oldest Latin base (with [ĕ] < [ĭ]), but -av < Psl. -авъ – being also attested in Arumanian – can be dated back before the early 12th century. Cf. G. Pascu, Sufixele româneşti, Bucureşti 1916, p. 99–103, 281–292. 102 Cf. H. Mihăescu, La romanité…, p. 178, 451 (B.-P. Haşdeu, Eymologicum magnum Romanić, vol. I.2, Bucuresci 1887, p. 2046–2049). 103 In fact, Ch. Sl. лѹнавъ is so late and scarcely attested – it was recorded only by Miklošič, in Serbi- an 16th century sources – that we can realistically suppose it reflected in Varlaam an older Southern- -Slavonic and Rumanian use. 104 From the NTB to the Biblie de la Blaj (1795), through the Biblie de la Bucureşti (1688) and An- tim Ivireanu’s Nou Testament (1703), all Rumanian versions of Mt 4, 24 – originally based on the Vulgata – contain lunateci. Cf. Biblia adecă Dumnezeiasca Scriptură…, Bucureşti 1688, p. 753; Noul v Testament acum î(n)tăi tipărit…, Bucureşti 1703, f. 3 4; Biblia adecă Dumnezeiasca Scriptură…, Blaj B 1795, p. 4 44. 105 Pamvo Berinda (1627) translated the Ch. Sl. лнѧщїй сѧ with Rut. люнатїкь, which Mardarie Cozianul (1649) translated in turn with Rum. лнатєкь. Cf. П. БЕРИНДА, Лексіконъ славеноросскїй и именъ Тълкованїе, Київ 1961, p. 59; Mardarie Cozianul, Lexicon slavo-românesc şi tâlcuirea numelor din 1649, ed. G. Creţu, Bucuresci 1900, p. 167. 106 Pol. lunatyk, attested since 1528, appears in the first versions of the Gospel of Matthew – translated and printed by two Lutherans, Murzynowski and Jan Seklucjan (1551 and 1553) – and in 9 out of 10 Polish versions appeared between 1551 and 1599 (only in the Calvinist version of the Biblia Brzeska

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considered an erudite approximation to the terms in use for “lunatic (epileptic)”. Nonetheless, it was such an unusual Slavonism that who had translated and revised the Rumanian text of the SRT inflected it, mechanically, as it was Slavonic107. The reasons of this choice could be two: 1. more vernacular alternatives such as drăciţi (pre luni) or zănateci would have caused a re- dundancy with цєнꙋць дє драчь ţenuţĭ de dracĭ (cf. бѣсныѫ ‘possessed, seized by demons’), which preceded lunovnïe in the same list of infirms108; 2. lunatecĭ was likely to sound too “Latin” (i.e. Western Christian), attracting on the text suspicions of heterodoxy (whence the choice of this uncommon but formerly “Slavonizing” translation).

The Slav(on)isms found in the Rumanian text of the SRT seem to reflect an area of transition and overlapping between the diverse Slavias as well as between Slavia and Romània (the crossing of all the mentioned influences being the most original trait of what – reducing in scale, and using very lato sensu, the key-con- cept of Slavia orthodoxa – we can call Slavia valachica [i.e. Rumanian Slavia]). The Old Rumanian of the SRT reflects, however, another boundary, apparently not less labile of the geographical one and wholly internal to Slavia Orthodoxa, between two different spheres of use of the Slavonic language: the one cultivated, only primarily ecclesiastical and strongly ingrained in the Euthymian tradition, the other semi-cultivated, more immediately linked to the practical uses (chancery, private, but also literary-popular) and open, therefore, to a κοινή of vernacular languages which varied, partially, according to the zone (Dobrev109 compared this difference to that betweensanscrit and pracrits, and assigned the Slavonics in use in the Peri-Danubian and Transylvanian areas a paradigmatic role). Evidently, a “multiple boundary” which crosses the SRT unites the two texts, Slavonic and Rumanian, rather than divides them, fixing them – not only meta- phorically, as a whole – to an extraordinary crossroad of different epochs and influences.

[1556] miesięcznik appears). At the end of the 16th century, Jakub Wujek’s Catholic version (1593 and 1599) still glossed lunatyki with miesiącziki, in the translation of Mt 4, 24 («lunátykowie ſą co káduk miewáią» [lunatics are those who suffer from falling sickness]). Cf. Polish versions of the Gospel at https://ewangelie.uw.edu.pl/teksty?y=all&g=1&c=4&v=24 [29 I 2019]; the note in Nowy Testament Pana Naszego Jesusa Chrystusa Znowu z łacińskiego y z greckiego na polskie wiernie i szczyrze przeło- żony… przez D. Jakuba Wuyka, Kraków 1593, p. 15 and 1599, p. 14. 107 Realistically, лꙋновнїѧ lunovnïe presupposes a nominative form *лꙋновнїи lunovnïi, an adjustment to the Middle Bulgarian spelling of the literary лѹновнꙑи. It can be assumed that the Rumanian pl. acc. лꙋновнꙑ(и) or лꙋновн(ї)и lunovnïi may have been confused with the homonymous and virtually homophone sg. acc. pronominal Slavonic form, wrongly amended by the Sibian revisor, since the sentence required the pl. -ꙑѩ/-їѩ. 108 It is worth noticing that in the CRT it does not occur, because the sentence was translated in a different way: «şi aduseră lui toţi bolnavïi de toate boale şi de chinure ţinuţi şi drăciţi pre luni…» (cf. SRT-Rum: «şă aducea lui toţĭ bolnavi în multe chipure bòlele şă cu chinure ţenuţĭ de dracĭ şă lunovnïe…» [и прибедошѫ емꙋ въсѧ болѧщаѫ раꙁличним не<д>ѫгы и стрⷭ҇тьми одр҃<жи>мїѫ и бѣс- ныѫ и <мѣ>сѧчныѫ]). 109 Cf. И. ДОБРЕВ, XIV век – Класицизьм или пракрити?, [in:] Преводи през XIV столетие на Балканите. Доклади от международната конференция. София, 26–28 юни 2003, ed. Л. ТACEBA et al., София 2004, p. 17–19.

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Abstract. At least from the 14th to the 17th c. – beyond their Middle Ages until their Early Modern Ages – the Rumanians belonged to the so-called Slavia Orthodoxa. Besides the Orthodox faith, they had in common with the Orthodox Slavs the Cyrillic alphabet until the 19th c. and the Church Sla- vonic, which was the language of the Church, of the Chancery and of the written culture, until the 17th c., although with an increasing competition of the Rumanian volgare. The crisis and decline of the Rumanian Slavonism, the rise of the local vernacular, have been related with Heterodox influences penetrated in Banat and Transylvania. Actually, the first Rumanian translations of the Holy Scriptures, in the 16th c., were promoted, if not confessionally inspired, by the Lutheran Reforma- tion recently transplanted in Banat and Transylvania (some scholars incline to a [widely] Hussite origin of these early translations). Not only Banat and Transylvania, but also Moldavia and Wallachia (the Principalities) were crossed by the border between the Latin and the Byzantino-Slavonic world, the Slavia and the Romània. Influences from the wholeSlavia – the Orthodox and the Latin Slavia, the Southern, the Eastern and the Western one – met in the Carpatho-Danubian Space describing what will be derogatively called Slavia Valachica (i.e. Rumanian): a kaleidoscope of Slavic influences in Romance milieu. The appearance of Slavo-Rumanian texts, either with alternate or parallel Church Slavonic and Rumanian, revealed that in the middle of the 16th c. the decline of Slavonism had already started. Mostly but not only in the western regions, beyond the Carpathians, which were under Latin rule, the Orthodox (“Schismatic”) clergy was less and less confident with the Slavonic. This last still remained the sacred language though largely unintelligible, whilst the vernacular still lacked sacred dignity, besides being suspect to spread Heterodoxy. The Slavo-Rumanian Tetraevan- gelion of Sibiu (1551–1553) is the oldest version of a biblical text in Slavonic and Rumanian and contains the oldest surviving printed text in Rumanian. Apart from evoking icastically – by its two- columns a fronte layout – the Slavic-Rumanian linguistic border, this fragment of a Four-Gospels Book (Mt 3, 17 – 27, 55) can be considered in many senses a border text: geographically (the border between East and West), chronologically (the decline of Slavonism and the rise of the Rumanian Ver- nacular), culturally and confessionally (the border between the Latin [i.e. Catholic then Protestant too] West and the Byzantino-Slavonic East). This paper aims to reconstruct, as far as possible, the complex milieu in which the Tetraevangelion was translated, (maybe) redacted and printed, focusing on the Slavonisms in its Rumanian text. A special attention will be paid to any possible interaction between that mainly Latin (Lutheran-Saxon) milieu and the Rumanian Slavonism.

Keywords: Slavo-Rumanian, Sibiu, Lutheranism, Tetraevangelion, Gospel of Matthew, Filip Maler

Giuseppe Stabile University of Naples “L’Orientale” Department of Literary, Linguistic and Comparative Studies via Duomo, 219 80 138 Naples, Italy [email protected]

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