Flirting With the Unsayable? A Discours Social Perspective of Der Fadl Jen ninger

By Jean Déraps

Department of Comparative Literature McGill University, Montréal July, 1997

Thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research in partial fulfilment of the requiremencs of the degree of Master of Arts.

O Jean Déraps Montréal 1997 National Library Bibliothèque nationale I*l of Canada du Canada Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibliographie Services services bibliographiques 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A ON4 Ottawa ON K1A ON4 Canada Canada Your bk, Votre raterence

Our lüe Notre refdrence

The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive licence allowing the exclusive permettant à la National Library of Canada to Bibliothèque nationale du Canada de reproduce, loan, distribute or sell reproduire, prêter, distribuer ou copies of this thesis in microfom, vendre des copies de cette thèse sous paper or electronic formats. la forme de rnicrofiche/ih, de reproduction sur papier ou sur format électronique.

The author retains ownership of the L' auteur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substantial extracts firom it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or otheMlise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son permission. autorisation.

canada

Thanks

1 would like to thank the foliowing people and organizations for their contributions to this project: Marc Angenot, rny thesis supervisor, for his wisdom, patience and words of encouragement during his supervision of my project. Robert Holub, who accorded me the privilege of attending the Interdisciplinary Seminar in German Studies entitled Recent Controver- sies in German Politics and Cultzwe, at the University of California, Berkeley (CO-sponsoredby the DAAD). I acquired there many insights that have proven to be invaluable for my anaiysis. Douwe Fokkema, Director of the Onderzoeksinstitztut Voor Gescbiedenis En Cultuur at the Rijksuniversiteit Te Utrecht, for his wam welcome du~grny year as guest of his institute. Jürgen Scheipers, for his unswerving support in the archives of the FAZ. where he helped me obtain piles of material that would have otherwise remained beyond my reach. Barbara Elsberger, who provided me with important documentation on numerous occasions, and whose letters of encouragement helped me to remain steadfast in the face of adversity. Friso Wielenga, Professor of History at the Rijksuniversiteit Te Utrecht. and the jakob Kaiser Stiftung for providing my class, "Das Nachkriegs- deutschland und das 'Dritte Reich' ", with the opportunity to experience first hand the past and the present in Konigswinter, Berlin and Buchenwald. The Frankfurter Allgerneine Zeitung, Presse- und Itzfonnntionsarnt der Bundesregierung (Germany), Der Spiegel, Norddeutscber Rundfunk, and Süddeutsche Zeitung (Munich) for their help in providing me with source material. Fonds pour la Formation de Chercheurs et l'Aide ci la Recherche (FUR) for a scholarship that not only helped me get a start on rny thesis, but allowed me to pursue my research in the Netheriands and in Germany. The Deutscher Akademischer Austauschdienst (DAAD) twice over; once, for the scholarship that allowed me to spend a year (1987-88) at the Ludwig-Maximilians-Universitat-München,thus allowing me to be a 'witness' of Der FullJenninger, and a second time for a scliolarship that ailowed me to attend the aforementioned surnmer seminar directed by Robert Holub at the University of California, Berkeley (Summer 1993). Finally, 1 would like to thank my mother, Manique Déraps, without whose support-through thick and thin-1 would have hardly been able to get this whole project off the ground. Abstract

On November 10, 1988, Philipp Jenninger, President of the German

Bundestag (FRG), held a speech in commemoration of the fiftieth

anniversary of Reichsknstallnacht, or 'night of broken glass', a pogrom

which was orchestrated by the National Socialist govemment against

Germany's Jewish citizens. The speech proved to be extremely

controversial and provoked heated reactions in Germany and around the

world.

The following is an analysis of the discourse generated by the

speech in Gemany. The goal of my project is to elucidate the discursive

structures that subtended the state of the Gerrnan discours social in

order to show the way in which the 'text' of Der FdlJenninger was

formed and informed by it.

The first part of the thesis shall serve as an introduction to the

incident of Der FallJenninger. Part two will outline the precepts upon

which 1 will be basing rny analysis. Part three will consist of my analysis

of Der Falljenninger. Résumé

Le 10 novembre. 1988, Phüipp Jennuiger, Président du Bundestag

Allemand (RFA), a tenu un discours lors d'une commémoration du

cinquantième anniversaire du Reichskristahzacbt, ou la 'nuit de cristal',

un pogrome orchestré par le gouvernement National Socialiste contre les

citoyens juifs du Reich Allemand. Le discours a été extrêmement

controversé et a déclenché de vives réactions. autant en Allemagne

qu'ailleurs.

Le présent ouvrage est une analyse du discours produit par

l'événement en Allemagne. Le but de mon projet est d'élucider les

structures discursives sous-jacentes à l'etat du discours socinb allemand

de pouvoir indiquer la façon dont le 'texte' de Der Fa21 jenninger a

été formé et informé par celui-ci.

La première section de cet ouvrage servira d'introduction au cas Der

Full Jenninger. La section suivante résumera le cadre théorique de mon

analyse. L'analyse de Der FallJenninger sera entreprise dans la troisième

section. Table of Contents

Thanks

Abstract

Résumé

Table of Contents

Chapter One: An introduction to Der Fall Jenninger Der Fa11 Jenninger. The bent Why study Der FalI Jenninger! Object and Method of study

Chapter Two: Basic Concepts of the Discours Social On the Origins of Meaning The Discours Social Hegernony and the Discours Social

Chapter Three: A Discours Social Perspective of Der Falljenninger Historia Magistra Vitæ and die Vergangenheit The Historikerstreit and die Vergangenheit Der Fal l Jenninger and die Vergangen heit History in the Making: The Story of Der Fa11 Jenninger A Chronology of Der FaIl Jenninger Der Fa11 Jenninger: The Media Event Stories about Der Fa// lenninger Jenninger: The Failure jenninger: The Hero jenninger: A Victim of the Media

Chapter Four: Closing Remarks

Appendix A The jenninger Speech

Works Consulted Theoretical Considerations German Historical Discourse Sources Specific to Der Fa11 jenninger Karl Marx, The Eighceenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparce Chapter One: An introduction to Der Fa// Jenninger

"New fider." proceeded Atztonim, "nthc~tcfasx of orofor, arzd /IO w greot a master of lmguage iis qziaiified, i/t jour- opinion. tu uvfre history?" "lf he iis to write as the Greeks have wnnttetzr." omrÿered Cafuitrs, "a man of stiprenze abifity is reqzrired :$the statrhrd is ro be da? of our o wtr fefio w -CO rrn~tnen,rzo orator at afi is rreederi; ri is enozcgh that the man xhouid flot h a fiar. " Cicero, De Oratore

LVoootl rnmt nicht sprecherr Raîrn, dani'ber mtg mmxchweigen. tvit~gemtein,Tractacus Logico-P hilosop hicus CHAPTER ONE: AN INTRODUC~ONTO DER FALLJENNINCER 2

Der FaIl jenninger: The Event --

During the night of November 9/10, 1938 an incontrovertible

tragedy took place in Germany, for on that night a pogrom swept

through the Greater German Reich. By the tirne it was al1 over some

8 000 shops, 29 warehouses and 271 homes had been destroyed; 191

synagogues razed by fire and another 76 demolished; 14 Jewish

cornmunity centers, cemetery chapeis and similar buildings were torched

or gutted; at least 30 000 Jewish men were arrested and dragged off to

concentration camps, many of whom were only to fînally escape their

torment through the flues of Auschwitz. Around 230 people were killed

and another 600 pemanently maimed-l As astounding as these numbers

are they hardly begin to describe the human suffering and humiliation to

which German Jews were subjected on that fateful night in German

history.

One half century after this gruesome show of man's inhurnanity to

man, a series of special events were slated in the Federal Republic of

Germany to 'cornmernorate' the Fiftieth anniversary of what has been

euphemistically labelled as Reicbskristailnacht, or Wight of Broken

Giass'. One of these events was a speech held by Philipp Jenninger,

Speaker of the German parliament, which took place in the Bundestag

on November 10, 1988.2 The ill-fated speech was making waves even

before it properly got off the ground, and the controversy which resulted

from it was so great that Jenninger could see no altemative but to CHriPTER ONE: AN INTRODUCT'IONTO DER EUJfiVNINGER 3

submit-under immense pressure from ail parties including his own-his

'voluntary' resignation the very next day.3

Rumours that a Neo-Nazi had held an anti-Semitic speech in German

parliament proved to be difficult to contain and the event made headlines

in Gemany and around the world:

"Jenninger Defends Hitler-Eran(Maariv, I~rael).~

"Hitler Gave Us a Fantastic Time: Antisemitism Explodes Again in

German Parliament" (Cowiere della Sera, Italy)5

"Trampling Through History with Army Boots Onn (Spiegel,

Gemian~)~

"Speaker praises Hitler en" (Times,London)'

Critics of the speech abounded-not the least among those who had

apparently neither heard nor read itg-and the incident soon took on

such exaggerated proportions, that one is tempted to label the whole

affair a farce. "When the wrong man in the wronç place holds the wrong

speech at the wrong time," wntes Ulrich Greiner, "it is normally an

occasion for uproarious laughter? For most Germans, as Greiner

subsequently points out, it was fa.from being a laughing matter. It would

be wise, however, to take Greiner's anaphoric emphasis on the

wrongness of the event with a grain of salt: Why was Jenninger the

wrong man? Why was this particular speech the wrong one? And why

was this the wrong place and time? Who gets to decide? CHhPTER ONE: AN INTRODUCT'TON TO DER FAUJENNIAGER 4

The initial reaction was unanimous in its condemnation of

Jenninger's speech. Many commentators felt that Jenninger had not

distanced himself sufficiently from thoughts and vocabulary attributable

to the Nazis of the Third Reich. "Selbst for den Wohlmeinenden,"

remarked Olaf Feldman (FDP), "kiang das alles wie eine Rechtfertigungs-

rede."1° Some surnmarily dismissed the event as the consequence of an

incompetent orator who simply misunderstood what was expected of

him on this solemn occasion. Others sought to demonstrate that the

speech's failure lay in Je~inger'sflawed elocution: he tumed out to be

an inept Brutus when the situation called for a brilliant Marc Antony. The

blame thus feu almost entirely on Jenninger.

The exaggerated negative reaction seems paradoxical, considering

the actual content of the speech. As Richard Evans notes:

Reading the text of Jenninger's speech in cold print after the event,

however, it is difficult to understand what al1 the fuss was about. iMuc11

of the criticism seemed either exaggerated or beside the point.

Jenninger described the events of the pogrom accurately and made clear

his condemnation of them. He went on to outline the anti-Semitic

policies that preceded and foliowed it, culminating in the extermination

at Auschwitz, Treblinka, and eIsewhere. More than this, Jenninger

Iocated these cvents in German history, traced back the course of

German anti-Semitism into the nineteenth century, and criticized the

suppression of consciousness and memory in West Germany after 1945.

And he explicitly rejected what he called the "senseless" demand to

draw a Line after fifty years and start afresh. "Our past," he said, in a CHAPTER ONE: AN INTRODUCTION TO GER FALLJÈNNINGER 5

direct reference to Nolte's article that had started off the debate on the

place of Nazism in West German political culture in 1986, "wiii not rest,

neither wiii it pass away." ' l

Curiously enough, not a single one of the 519 members of the

Bundestag stood behind Jenninger and his speech, at least publicly.

"There was no one," remarked CSU-member Ursula Mknle, "who would

have defended the speech."12 "So schnell stand selten einer nahezu

allein," writes Günter Hofmann, "wie Philipp Jenninger an diesem

merkwürdigen Partamentstag."lJ This reaction is made even more

puzzling by the fact that the great majority of those dernanding his

resignation, acknowledged him as a "friend of Israel" and stated that

neither ilis integrity nor his intentions were ever in doubt. "Es war wie im

wilden Westen," wrote Schlomo Schamgar, journalist for the Israëli

newspaper Jediot Acburonot, "zuerst hat man ihn erschossen. Dann

murmelte man, daR der Genosse Philipp eigentiich ein anstkdiger und

ehrenwerter Mensch gewesen sei. Er war, und darüber bestehen keine

Zweifel, ein anstandiger Mann, der sich falsch ausgedrückt hat. Er ist der

Letzte, der ein solches Ende verdient bat? The much respected. 'tme

democrat', was thus shown the way to the political gailows.

A subsequent wave of commentaries was much more supportive of

the speech? Many lauded Jenninger for having finally addresssd die

Vkrpngenheit at an official political function.16 Several commentators

even went as far as saying that Jeminger's speech had made a signifrcant

contribution to the understanding of the events that took place in 1938.17 CtWPTER O NE: AN INTRODUCTION TO DER FALL IEIVIVNCER 6

This 'counter-reaction' is remarkably at odds with the opinion of those

who claimed that Jenninger sought to 'just*' or even 'exculpate' the

actions of the Germans during the Thirci Reich.

The public reaction to his speech was also considerable, considering

the usual political apathy shown by the populace at large regarding these

cornmernorative events in Germany.18 German newspapers and

magazines received countiess letters and Jenninger personally received

over 10 000 letters from Gemany and the world over, representing

people of al1 political and religious persuasions as well as some of the

victirns of Nazi Germany. The overwhelrning majority of these letters

came out in defense of his speech.19 "Ich -te in Ihrer Rede nicht einen

einzigen Satz zu bezeichnen," wrote a German college professor and

eyewitness of the 'Heydays' of the Third Reich, "dessen Peinlichkeit eine

andere ware als die Peinlichkeit der Wahrheit." 20 A Jewish survivor of the

Holocaust wrote the following:

Darf ich mich vorsteIlen? Ich bin deutscher Jude, israelitischer Bürger,

1921 in Berlin geboren und habe in Auschwitz 'promoviert'. Die

deutsche Botschaft in Isnel hat mir freundlicherweise einen Abdruck

Ihrer Gedenkrede im Bundestag zur Verfügung gestellt, die ich trotz

üirer Wichtigkeit fir uns Juden nicht in einer israelitischen Zeitung fand

... Diese Rede (wurde) am richtigen Platz und in der richtigen Zeit

gehalten. Leider kmich nicht verstehen, warum unser Auswartiges

Amt diese Rede kritisierte [. ..] 21 CHhPTER O NE: AN INTRODUCTION TO DER FAUJEVNINGER 7

Another supporter wrote Jeminger the following in defence of his

speech:

Als gebürtiger Berliner, Jude, der die Kristalhacht als 2 l jahriger miter-

lebt hat, halte ich es für meine moralische Pflicht, Ihnen zu schreiben.

Es ist mir vollig unklar, warurn ein solcher Sturm der Entrüstung über Sie

hergefallen ist. Alles, was Sie sagten, war nach meinen Erfahrungen

hundertprozentig korrekt."

Clearly, the fact that even Jewish survivors of the Holocaust-precisely

those people who would be expected to be the most sensitive to any

attempt to relativize the misdeeds of the Third Reich-could agree with

what Jenninger said let alone praise him for his courage, while others

condemned it as a "dark day in German post-war historyW23raises more

than just a few questions.

Diversity of opinion about an event, to suggestively paraphrase

Oscar Wilde, shows that it is new, complex and vital. The magnitude of

the reaction to Jenninger's speech-even the New York Times printed

excerpts of the speech-and the extent to which it was interpreted in

suclt diametrically opposed ways, indeed seem to suggest that there was

something more complex at work here than oratorical ineptitude. The

event appeared as the latest manifestation of a malaise that has haunted

Germans since 'Liberation Day': how to deal with die Vergungenheit.

their Nazi past. CHrlPTER ONE: AN INTRODUCTiON TO DER FACL ~EIVNINGER 8

Why study Der Fall jenninger?

My study of Der FaZl jenninger evolved from an interest in

exploring silence as a discursive space, as part of a project to elucidate

and analyse the discursive mechanisms that regulate the production and

the circulation of the unsayable. Despite the fact that not al1 utterances

belong to the realm of the 'acceptable'-one is not 'allowed' to say

anything, to anyone, at any time, in al circumstances-this does not

mean, however, that the unsayable is part of sorne inaccessible nether-

world existing outside of the way in which we conceive of the world

around us. The unsayable is rather an inextricable part of the way a given

society generates meaning and produces 'tmths' about the world. [t

should therefore be possible to corne up with a discursive map of 'ideas'

that are less acceptable than others and to describe the ways in which

these are systematically excluded from discourse. One should therefore

be able to map the unsayable in discourse just as well as one cm map

the saynble. Indeed. they cm both be seen as essentiaiiy the sarne thing,

since, as Barthes sa. his in Leçon, "censorship is not interdiction but

rather conzpukion, being constrained to speak according to the dom."lj

Der Full Jenninger presented itself, therefore, as a privileged

opportunig to study the discursive mechanisms regulating the sayable as

part of a concrete occurrence. On the surface. Der Full Jenninger

appears to be the result of Jenninger having transgressed sorne

elementary 'ümit' of the sayable, of noc having respected the doxa. As 1

attempted to demonstrate above, however, this limit seemed 'self- CHAPTER ONE: AN INTRODUCTION TO DER FAUJE1ViVINGER 9

evident' to some, while completely absent to others. How can we

account for these differences? Can they be attributed simply to a

misunderstanding that resulted from misappropriated literary techniques,

"missing" quotation marks, or bad intonation? What is at stake for al1

sides?

"Le discours, en apparence, a beau être bien peu de chose," writes

Michel Foucault, "les interdits qui le frappent révèlent très tôt. très vite.

son lien avec le désir et avec le pouvoir."26One of the goals of the

present project is to explore what has hitherto been 'overlooked' in the

analysis of Der Fall jennirzger, i.e. the relationship between the pro-

scriptions concerning the representation of history and the power

structure of the West Gerrnany in the Iate 1980s.

Der Fall jenninger is also interesting because it deals with history

and has itself been transformed into a (hi)story. This allows us to explore

severai aspects of the way in which meaning is produced via historical

discourse.

Another interesting aspect of Der Fafljenninger is the fact chat the

debate took place in the public sphere to a much greater extent than, for

instance, the Historikerstreit, and thus provides us with material more

representative of the state of discourse in the West Germany of the late

80s. The Historz'kwstreit did generally take place in the mainstream

media accessible to the public, but was more of a battle fought out by

academics at an 'Olympian' intellectual level rather than a discussion

accessible to the general public. Jeminger's speech, on the other hand, CHAPTER ONE: AN INTRODUCTION TO DER FAU JENNINGER 1O

as well as most of the debate surrounding it, was accessible to almost

everyone, thus providing for a 'richer' corpus to study.

I have found that ail of the few other academic studies dealing with

Der Fdjenninger fail to discuss the state of discourse that informed the

speech (Le. revisionist tendencies, implications of tUltagsgeschichte,

reverberations of the Historikerstreit, uses of history, etc.) and the

reactions to it and more often than not concentrated on the speech's

'technical' aspects

oratorical, not argumentative, sense], purely linguistic analyses based on

speech-act theory, lack of oratorical tradition in Germany, etc...) in order

to explain what was 'wrong' with Jeminger's speech. Several attempt a

'close reading' of the speech and profoundly conclude that Jenninger

should not have said what he did. Other studies even go as far as to

'bracket off the speech from the social reality of which it is an

inseparable part, in a move akin to killing a person in order to better

study the circulation of blood. Ee '8

Obiect and Method of studv

The object of my study is the entire text of the discourse generated

by the speech in Genna~~y.~gI take as corpus as much of the reaction to

the speech that was accessible to the German population as possible.

This includes books, articles and letters published in German newspapers

and magazines, letters personally addressed to Jcnninger (insofar as they

were publicly avaiiable via other publications) and radio scripts. This is

what 1 wiii be referring to as Der FallJenninger. 1 wiil submit this corpus CHMER ONE: AN INTRODUCTION TO DER FAU JfiVNfiVGER Il

tu an analysis espoused by the analyse de discours school of thought. My

study, in contrast to other acadernic studies, will not try to show what

was wrong about Jenninger's speech, nor be limited to an analysis of the

speech itself (although the speech is an integral part of the text of Der

FallJenninger), but will attempt to reveal some of the discursive

structures that subtended the state of the discours social at the time of

the speech, in order to show in which way the 'text' of Der Fall

jenninger was fomed and infomed by it.

I shall first undertake a generai discussion on the production of

meaning in society using, as theoretical framework, the concept of

discours social. This outline (in Chapter 2) will serve to define my

theoretical and methodological approach for the purpose of this study

and should not be constnied as an in-depth description and/or analpis of

the discours social. The second part of my study shall consist of an

analysis of certain aspects Der FallJenningw according to the principles

outlined in Chapter 2. It goes without saying that within the confines of

this project 1 will only be able to scratch the surface.

NOTES The figures included here are taken from: David Fisher and hnthony Read. Krisîallnacht. me Unleashirig of the Holocaut (New York: Peter Bedriclc Books, 1989) 68-69. For the full text of this speech, both in the original Gerrnan and in English translation, see Appendix A. neJenninger Speech starting on page 14, 3 The resignation was voluntary in the sense that German law precludrs the 'dismissal' of the Bundestagspriisident. * Jenninger verteidigte ~itler-kau:Maariu. As cited in Eckart Hachmam, Letter. ,Sogartig und ohne Abwagen,"Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung 26 Nov. 1988: n. pag. ',Hitler brachte uns phantastische Zeitenu: Der Antisemitismus explodiert crneut irn deutschen Parlament,"Cowiere della Sera [Milano], 11 Nov. 1988: N. pag. 'Mit Knobelbechern durch die Geschichte," Spiegel 46 (1 4 Nov. 1988) 22-28. John England, "Kohl in crisis talks after the Speaker praises Hitier en," Tirnes 1 1 Nov. 1988: 11, Many articles commenting the speech appeared in newpapers around the world the next day, this despite the fact that the text of the speech had not yet been circulated. As a former Italian ambassador to Germany put it: "Die Presse im Auslmd hatte den Text noch nicht vollstandig geiesen, als sie bereits entdecke, da8 der Antisemitismus in Deutschiand noch imrner pkisent sei," Luigi Vittorio Ferraris, "FleiBig auch in der Reue- Jenningers Rede hat die Kritik nicht verdient," Die Zeit 25 Nov. 1988: N. pag. Ulrich Greiner, "Das Ende der Diaiektik," Die Zeit 18 Nov 1988: 5. 'O Badische Zeitung, 262 (1 1 Nov. 1988): 3. Cited in Heiko Girnth. Eiristellung rrnd einstelfungsbekundrtng in der politlschen Rede: eine sprncbtuissenscbnfttiche Untersucbung der Rede Phili'p Jenningers uorn IO. Nouernber 1988. Euro paische Hochschulschriften- (Frankfurt a. M.: Peter hg,1973) 8. " Richard J. Evans, In Hitler's Shndow. West German Historicrns and the Alternpt to Escape /rom the Nazi Past (New York: Panrheon, 1789) 131. l2 'Mit Knobelbechem durch die Geschichte." Spiegel46 (14 Nov. 1988): 35. 13 Gunter Hofmann, "Der Alleingang ins Abseits. Bonn und die deutsche Geschichte: Wie Philipp Jenningers Absichten im Eklat untergingen." Die Zeit 18 Nov. 1988: N. pag. l4 Armin iaschet, and Heinz Malangré, Eds. Philippjenninger. Rede lord Reaktion. (Aachen/Koblenz: Einhard/Rheinischer Merhmr, 1989) 56. l5 'Was für Jenninger eine Art von Genugtuung sein mag, ist ein Umschwung in der Publizistik von merika bis Israel, nicht zuletzt in Italien und den Niederlanden; selbst die linkgrüne ,ttizU auBert sich differenziert." Helmut Herles, "Zuspruch," Frnnkfzzrrter Atlgerneine Zcifung 26 Nov. 1788, DI1 Politik: N. pag. l6 The term die Vergnngenheit is used euphrrnistically when rcferrinp to the tliirteen years of the Third Reich. I will later discuss die Verpngerrheit in greater detail when 1 ddwith it as an ideologeme. l7 "Nicht nur der liberale Bonner Historïker HansAdolf Jacobsen meinte, die Gerechtigkeit gebiete es, darauf hinzuweisen, daf3 Jenningers Rede ,bei nüchterner, unvoreingenommener Analyse ais ein beachtlicher Beitrag zum Verstiindnis des Schicksalsjahres 1938 betrachtet werden ka^"." Günter Hofmann, "Der Aileingang ins Abseits. Bonn und die deutsche Geschichte: Wie Philipp Jenningers Absichten im Eklat untergingen," Die Zeif 18 Nov. 1988: N. pag. One person even made the foUowing comment dircctly reflecting this attitude: "Aus profundem Desinteresse an dem ganzen immer gieichen Politikergekliingel (sagen Sie doch selbst, wer kann die denn noch ernst nehmen?) hat natürlich keiner von uns die Rede live gehort." C.W., Letter to Philipp Jenninger, 18 Nov 1988. Reprinted in Laschet/Malangré, 106. '9 Only some forty letters could be judged to be 'anti-JemingerB,as they were either criticai of his speech or deemed to corne from from the wrong end of the ideologicai spectrum. A selection of these Ietters can be found in: Laschet/Malangré, Pbilipp Jennlnger. Rede rrnd Reaktion .

2L Die AJfure Jenninger. WLISeine Rede an den Tag Dracbte. By Wetnçr Hill. Dir. Klaus Stieringer. Norddeutscher Rundfunk (NDR 3), Hannover. 27 Mar. 1989, 54. [Rebroadcast: NDR 4, 17 June, 19891. My emphasis. CWERO NE: AN INTRODUCTIONTO DER FAU JENNNGER 13

* Joachim Schucht, "Aus der Welt Lob für Jenninger," Frankfirrter Neue Presse 30 Nov. 1988: N. pag. 23 Willy Brandt cited in: "Mit Knobelbechern durch die Geschichte." Spiegel 46 (14 Nov. 1988): 23. 24 In German discourse the use of the expression "the Pastn as a cuphemism for 'the Nazi Pastwis an example of how a specific utterance is systematicdiy avoided. 25 Roland Barthes, Leçon (Paris: Seuil, 1978) 14. 26 Micficl Foucault, L'ordre du discours (Paris: Gallimard, 1971) 12. 27 "Meiner anschliel3enden Analyse Liegt nur der Redetext zugrunde. auch um zu zeigen, daf3 Jemingers Vortragsweise dort angelegte Miingel blol3 verstkkt, genau wie andere auBere Faktorcn die unmittelbar negative Aufnahme der Rede zwar begünstigten, aber nicht eridaren." Birgit-Nicole Krebs. Spracbhandltrng und Sprachwirku~zg. Urzterstrcburzgen zrrr Rhetorik, Sprrrcbkrifik und zum Falljenninger (Berlin, Bielefeld, and Miinchen: Erich Schmidt VerIag, 1993) 1 17. 28 Terry Eagleton, Liternry Theory. An Introduction (Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P. 1983) 109. 29 To be more preceise, 1 will be dealing with as much of the material 1 could obtain. Chapter Two: Basic Concepts of the Discours Social

But of course dis shiarp polh-iry betüüeen 'theory ' and 'Ife' ic sure(v tnirleading. AI/ social life iic in some sense theoretical: ewm srrch apparentfy corrcrete, arrirrzpeachabfe statetnetzts as ;bass the saif' or 'I'we jusf put de cnt OZU' engage theoretical propositi011~-of cz kir14 controve~iblestatemwts about the nature of the worM This is. crhirtedfy, hwyof a pretg low hei, hardly of arr Eilrsteiniatr gratzdeur; but propositions such as 'r/rk is a 6eer rrrzrg' &ed on the msutnptiotr f/rat the object itr questiotr wi// sr na^-h ;f dropped from a cerfah heighr rather than pzit OUI a s'na// c/nilrti[y coforrred parmhure, alrd if did the fatter rcrther rhan the fonmr then ice would have fo rewire the propusifion. hdj~i~fas al/ sociof fzj% is theoretical, so a//theury is a red social practice. Teny Eaghon, The Significance of Theory CHAITEX TWO:BASIC CONCEPTS OF THE DISCOURS SOCUL 15

On the Orieins of me an in^

There is a scene in the movie The Go& Must be Crazy in which a

bush pilot, flying somewhere over Africa, tosses an empty bottle of

Coca-ColaTM out the window of his airplane. On the ground, an

unsuspecting native sees the bottle tumble down frorn the heavens and

rushes over to pick it up. This particuiar tnbe has apparently never been

in contact with modem capitalist 'civiiization' and thus has no idea of this

bottle's 'real' significance. Accordingly, it proceeds to interpret it

according to the rules of signification that exist within the tribe. The

coke bottle, elsewhere perceived as the ubiquitous marque of a

manufacturer of fizzy caffeinated sugar water, is thus promptly

transformed into a talisman of divine origin.

The above anecdote serves to Uustrate the point that meaning is not

immanent to a sign, but rather is the result of the way in which it is

deployed within a given 'discursive economy'. It is the tribesmen's way

of seeing the world, their Weltanschauung, that 'guides' them in the

attribution of meaning to the coke bottle. It is not a matter that these

tribesmen mistook the bottle's 'true' meaning; meaning was attributed

according to the rules of meaning production that obtained in that

society at that point in tirne. Similarly, most North hmericans would fmd

it quite impossible to entertain the notion of the genie in the bottle,

unless, perhaps, they were major shareholders of Coca Cola. CHAITER TWO: BASIC CONCEPTS OF THE DISCOURS SOCDIL 16

Human Me is 'simcantl existence. Our ability to produce meaning

allows us to transcend Our rnere biological existence and imbue Our

environment with significance. The fact that we "inhabit a world, rather

than just a physical spacenl is what differentiates homo sapiens from

other animal species. Our capacity to deploy signs allows us to break out

of the limits of our 'here and now' and produce history, thus irnmersing

ourselves in a world of meaning inseparable from our mere biological

existence. "Al1 human action, al1 human mental Iife, and indeed the

universe as a whole, insofar as it relates to things human, are a matter of

the production, interpretation, and interrelating of signs," writes Tirnothy

Reiss in summarizing the ideas of C.S. Peirce and M.M. Bakhtin.?The way

in which signs are organized to produce meaning is referred to as

disco urse .

Where does meaning originate? What processes regulate the

production and circulation of meaning? How cm we go about

characterizing this? One way of conceptualizing the ways in which

meaning is produced and circulated is called the discours social.3

The Discours Social4

The discours social seeks to account for the totality of what is said

and written in a given state of society, including everything that is spoken

publicly or represented in one way or another, al1 that is narrated or

argued, if we pose that narration and argumentation are two important

modes of putting ideas into discourse. It seeks to account for the

production and circulation of rneaning by extrapolating from this CHAPTER TWO: BASICCONCEPTS OF THE DISCOURS SOCML 17

cacaphonic mass the themes, rules and systems that generate the sayable

of the society being snidied.

The basic tenet of the discours social is that the sayable is generated

according to a certain systematicity, the characteristics of which one

should be able to describe. For Marc Angenot, this implies that

beyond the fragment, the diversity of languaçes and themes, the

cacaphony and the chaos, the researcher can succeed in reconstituting

the rules of the sayable and the scriptible, the ordered division of the

discursive tasks, the interdiscursive networks, the rules of the formation

of specific discourses as well as a topos, the ways of saying things whch

belong to a state of society and determine according to a certain

systernaticity the acceptable and legitimate discourse of an em5

An analysis of the discours social, therefore. seeks to render explicit the

patterns that emerge as "narrative and argumentional constructs, topicai

maxims, pragmatic markings, semantic paradigms, sociolectal markers

and rhetorical figures that organize themselves into 'social obje~ts'."~

These patterns are inseparable from the conditions of production and

reception from which they anse. The sayable within a given state of

discourse consists of facts which, through usage, become powerful social

forces which are neither strictiy linguistic nor gnoseological, and "which

function independently of particular usages and applications.7 What gets

said in a given state of discourse invariably betrays the strategies whereby

a statement 'recognizes' its positioning within the discursive economy CHAPTEFt TWO: BASIC CONCEPTS OF THE DlSCOURS SOCfilL 18

and operates accordingly. The discours social is the resultant of these

multiple but non-aleatory strategie~.~

The discours social does not therefore consist of a spontaneously

generated brouhaha of aleatory elements of meaning but is rather a

system of semantic production that can be described in terrns of its

intertextunlity, ix. the circulation and transformation of ideologemes

(the smallest units of acceptable ~ig~cationin a given doxa, sites upon

which opposing discourses struggle for position?, and interdiscursivity,

i.e. the interaction and influence of various modes of discourse upon

each O ther. Io

The organization of signs into discourse does not take place in an

arbitrary fashion but rather proceeds according to certain rules-tacit or

explicit-that regulate the production and circulation of rneaning. Signs

do not exist independently of the social context that produces them; they

are social products and hence intrinsically ideological. The term ideology

does not mean the dogrnatism usually ascribed to persons of different

politicai persuasions from our own, but rather the way in which the

things we Say and believe are related to the power structure of the

society we live in. "The domain of ideology," according to Bakhtin,

"coincides with the domain of signs. They equate with one another.

Wherever a sign is present, ideology is present, too." To say that the

production of meaning is ideological means that

tout ce qui peut s'y repérer, comme types d'énoncés, verbalisation de

thèmes, modes de structuration ou de composition des énoncés, CHAPTERTWO: BASIC CONCEPTS OF THE DISCOURYSOCIAL 19

gnoséologie sous-jacente à une forme signifiante, tout cela porte la

marque de manières de connaître et de re-présenter le connu qui ne

vont pas de soi, qui ne sont pas nécessaires ni universelles, qui

comportent des enjeux sociaux, expriment des intérêts sociaux.

occupent une position (dominante ou dominée, dit-on, mais la topologie

à décrire est plus complexe) dans l'économie des discours sociaiix. Tout

ce qui se dit dans une société réalise et altère des modèles, des

préconstruits-tout un déji-là qui est un produit social cumulé. Tout

paradoxe s'inscrit dans la mouvance d'une doxa. l2

Certain ways of saying certain things, therefore, are complicit with

certain ways of re-presenting reality that are far from being 'innocent'.

and which support the interests of certain groups to the detriment of

others. Producing and circulating meaning is thus not just a matter of

tossuig ideas into the Nig of the discours social since these ideas will fa11

on deaf ears unless they 'resonate' in some way with the existing ways of

representing the world, some more endowed with authority and

legitimacy than others. Galileo's scientific evidence supporting the

Copernican theory of the solar system. for instance, "spoke the tnith. but

was not within the truth"l3 concerning the 'celestid matters' of his era.

This resulted in a clash between the dominant theocratico-theological

(reiigious) mode1 of discourse and the emerging analytico-referential

(scien-c) model, since the 'scientific rnethodl-part of modem society's

doxa-had not yet becorne an accepted way of producing meaningLJ CKAPTER WO:BASIC CONCEPTS OFTHE f)ISCOI/RS SOCUL 20

Certain discourses, therefore, are endowed with greater persuasive

force than others because they are more in line with more 'acceptable'

ways of attributing meaning. For any given concept, however, there can

exist a spectnim of meanings. from those that mirror the universally

accepted 'it goes without saying' of the doxn, to those that are the

expression of more peripherai, alternative representations. Whether the

explanation of the origin of man expounded in the Origin of Species or

Genesis has a 'truer ring' to it and possesses greater legitimacy in any

given society will depend on the state of the discours social in which

these texts are circulated and is not, therefore. an epistemological

constant. The beworkwithin the discours social that seeks to account

for the dynarnics of this 'truer ring' is the concept of hegemony.

Hegemony and the Discours Social

As we saw earlier, meaning is not an immutable characteristic

intrinsic to a sign, but rather the result of its discursive deployrnent. To

borrow from Nietzsche, we can Say that there are no 'facts' as such:

meaning has to be introduced in order for there to be a fact. Facts are

discursive constructs. The way in which meaning is inuoduced, however,

is, to a great extent, independent of individual will, since various

discursive mechanisms work together to impose specific ways of

addressing specific themes, thereby "entropicaiiy fmating the lirnirs of the

thinkable, the argumentable, the narratable, the scnptible."l5 It would

not, for instance, be impossible for me to proclairn my cat an incarnation

of one of the gods; such a proclamation, however, in view of the state of CHAPTER TWO:BASIC CONCEPTS OF THE DISCOURS SOCUL 21

discourse where 1 live, would most likely lead to ridicule rather than

reverence, since the limits of the acceptable within the discours social of

which 1 am a part would generally preclude the possibility of entertaining

the notion of cat worship. That this exclusion is historically determined

and not an epistemological constant cm be ascertained by the fact that

the inhabitants of the ancient Egyptian city of Bubastis may have in al1

Wcelihood found nothing particularly frivolous about my clairn, since they

held in reverence many sacred cats.lG

Hegemony is the discursive concept that determines the way in

which the realm of the sayable is defined and carved up. It can be

understood as the "synergic resultant of a set of unifying and regulatory

mechanisms that perform the division of the discursive labour and the

homogenization of the rhetoric, the topics and the doxai."I7 Thus

hegemony not only defines the boundaries of the sayable, it imposes a

repertory of thernes to be discussed as well as ways of discussing them.

thus bestowing upon these ideas in circulation varying degrees of

acceptability and legitimacy. In other words, the hegemony of any given

social conjuncture determines who gets to Say zuhat and how and what

kind of influence it cm have on which groups. Hegernony should not be

thought of as a static, immutable and monolithic entity that corresponds

to a 'dominant ideology', but should rather been seen as a dynamic

process expressing a dominance in the play of ideologies continually

undergoing gradua1 change9 The hegemony of any given state of

discourse attempts to take in and homogenize al1 of what gets said, trying to impose discursive stabiiity. There is a lirnit, however, in the extent to which any given hegemony can 'phagocytose' quite disparate discourses without being dispiaced by these very sarne discourses. In this respect, the dynarnics of hegemony are analogous to the laws of inertia; hegemony tends to rernain at rest unless acted upon by discourses at its penphery. There are, of course, aimost always discursive forces acting at the margins, thereby ensuring that any hegemony will rarely find a state of rest. Hegemony can therefore be seen as an etemal 'work-in-progress'.

One of the angles tram which the workings of the hegemonic process cm be approached is via the Topoi upon which debate takes place. In the case of Der Falljenninger, as I shail attempt to show, how the debate over the signification of the past, based on the 'occluded' topos Historia Magistra Vitce, produced a polarized doxa that inforrned the discourse surrounding Der Fall Jenninger.

A second section will look at the way in which the discourse of Der

Full jenninger was 'formed' by its 'orchestrated' insertion-regulated by the hegemony-into the sayable of the discoztrs social.

NOTES ' Terry Eagleton, Ihe Slgni/icunce of nïeory. (Oxford: Basil Biackwell, 1990) 25. Timothy Reiss. DLscorrrse of Modmlmr flthaca: Corneil UP. 1782) 10. 3 1 use the French term dfscours social because of the discrepancy between the French School of Analyse de discours, (a macro, society-based approach) and the Anglo- American School of Discourse Analysis (micro, interpersonal approach). "wili be summarizing the basic concepts of discottrs social from the following source: Marc Angenot, 1889. Un &rat du discours social, (Montréal: Le PréambuIe, 1788). CHAPTER WO:BASIC CONCEPTS OF THE DISCOURS SOCIAL 23

Marc Angenot et Régine Robin, "L'inscription du discours social dans le texte littéraire," Sodocriticism I (1 985): 54. Marc Angenot, Antonio Gornez-Moriana and Régine Robin. Constitution d'trn "Centre Interuniversituire d'Analyse dcr Discours et de Sociocritiqtre des Textes" (CIADErn, (Montréal: CIADEST, 1991) 3. 'Angenot et al., Constitution 3-4. 13 Angenot, 1889 17. 9 'Ideologeme," EncycCopedilr of Contemporary Liternry Theoy. Appronches. Scholars, Terms. Ed. lrena R. Makaryk (Toranto: U of Toronto P, 1993) 556-7.

'O Angenot, 1883 17. " V.N. Voloshinov (Mikhail Bakhtin) MamiSm and the Philosopby of Lnngrtrrge. Trans. Ladislav Matejka and 1. R. Titunik. (New York: Serninar Press, 1973) 10. l2 Angenot 1889 19. '3 Michel Foucault, L'ordre du discours (Paris: Gallimard, 1971) 37. l4 Reiss, Chapter 1. lS Marc Angenot, "Hégémonie, dissidence et contrediscours. Réflexions sur les périphéries du discours social en 1889,"fhies Li#t?rntres 22/2 (F3U 1989): 11. l6 Early predynastic tribes in Egypt venerated many deities who were embodied in animais. The sacred cat of Bubastis was but one of these deities. Sumrnarized from The Concise Colrtrnbia Encyclopedia, New York: Cokunbia UP, 199 1. l7 Angenot, "Hégémonie" 12. l8 Angenot, 1889 25- Chapter Three: A Discours Social Perspective of Der FallJenninger

Hom cornfortiug it is, otlce or hice a year, To get togethandforger the O fd tittzes. ils ori those special aùys, fndie~and gedet~zen, IVhen the boWshias gather at the grmieside rl nd a leent~gwaistcoat approaches the ros~rrrm. If is fike a sofenrti part betîuee~zthe srsrrmiwors. The nzay O r /los signed it OB behag of thefreemasonq. The p riest ha$ sea fed if on beha/f of a// the rest. Nothi~zgmon need be said, orrd if is better fhaf wuy- James Fefzton, "AGerman Requiem"

La parole hmzaitie est cornme rrn chaudron fiAh! ON riom battons des mélonies ri. faire ahmer les ours, qmmd on vomirait attetzdrir les étoiles. Gustave Flaubert. bf adame B ovaq

How do we reize the past? Cmz we mer do so? IVhm I w.as a menical student some pranRsrers at atl ed-ofitenn datzce relead irzto the haffcr plgfe~which /rnd beetz srrieared with grease. If sqrrirt~zcdbefweerz legs. ewaden cap trtre, squeafed a lot. People felf ove/-tqirzg to grcrsp ir, rrrid were made [O look ridicrfors in the process. The pmt seetris /O behme like thtpigfet. Jflliarr Barnes, FIau hm's Parrot ~~THREE: A DISCOURS SOCL4L PERSPECTIVE OF DER FALLJE'VNIIVGER 25

Historia Magistra Vita and die Vergangenheit

"To leam from the past for the sake of the future is the demand of

many," spoke Jenninger in citing Leo Baeck. "To recognize what was, to

understand what is and to comprehend what will be, char after al1

appears to be the task that is assigned to historical know-

ledge."l[Rede, 661 jenninger thus stated the age old topos upon which

his speech would rest, that ofi-listoria Magistra Vitre in which history is

the great teacher of life. Although he could count on the fact that most

would share this topos and believe that one can actually leam from

history, he appeared oblivious of the fact that whnt one could learn from

which history had become such contentious issue. He failed to realize

that there was a turf-battle raging in Germany-whose flarnes had been

fanned a few years earlier by the Historikerstreit-over who had the

right to Say what about die Vergangenheit and for what ends. In other

words, jenninger failed to fathom the extent to which there was a

struggle of social interests at the level of die Vergangenheit, the

ideologerne that had become a locus of fervent ideological contention.'

In the case of die Vergangenheit different interest groups sought to

appropriate the nght to either fül or liquidate the concept, according to

their ideological predilections.

This struggle over the rneaning and possible uses of die

Vergangenheit hardly onginated with Der Full jenninger; it has been

going since the end of the Second World War. The ideological clash that

was the Historikerstreit, however, played a substantial role in the way CHAPTER THREE: A DISCOURS SOCLA L PERSPECTlVE OF DER FAU JENNfNGER 36

die Vergangenheit would be signified within the discourse of Der Fall

jenninger since it served to polarîze the discursive space within which

Jenninger would larer choose to move. "Had jürgen Habermas not seized

upon the Hillgruber book and then upon Ernst Nolte's essay," writes

Charles S. Maier about eruption of the Historikerstreit. "Germany's

'polarized historical consciousness' might not have exploded into warfare

on the cultural pages."' In order, therefore, to better understand the

polarized dora that informed Der Fall jenninger it is essential to have a

brief look at the Historikerstreit.

The Historikerstreit and die Vergangenheir

The Hi~to~kerstreit-often mistranslated as the 'historians'

debate'-was a full-blown battle between historians that erupted in

German newspapers in 1986, purportedly over the "singularity of the

Nazi extermination of the Jewsn.51 Say purportedly because what started

out as a questioning of the dubious, politicaily motivated uses which neo-

conservative historians were making of history in the public sphere, was

fnst transformed into a squabble over the singularity of Auschwitz. before

later degenerating into an a11 out attack on the instigator of the 'debate',

the well-known West-German philosopher jürgen Habermas. In the

article that set fire to the conservative powder keg, "Eine Art Schadens-

abwicklung" (A Kind of Settlement of Damages), Habermas took to task

the emerging neoconservative 'program' of attempting to recuperate an

acceptable past that could be used to ïnstili a positive sense of belonging CHAPTER THREE:A DISCOURS SOCL4L PERSPECTIVE OF DER FALLJENNIIVGER 27

and patriotism in the Gerrnan people. His was a direct rejoinder to the

alarming and alamist tendencies demonsmted by a loose constellation of

right-wing/conservative historians who seemed intent on reshaping die

Vergangenheit into a form more useful to its political masters. The

(sornetimes not 50) tacit goal of the neo-conservatives was that the

"Federal Republic should reacquire its selfconfidence as a member of the

Western alliance by salvaging an acceptable past. Making the past

acceptable entails a leveling of those elements that hinder identification

(for example Auschwitz), and the assertion of a continuity in face of the

common enemy of freedom: Soviet Bolshe~isrn."~

The most outspoken and eccentric of these revisionist wnters. Ernst

Nolte, using the well-known conservative Frankfurter Allgerneine

Zeitung as one of his platforms, was disseminating specious arguments in

his attempts to put the uniqueness of Auschwitz into 'perspective'.

According to Nolte, die Vergangenheit had haunted Germany more than

long enough and should now be 'historicized', i.e. relegated to the

history books, in the sense that it should itself become a part of the past

and stop being a major preoccupation of modern day Germany. Only

then couId Gerrnans fmaliy be able to get off their knees and learn to

"walk tail again" (Franz Josef Suaufi). A cure for this prolonged term of

genuflection, therefore, would appear to be the levelling of the history of

the Third Reich so that it would take up much less space within a

conventional historical identity that could be used to instill a sense of

patriotism and national pride in the Gerrnan populace. CHAPTER THREE: &4DISCOURS SOC~AL PERSPECTIVE OF DER FALLJENNI~~GER 28

Another contributor to the neoconsenative camp, Michael Stürmer.

was refreshgly candid in his admission that 'power' can be usurped or

consolidated by those who manage to instiil in their 'subjects' their

version of how things came to be. As Terry Eagieton notes. "no dominant

political order is likely to survive very long if it does not intensively

colonize the space of subjectivity itseif. "7 Stürmer recognizes that one of

the ways of colonizing the life-world of the subject is via history, one that

he and his neo-conservative counterparts are more than willing to

provide. Stürmer thus acknowledges, in the most direct way, that

discourse is power. To corne up with 'a usable past', one that provides

for a positive identity-i.e. a history without the stigma of Auschwitz-is

an urgent necessity, warns Stürmer, since

In a country without memory anything is possible. [...] A loss of

orientation and a search for identity are closely related. But enyonr who

believes that this trend wiil have no effect on politics and the future is

ignoring the fact that in a land without history. the future is controlled

by those who determine the content of mernory, who coin concepts

and interpret the past. [...] But it is becoming evident that each

generation Living in Germany today has differing, even opposing, views

of the past and the future. [...] The search for a Iost past is not an

abstract striving for culture and education. It is momlly lcgitimate and

politicaily necessary. We are dealing with the inner continuity of the

German republic and its predictability in foreign policy terms. In a

country without memory anything is possible.8 CHAPTER THREE:A DISCOURSSOCML PERSPECIWE OF DER FALLJENNINGER 29

This admonition of the German people against a pluralist Vergnngenheit

appeals to the pathos by exhorting the urgent need of providing

everyone with a unified German history in order to forestall another

'Betriebsunfall'. One should, however, be wary of Stürmer's alarrnist

statements, since his daim that "in a country without rnemory anything is

possible," is just that, a claim. Firsrly, what he is in fact Iamenting about

this 'country without history' is that it is one without bis version of

history, since it is hard to imagine any subject to be 'history-free' to the

point of not possessing his or her own 'understanding of the past',

regardless of whether someone Iike Stürmer is standing around ready to

provide them with one. Secondfy, a unified nationalist history can hardly

be unequivocally considered a guarantee against the 'unpredictability' of

a people towards their neighbours; Nazi Germany certainly had been

provided with a clear and unequivocal Teuto-centric history by such

'respectedi historians as Heinrich von Treitschke, one which clairned that

the apogee of civilization was to be found in the 'Thousand Year Reich',

and where it was clear to all that the Aryans were not only superior

beings but that Jews were "vermin" at the root of al1 ills. One needs not

be reminded of the consequences of this unified, nationalist and patriotic

version of history.

The neoconsewarives, nevertheless, stiU cling to a historicist notion

of history in which a country deprived of a positive history with which it

can rally the population is problematic to the point of making it

inherentiy unstable, prone to be unreliable vis-à-vis one's neighbours and CrtAPTER THREE: A DISCOURS SOCUL PERSPECTIVE OF DER FALLJE~VNINGER 30

alliance partners. A uniform German history, purged of dl the stigma of

'those terrible ycars', of which Germans could be proud, would allow

them to regain their national patriotism and thus serve as a defense

against the negative effects of an anemic historical consciousness. In

other words, the best way of dealing with die Vergangenheit would be

to not deal with it, or at least ignore it as rnuch as possible. This is what

the neoconservatives mean when they talk of historicizing the past.

Neoconservative discourse, ever encroaching upon the doxa, thus

preached a 'let bygones be bygones' message-most evident dunng the

Bitburg scandal9-obviously intent on fmally getting over this eternal Ver-

gangenheitsbewaltigung, which was claimed to be a source of collective

trauma that was preventing Germany from acceding to a state of

normality. This even raised the fear that to continue harping on the guilt

of die Vergungenheit could jeopardize Gemany's political and econornic

interests. Their relativistic discourse encouraged the notion that Nazi

Germany had been mn by a small minority of criminals whose reign of

terror had made victims of everyone, including the German populace.

Jürgen Habermas' intervention in the debate served to draw

attention to the increasing 'Salonfahigkeit' of the neo-conservative

position in the public media and denounce their agenda of relativizing

and down-playing die Vergangenheit for political purposes. Whereas the

neo-conservatives claim that the iack of unity in German historical

consciousness presents immanent danger, the liberals maintain that the

pluralist view of German history-a direct consequence of the break up CHAPTERTHREE: A DISCOURS SOCul L PERSPECTIVE OF DER FALLJENNINGER 31

of the monopoly of a national historicist representation due to the 'Fall of

Germany'-represents one of the most important pillars of democra. in

the foundling Repubiic. They argue that what made Auschwitz possible

in the first place was a lopsided anti-pluralist political system that

promoted a single, extreme nationalist identity bereft of any critical

impulses. Only a pluralist democracy in which its citizens develop a

critical eye and who turn to the constitution for guidance (Verfusszcngs-

patriotismtcs) rather than to subject itself to the vagaries of its politicians

cm serve as a bulwark against another 'Betriebsunfall'. "The task of

promoting social integration and self-awareness is no longer, today, the

responsibility of the political system," writes Habermas. "For good

reasons we no longer have a Kaiser or a Hindenburg. The public sphere

should therefore refuse to tolerate such daims to spiritual-moral

leadership among top elected officiais. " l0

One must note that the Ziberal side in the Hi~to~kersheitis not

advocating the status quo concerning the ways in which ctie

Vergangenheit is dealt with. They do support an historicization of die

Vergangenheit, but not using the same means nor for the same ends as

the neo-conservatives. Martin Broszat, a liberal German historian,

advocates a historicization in which gaining emotional and moral distance

would ailow Germans to 'de-taboo-ize' their past and ailow thcm to better

examine it and gain a better historical understandingil This contrasts

sharply with the neoconservatives' desire literally 'write off that dark

chapter in German history in order to "cast off the burdens of a past CHAPTER THREE: A DiSCOURSSOCL4L PEXSPECIWE OF DER FALLJERNINGER 32

happily no longer morally constraining. " l2 Habermas proposes the

foUowing litmus test so sort out the two sides:

I do not want to ascribe evii intentions to anyone. But there is a simple

criterion that sorts out the two attitudes. Some of us assume that the

work of gaining distance and understanding liberates the power of

reflective memory, thus enIarging Our capacity to work out ambivalent

Iegacies on Our own. But others want to use a revisionist narrative to

equip a conventional identity with a national history. '3 [47]

The Historikerstreit was an aggressive. often vituperative. discursive

war over who had the right to defme die Vergangenheit and for which

political ends. The 'debate', far from leading to a consensus, served to

create an insurrnountable rift between the two sides. It signalled the

amval of a reactionary, right-wing discourse that had mignted from the

periphery of the dom into the arena of the public sphere.

Aithough both sides based their argumentation on the topos

Historia Mngistra Vite, the lessons to be leamed, as we have seen. were

quite different indeed. Now it is tirne to see how the discourse of Der

FaU Jenninger refracted the charged discursive space of die

Vergangenheit.

Der Fall Jenninger and die Vergangenheit

"Uns kann die Vergangenheit nicht aufhoren. gegenwartig zu sein,"

writes Günter Grass, "wir fngen uns immer noch: Wie kam es da~u?"l-~

While it may be me that many Germans have been asking themselves CHAPTERTffREE: A DISCOURSSOCUL PERSPECTIVE OF DER FUJENNINGER 33

this question, few-if any-politicians have ever publicly ventured any

answers to this thomy question. Most have used die Vergnngenheit as an

empty signifier, as evacuated of any signifled as possible, in order to avoid

having to deal with this issue. " "Das vergangene Unheil," "jene

schreckliche Zeit," "die schlimmen Jahre'': These expressions." wntes

Johann Schmidt, "still rather common in Germany today, reveal

themselves as blatant euphemisms that Save the speaker from speaking

out what is for him ~nspeakable."~5Jeminger's speech, instead of merely

euphemistically referring to the ernpty shell of die Vergungenheit,

actually followed Bundesprasident Richard von Weizsacker's advice

literally-to recall the past as truthfully as possibleLG-and attempted to

fi die Vergangenheit with a plausible, redemptive narrative. Whereas

other politicians and public figures had been content to merely pay lip

service to the past by referring to an empty simulacrum of die

Vergangenheit, Jenninger actually provided the goods. AIthough

Jeminger rnay have been aware that he was treading on thin ice, he

seemed to believe that by wielding "the Truth", he would be freed of the

discursive constraints of acceptability and legitimacy within the discours

social.

Jeminger's discourse included nothing new in the way of content,

no earth-shattering revelations, no ideas that had not previously been

articulated in other fonns. Jenninger had culled al2 of his ideas from

historical sources, none of which were deemed to be completely

unacceptable nor representing extreme right-wing views. Indeed, CHtlPTER THREE: A DISCOURS SOCIrlL PERSPECiNE OF DER FAU JEAWI~VGER 34

surprisingly few objections were made concerning the truth value of the

speech. Of the few points made by Jenninger that stood on shakier

ground, few criticisms were made.17 What could be perceived as the

nouurn of his speech was the fact that he, as a political representative in

hi& office, had actually addressed the question "Wie kam es dazu?" in a

speech of such high public visibility. "Phillip Jenninger." wrote Jeffrey

Herf, "[. .-1 delivered the most truthfüI, bluntest, most direct, and to the

point speech about the Nazi era ever given by a major West German

political leader since 1949, inside or outside the Parliament. [...]

Jeminger offered [. ..) history with the politics, ideas, and events brought

back in."18Since the discourse promoted by the conservatives was intent

on offering a version of die Vergangenheit with the politics, ideas and

events lefi out, this was bound to ruffle a few feathers.

The discursive stance Jeminger took on die Vergangenheit was not

only diametrically opposed to that of the neo-conservatives but his

speech was a direct assault on the neo-conservative position. In rebuttal

to Nolte's article Vergangenheit, die nicht vergeben zuill, Jenninger

maintained that the past wiii not fade away19:

Denn was immer in der Zukunft geschehen oder von dem Geschehenen

in Vergessenheit geraten mag: An Auschwitz werden sich die Mensclien

bis an das Ende der Zeiten als eines Teils unserer deutschen Geschichte

erinnern. [...] Deshalb ist auch die Forderung sinnlos, mit der

Vergangenheit ,endlich Schlul3" zu machen. Unsere Vergangenheit

wird nicht mhen, sie wird auch nicht vergehen. [.. .] [Dlie CHAITER THREE:A DISCOURSSOCUL PERSPE~OF DER FALLJENNNGER 35

Erinnerung wachzuhalten und die Vergangenheit als Teil unserer

Identitat als Deutsche anzunehmen-dies allein verheiBt uns &teren wie

den Jüngeren Befreiung von der Last der Geschichte. [Rede, 6465.67.

.My emphasis]

Jenninger's attempt to fi the void of die Vergangenheit went against the

'Rutsch nach Rechts' (swing to the right) of both the dom and the

political alignments that had been going on since the late 70s in

Germany-often refemed to as the Tendenzwende or simply Wende-a

shift in ideology that seemed intent on liquidating the concept altogether.

This put him on the wrong side of the fence for al1 those-including

many in his own party-who would have liked to Tinally jettison die

Vergangenheit. The history lesson that Jenninger had presented simply

proved to be unpalatable for the conservatives.

Much of the criticism seemed suspiciously directed at the ruay in

which his speech was presented. "Es ist bezeichnend, daR sich die Kritik

fast gar nicht auf den Inhalt, sondem auf die Form der Rede richtet,"

wrote a German Professor. "Tonlage und Sprache werden beanstandet,

die mangelhafte Beherrschung rhetorischer Kunstfiguren. Das klingt

manchmal wie eine Theaterkntik, die moniert, eine Auffühmng sei dem

Werk eines Klassikers nicht gerecht geworden. Sind das angemessene

Beurteii~ngsmaBstabe?~20Despite the fact that he was labelled a

"rhetorisches Untalent" by many cornmentators, it seems hardly plausible

that his 'presentation' was rhetoncally deficient to the point of rnaking

hirn sound like he was "praising the Hitler era" when in fact his speech cH.AFTER THREE: A DISCOURS SOCLQL PERSPECTIVE OF DER FALL JEVNINGER 36

was "eine einzige Anklage der verbrecherischen Politik der Na~is.'"~This

misunderstanding serves perhaps to conceal a deeper uneasiness with the

content rather than with the fom. Præceptor Germania Walter Jens,

Germany 's resident expert in ars rhetorica, paradoxically enough, in

submitting the speech to his discerning rhetorical ear, seemed unduly

preoccupied with the content of Jenninger's speech rather than the

form.22 The title of his article, "Indignant Words On a Speech. How

Philipp Jenninger Should Have Spoken," as well as the way in which he

portrays Jenninger as a particularly slow 'special education' pupil,

scarcely able to understand the concept of 'Distanzierung', betrays Jens'

contempt for Jenninger and the tenor of his speech. Jens submits the

speech to a 'thorough' revision (read: almost complete rewrite), a-long

neoconservative lines, that serves once again to challenge the liberal

concept of die Vergangenheit:

Ach, hatte man doch an diesem Gedenktag statt sich, in Verfolg der-

Jeminger offenbar errniitigenden-konservativen Verlautbarungen im

Historikerstreit, wieder und wieder in die Gedanken der Eichrnanns und

Himmlers und Goebbels zu versenken, mit vie1 Einfiihlungsgabe und

Exkulpationslust [. ..] hatte man doch Situationsbeschreibungen aus den

judischen Zeitungen, die Anno '38 erschienen, zitiert [. ..] 23

Jens seeks to cultivate a skewed histoncal picture intent on minimizing

the visibility of the "thoughts of the Eichmanns and Himmlers and

Goebbels" and maximizing the presence of Jewish culture and the myth

of the resistance. Much of this is beside the point and serves to confiw CHAPTER THE: A DISCOURSSOCIAL PERSPEmOF Di%? FALLJE~VNINGER 37

explanations of cause and effect. There is no doubt that there was a

vibrant Jewish community in Germany before the accession to power of

the Nazis, nor is there doubt cast upon the courage of the small mino*

of 'Germans' who offered resistance during the Nazi reign. A nch Jewish

culture and the presence of a resistance movement in Germany.

however, can hardly be invoked to explain such acts of barbarity as

Reicbskvistallnacht or Auschwitz, which was the crux of Jenninger's

speech. What Jens in fact bemoans about the speech, and cleverly

presents under the guise of rhetorical advice, is the fact that the

Jeminger, instead of once again insisting on 'bringing up the past', ought

to have spoken about almost anything else but die Vergangenheit. Ad

usum Delphini In other words, he ought to have spoken like a

conservative Walter Jens. If only he had held a speech along the lines of

the neoconservative doxa, or soJens implies, it "would have ended up in

schoolbooks alongside Richard von Weizsackers' famous '8th of May'

address. "zf

I have discussed the Jens example at length because it is

representative of a category of discourse within Der FallJenninger chat

sought to exclude Jenninger's discourse by authorify. In what is

characteristic of this discourse, Jens presents no 'objective' arguments

that attempt to explain in a convincing manner why jeminger's speech

had 'failed'. He merely proceeds to impose his version of the speech by

saying that a and b in Jenninger's speech should have been elirninated,

while y and z should have been added. His power to wield judgement CHI1PTER THREE:A DISCOURSSOCUL PERSPECI'TVE OF DER FAUJEhrNINGER 38

over this speech lies only in the claim implicit in his discourse that he. as

a "dependable, wise, person of moral integrity. knowledgeable in

historyn25-in other words as institutionally enthroned Besseuwisser-

knows how to better separate the rhetorical chaff from the wheat than

the rest of us, including the 'inteiiectually chailenged' Philipp Jenninger.

This is a sign of this discourse's blindness to its own power. since it fails

to see the authority which permeates the very language it tries to peddle

as being free of ideology. "To be on the inside of discourse itself,"

according to Terry Eagleton, "is to be blind to this power, for what is

more natural and nondominative than to speak one's own tongue?"z6

Not al1 participants in the debate were utter dupes of this display of

'authority' paraded as 'rhetorical sensitivity'. The following excerpt,

taken from a letter to jenninger, mirrors the feelings that were expressed

in many letters and several articles, in which it was felt that the daims of

'misunderstanding', ostensibly caused by Jenninger's rhetorical

ineptitude, were deceitful and served as a divergence from the

problematic task of dealing with die Vergangenheit:

Nicht alle, die behaupten, nicht wa: Jenninger in jener Feierstrinde

gesagt hat, sondern wie er es zum Ausdruck brachte, sei ein Skandal,

meinen es damit ehrlich; denn es stort sie, daB jene Fakten genannt und damit verstarkt in die offentliche Diskussion und Meinungsbildunç

eingeführt wurden. Doch endlich einmal und auch bei einem solchen

AnlaB muB ja wie Sie es nennen-deutlich auf Ursachen des National-

sozialismus eingegangen werden." CHAPTERTHREE: A DISCOURS S0C.LPERSPECTIVE OF DER E4LLjENArI'lNGE 39

Indeed, the simple fact that his party dropped him like a hot potato

seems to be an indication that they were uncornfortable with somewhat

more than just his inadequate oratorical skills. As someone jocularly put

it: "Wem ailerdings alle Politiker mit schiechten rednerischen Qualitaten

den Hut nehmen maten, waren Regierungskter wie Bundestag schneli

~erwaist."~Jenninger may have hardly been exemplary as an orator, but

there is a world of daerence berneen a monotone speech and a neo-Nazi

justification of die Vergangenheit.

One may have thought that by adopting a liberal angle on die

Vergnngenheit and by refushg to 'cover up' or relativize what had taken

place in Nazi Gemany, Jenninger would have at least gained some

support from the more liberal rnembers of the Bundestag. In attempting

to historicize die Vergangenheit, however, in attempting to explain how

ir al1 came to be, he chose to use a narrative that sounded perhaps coo

much like a neo-conservative atternpt to juste the wrongdoings of the

German populace during the Third Reich. The perspective he used to

explain how the 'person in the street' could corne to asscciate with Hitler

and his aspirations, smacked of the All~agsgescbichte.the 'mode' of

historical discourse that had been gaining in popularity in 1980s

Germany. Although initially used by both liberal and conservative

historians, AUtagsgeschichte, the history of the everyday life, was

becoming more and more associated with conservative revisionists intent

on revealing the grass-roots 'other side' of Nazi Gemany. It is a version of

die Vergangenheit in which most ordinary people had merely gone on CHMTER THREE: A DISCOURSSOCLIL PElRSPECTIVE OF DER FALLjfiVNlNGER 40

with their apolitical 'every day life', allegedly aioof of the man with the

mustache and aLi of the brown shirts ru~ingaround in the distance. An

attentive listenindreading of the speech, however, would reveal that

Jenninger sought not to relieve Germans of their burden of responsibility,

but rather quite the opposite: to insist that everyone was quite aware of

the "descent into barbarity" concerning the oppression of their fellow

jewish citizens and that al1 those who stood by and did nothing shared in

the responsibility (but not the blarne) for these crimes.

Stili, for many, any effort to explain how the inhuman reign of the

Third Reich came about is tantamount to excuipation. Jenninger's

attempts to provide a credible explanaiion for the origins and spread of

antisemitism and why the Germans went along with ir, also confiicted

with the discourse of those who preferred to see the thirteen year

misadventure of the Third Reich as essentially inexplicable. Josef

Kopperschmidt, in dismissing the daims that the Iinguistic clurnsiness of

the speech could iead to such a gross misunderstanding, points this out

in the following way:

Weit plausibler erscheint mir, daB Jenningers Versuch, den 9. Novernber

1938 psychologisch, okonomisch und poIitisch für prinzipiell

erklarbar ni halten, eine ungeheure Bedrohung für jeden darstellen

muB, der sich auch nur ansatzweise auf diesen Erklamngsversuch

einlaBt, statt sich dem gar nicht so gratifikationsannen Grundsatz zu

verschreiben, was damals geschah, müsse a priori unerklûrbar bleiben.?9 CHAPTER THREE:A DISCOURSSO~Ltld PERSPEm OF DER FALLJEiVNIiVGER 41

Many people, including historian Dan Diner, absolutely refuse to

conceive of the possibility of gaining an 'historic' understanding of the

atrocities of the Third Reich, one that could provide an explanation for it,

since they see historicization as inextricably linked to a dubious

apologetics. Diner maintains that

Auschwitz is a no-man'çland of the mind, a black box of explanation it

sucks in aU historïographic attempts at interpretation, is a vacuum taking

meaning from outside history. Only ex negafivo, only through the

constant attempt to understand why it cannat be understood, can we

measure what sort of occurrence this breach of civilization realiy was.

As the most extremc of extreme cases, and thus as the absoiute measure

of history, this event is hardly historicizable. Seriously meant efforts at

historicization have so far ended in a prions of historiai theory. Eifforts

at historicization undertaken with other intentions, which relativize or

level out the event, necessarily end in an apology. This too is a lesson of

the Hi~torikerstreit.3~

Mthough Diner's motivation for this stance cornes from the left in an

effort to prevent the 'levelling' of die Vergangenheit so coveted by the

right, putting explanation off limits plays into the very hands of those

allied with the right who, at al1 costs, would like to keep the wraps on

what really took place during the Third Reich. Claiming that an event is

inexplicable can prove to be a quite useful discursive alibi for those with

skeletons in their closets, since it holds at bay any attempt to inquire into

the responsibility and guilt anyone may have had. It is one way of transforming the topic into a taboo and pushing it into a realrn beyond debate. It is in the greatest interests of many in the political, fmancial and industrial communities of Germany to do just that, in order to keep the talk on die Vergangenheit to a minimum. The impetus to hush up the

'ernbarrassing' details, as Richard J. Evans points out in the following example, cannot be underestimated:

[Mlany of the great industrial and financiai enterprises which flourished

under the Third Reich continue to do so today: companies, for instance,

such as Daimler-Benz, the maken of the Mercedes car, which did very

well under Nazism, thanks not least to the employment, under

barbarous, inhuman, and ofien deadly conditions. of many thousands of

slave laborers to whom effective individual compensation is still denied.

In celebnting the centenary of its foundation in 1986, the Company

chose to ignore its role in Hitler's Germany almost completely. Only the

intervention of a group of radical historians working outside the

universit. system managed to remind the world of the true facts?

Although Jeminger can hardly be described as a 'radical histonan'. he, too, just wanted to "remind the world of the true facts" concerning antisernitism in the Third Reich. Jenninger's speech, however, found itseif pinned between several discursive rocks and a hard place. Günter

Hohann fittingly summarizes the rocks in the following way:

Nicht ohne Grund loste die Rede ein verwirrendes Echo aus. Wenig war

ganz falsch, aber vieles auch nicht ganz richtig, was er vodas. Klarer, als

man das aus der Regierungsrhetorik gewohnt ist, widenprach er jenen CHAFTER THREE: A DISCOURS SOCIAL PERSPECTTVE OF DER FAiL JEtViVINGER 43

Wissenschaftlem, die im Historikerstreit versucht hatten, die deutsche

Geschichte auf ihre Weise zu relativieren und zu historisieren. Jeminger

widersprach Vergleichen. Er verkleinerte Auschwitz nicht. Er erklarte

den Volkermord nicht mit dem Bolschewismus, sondern nannte

deutsche Ursachen. Aber weil er statt einer Gedenkrede den Versuch

einer historischen Seminararbeit vortmg, geriet er objektiv in die Spur

derjenigen, die historisierend heraustreten mochten aus dem Schatten

der Vergangenheit. was immer er subjektiv wollte. Auf hpplaus von

jenen, die der Bundesrepublik eine neue, geschonte identitat aus ihrer

Geschichte verordnen wolien, konnte er kaum hoffen. Aber es war auch

kein BeifaII von denjenigen zu erwarten, die eigene Fehler wieder-

gutmachen mochten und über das Echo erschracken, das Jenninger

ausgelost hatte. Zustimmung konnte auch nicht von denen kommen, die

Auschwitz am Ende fir unverstehbar halten. Und schon gar nicht

zufrieden konnten jene sein, die ~Trauerarbeit*erwartet hatten, aber (in

der Sprache) den Gleichschritt von Knobelbechern hera~shorten.3~

Jenninger's attempt to hold a speech based on the topos Historia

Magistra V'served to alienate his consemtive allies by not letting well

enough alone, made it appear he wanted to explain his way out of the

shadow of die Vergangenheit, seemed like an attempt to explain the

'inexplicable' and ostensibly omitted the expected 'grief ceremony' that

such an occasion 'demanded'. His discourse thus collided or colluded

with pre-existing views of what one could do with die Vergangenheit

and resonated in ways that were deemed to be unacceptable, at least by

certain groups of people. NOTES Direct references to Philipp Jenninger's speech will henccforth be indicatcd using the designation [Rede, #], where * refers to the corresponding pangnph number of the speech found in AppeizdClxr A: TheJenninger Speech.

This section will outline on1y those aspects of the Nistorikerstreit that are essential to this paper. For a more detailcd discussion of the debatt: sec: Maier. Untnmferable Past and Evans, In Hitler's Shadow. Taken from the title of an anthology of the major contributions to this debate: Piper, Ernst Reinhard. Historikerstrelt. Die Dokrcmentafion der Kontroverse crm die Einzigartigkeit der trationakozfalistkchenjudenuernichtung. Munich: Piper, 1987. Holub, Hauennas 165.

Michacl Stürnier, 'Geschichte in geschichtslosem Land," Frnnkfirrter Allgemeine Zeitung 25 April 1986: N. pag, Reptinted in Piper, Historikerstreit 36-38. Bitburg refers to the scanda1 created by a visit by the U.S. President Rondd Reagan to a Gemian cemetery where forty-nine Waffen Schutzstaffel (SS) troops. responsible for appding atrocities, werc buried. 'O ~ürgenHabermas, "Defusing the Past: A Politico-Cultural Tnct," Bitbrrrg in Mord and PoZitical Perspective. Ed. Geoffrey H. Hartman (Bloomington: indiana UP, 1986) 49. [Translation of "Die Entsorgung der Vergangenheit: Ein hulturpolitisches Pamphlet," Die Zeif 21, 24 May, 19851 Martin Broszat, "Pladoyer für eine Historisierung des Nationalsozialismus," iVnch Hitler: Der schwierlge Umgang rnft rtnserer Geschichte. Eds. Hermann Gram1 md Klaus-Dietmar Henke. (Munich: Oldenbourg, 1987). l2 Jürgen Habermas, "Eine Art Schadensabwicklung. Die apologetischen Tendenzen in der deutschen Zeitgeschichtsschreibung," Die Zeit 1 1 July, 1986: N. pag. Reprinted in Piper. Historlkerstreit 73. l3 Habermas, "Eine iirt," in HisCorlkerstreit 73 [Translation taken from Maier, -171 l"ünter Grass, 'Wie sagen wir es den Kindern," Ciinter Grass. Acr/sitze rrrr Literatur (Darmstadt: Luchterhand, 1980) 150- I5 Joharui N. Schmidt, "Those Unfortunate Years? Naztm in the Public Debate of Post-War Gemany, mloomington: Indiana University Jewish Studies Program, 1987) 1. l6 Richard von Weiuiicker, '40. jahrestag der Beendigung des Zweiten Weltkneges" Bcrlletin 9 ~May1985: N. pag. l7 Eckhard Jesse, and Rainer Ziteimann, "Die Tabus der Tabubrecher," Rheinischen Merkur/Cbrkt und Wek 18 Nov 1788: N. pag. l8 Jeffrey Herf, "Philipp Jrnninger and the Dangers of Spraking Clearly," Pcirfisan Reuiew 56 (1 989): 228. l9 Ernst Nolte, "Vergangenheit, die nicht vergehen will." Frankficrter AlZgerneine Zeitung G June 1786: N. pag. Reprinted in Piper, Histot-Ikersfreit, 39-47. Professor from K, Letter. Frankfurter Afigemeine Zeitung 2 1 Nov 1988: N. pag. 2' Luxemburger Worî 14 Nov 1988. Reprinted in Laschct/Malangré, 59. ClimTEB THE:A DISCOURSSOC~AL PERSPECTNE OF DER FALL JENVINGER 45

22 Walter Jens, 'Urgehaltene Worte über eine gehaltene Rede. Wie Philipp Jenninger hatte reden müssen," Die Zeit 18 Nov. 1988: N. pag. 23 Jens, N. pag. Z'i Jens, N. pag. "Jens, N. pag. 26 Eagieton, Llternry Tbeory 203. 27 Dr. Georg Poschinger, ktter. "Versuch der Erklaning," Frankfrrrter Affgemeine Zeitrtng 1 Dec. 1988: N. pag. '8 Ehepaar from E., Letter to PhiIipp Jenninger, 12 Nov 1988. Reprinted in Laschet/Mdangré, 106. Kopperschrnidt, Offentl~cheRede 227. [My emphasis] 3O Dan Diner, "Zwischen Aporie und Apologie. fjber Grenzen der Historisierbarkeir des Nationalsoziaiismus," 1st der Ncrtionalrozialismrfi Geschicbte? Zrrr Historisiening und Historikerstreit. Ed. Dan Diner. (Frankfurt a. M.: Fischer, 1!l85) 73. English translation taken from: Maier, 92. 3' Richard j. Evans, in Hitler's Shadow. West German HCstorCnns and the Atrempt to Escape from the Ncrri Past (New York: Pantheon, 1989) 132-33. 32 Hofmann, A Lieingang N. pag. Children, only arzimals liwe errtirefy in the Here ntzd Now. On/y nrtrr/re Rrrows neither rmory rior biitory . But man-let me ofir y014 a defirt ition-is thstoq- tellng otrinzal- Whenweer /re goes he wmts to /eme behind not a chaotit wake, rrot an etnpiy space, but the cornforti~lgnrarker-bmys ami trafiigrzs of siones. He hsIO go on tdling stories. He /ras tu hep on makirig the111 zrp. As long us thcre 's o rtory, if I a// ngh. Everz in his last moments. if's mid. iri the split secorrd of n fatalfn fl-or whtt h 3 about to drown-/!c sees. po.ssit~gropin!v be/ore him. th flory of bis whoIe fqe. GmhmSWI,??. Wacerland

It is not known whether Philipp Jenninger, in his last moments as

Bundestagspriisident, saw the story of his whole pass before hïm. What is known, however, is that even his Me was incorporated into the 'chaotic wake' of Der Fall jenninger to create a story. That Der Fall Jenninger was made into a story seems to go without saying; the ways in which stories are created, transformed and circulated, however, bear the marks of re-presenting the world that hardy go without saying and are far from being innocent and value-free 'reproductions' of reality. This section will attempt to shed some light on some of the ways in which the 'chaotic wake' of Der Fall Jenninger was organized into the 'comforting marker- buoys and trail-signs' of stones that produced the 'Tmths' about this event.

Meaning is not immanent to an event, but is the result of the way in which it is inserted into the discours social. How then does an event Iike

Der FallJenninger get inserted into the discours sociaZ? In other words, CHrlPTER THREE: A DISCOL~RSSOC,ULPERSPEClTIE OF DER FALLJENNINGER 47

how did Der Falljenninger get 'talked about' in 1988 Gerrnany? Lf we

presuppose, as does Fredric Jarneson, that we never really confront a

'text' directly, as a "thing-in-itself" but rather "through the sedimented

reading habits and categories deveioped by those inherited interpretative

traditions" we can posit that the principal means by which an

'understanding' of Der Full Jenninger was gained is via the "all-

informingn process of narrative. "l Der Fall jenninger was disserninated

by 'stories' that were recounted in the media to produce narrative

uuth(s) about the event. In order for these stories to be 'readable' by the

intended audience, however, they had to be narrated in certain ways that

were deemed 'acceptable' and 'probable' within the context of the given

discours social. As we saw earlier, hegemony determines the repertory of

mies and themes as well as their differential acceptability and legitirnacy.

Those ideas that are most successfùlly narrated, in other words, will have

the greatest persuasive force within a given discursive economy, and

consequently will have a greater probability of being perceived as being

'true' regardless of whether they are 'in actual fact' true. As Jean Pierre

Faye points out:

Le statut dangereux du récit est déjà sous nos yeux. Il est cette simple

forme, sans poids ni matériaihé, de la narration-mais il est en même

temps ce qu'il rapporte : Le réel même, dans sa matérialité. Il est simple

langage,-et il est la apremière signification* du Vrai et du Faux à son

origine, qui se rapporte, hors du texte, à la matérialité du fait, ou à la

cohérence des règles de pensée. Le récit de da chère descendance

troyenne., depuis Grégoire de Tours jusqu'aux Chroniques de Saint- Denis, est fiction,-mais il est, pour des siècles de croyance commune,

l'histoire même, de La rédhk2

Similarly, despite journalism's claim of 'investigative equity', the truth(s) produced by the media depend much more on the way in which what gets said corresponds to Our accepted ways of schematizing the world-

Faye's "règles de penséen--chan the actual truth value Uiherent in thcir discourse. Maldidier and Robin's account of the reporting of the media on a specific event, for instance, exposes the supposedly 'neutral' discourse of journalistic reporting as a "pastiche of persuasive and judgmental initiatives."s The act of 'writing', of producing narratives, is simply another mode of generating 'truths' about the world in which we live.

Indeed, it cm be said that there is no necessary correlation between the

'tniths' generated by such a discourse, and any objective truth that existed 'out there'. Certainly, any 'concrete' means of arguing or demonstrating the existence of a certain face or event can play a role in it's being accepted as true although there is no guarantee that this will be the case. Even the seemingly incontrovertible 'proof provided by a photograph, as we shall later see, bears the stamp of our ways of schernatizing reality, and may distort what 'really happened'. 'Objectively dernonsrrable truths' may be rejected because they are perceived to be implausible or unacceptable within a given state of discourse. Galileo, for exarnple, in providing 'concrete evidence' thac objects of unequal mass fa11 at the sarne velocity, ran up against of walf of resistance since his demonstration challenged the received wisdom, or doxa of the age. CHAPTER THREE: A DISCOURSSOCI1L PERSPECTIVE OF DER FALL JENiVINGER 49

Conversely, 'objectively dernonstrable falsehoods' have been known to

be accepted as 'universai tmths' since these also reflected the doxa of the

period. That witches were thought to exist and needed to be hunted

down and burned is an example of this 'delusion'. As Roland Barthes

points out: ".Mieux vaut un vraisemblable impossible qu'un possible

invraisemblable)): mieux vaut raconter ce que le public croit possible.

même si c'est impossible scientifiquement, que de raconter ce qui est

possible réellement, si ce possible-là est rejeté par la censure collective de

I'opuiion courante. "4

The story of an event, therefore, is less a faithful account. or

repsentation, than a re-presentation of that event, as filtered through

the discours social according to the ways of signifying the knowable that

are specific to the society in question. "History," write Caroline Désy and

jocelyn Létoumeau, "is the coherent narrative of what we are able to

reconstitute as part of a systematic enquiry and plausible deduction, or

what one authorizes him/herseLf to Say because of the power one has and

wishes to continue to exercise? Although here they are referring to

history, if we take the term history in its extended meaning to include

story, we cm say that the same applies to the narratives and fragments of

narratives in circulation within Der Fall jenninger.

And here 1 transpose frorn jean-Pierre Faye: because stones exist

only in the telling, a narrative critique can only be performed by

describing the way in which these stories are produced via their

narratiom6 Der Fall Jenninger is not just an incident that took place, but CKAPTER THREE: A DISCOURS S0CL.L PERSPECTIVE OF DER FALL TENNINGER 50

also the story (or stories) woven into the great narrative fabric of the

discours social. What foiiows is a look at certain aspects conceming the

ways in which stories of Der Fall Jenninger were narrated, consequently

producing the 'Tmths' about the event.

In order to provide the reader with a 'baseline' reference of what

'really' took place, this section will begin with a 'chronology' of the event

of Der Fan Jenninger, which I take to include the period from the

beginning of the cornmernorative ceremony to the end of the

presentation of the 'official' statements immediately following jeminger's

resignation the day after the speech. I will then proceed to describe

several elements that served to detemine the way in which information

based on the 'real' event was put into circulation. Lastly, 1 will take a look

at some of the varying stories that resulted from these elements being

circulated.

A Chronology of Der Fa11 Jenninger

I shall begin by providing a chronology, a 'neutral' list of the events

surrounding the Jenninger speech, which will be used as a starting point

to describe the process whereby it was tuined ùiro a story.

On November 10, 1988 the members of the Bundestag, along with

special guests, including several important representatives from the

Jewish community in Germany, gathered in the Assembly Room of the

Bundestag to take part in the cornmernoration of the ffiieth anniversary

of the infamous Reicbskristallnacht. mer the Borner Bachgemeinschaft CHAPTER THREE: A DISCOUUS SOCML PERSPECTrVE OF DER FALLJENNINGER 51

had Sung "sbremt, Brüder, es brennt" and Ida Ehre, director of the

Hamburger Kammerspiele, had read Paul Celan's poem Todesfuge,

Bundestagspriisident Philipp jenninger stepped up to the lectern to

address the assembly. Scarcely two minutes into the speech, a rnember of

die Grünen began to heckle Je~ingerbefore fmally leaving the hall.'

Mer asking the member to be quiet and allow the "dignifi~edmomentn to

go on as planned, Jenninger continued with his speech. During the

course of his speech, some fdty members of the SPD, FDP and the

Grünen also lefi in protest. Once the speech was over, the people who

had been present were quick to make their judgement of both the speech

and the speaker known to the press. Although the speech did have its

rare supporters, their voices were buried by the tidal wave of

condemnation chat resulted, thus the negative interpretation camed the

day and was 'broadcast' across ail of Germany:

~eschkend.~(Klaus Beckmann, Griine)

Diese Rede war dern AnlalS in keiner Weise angemessen. Sie hat die

Gefühle vieler Menschen verletzt, nicht weil es an der Gesinnung

Jenningers Zweifel giibe, sondern weil er sicn mit dieser Rede

übernommen hat.9 menate Schmidt, SPD)

Der Philipp hat Hitlers Terminologie zu lang, zu breit, zu oft benutzt,

ohne seine und unsere Distanz zu den damaligen Schrecken zii

verdeutlichen. (Heinz Schwarz, CDU) CHiWER THREE: A DISCOURS SOCML PERSPECTIVE OF DER FAUJENiVINGER 52

Die Rede sei "peinlich bis zur Ges~hmacklosigkeit."~~(Hubert Kleinert,

Grüne)

Der Jenninger kann doch nicht die Sprachbilder der Nazis benutzen. l2

(Hans Jochen Vogel, SPD)

Er mgemotionslos NSArgurnente vor, ohne sich sofort und oft genug

davon zu distanzieren und er verwendete dabei Worte aus dem

Sprachgebrauch der Nationalsozialisten. '3

Wie konnte dieser intelligente und erfahrene iMann nur solch eine

gefihllose, falsche Rede halten? l4

Immediately following the speech, al1 political parties (except for die

Grünen. who were excluded) were involved in 'damage control'

meetings. Firstly, diey had to figure out a way of containing rurnours that

were circulating, mostly in the foreign press, to the effect that a "neo-

Nazi had spoken in the Bundestag". Secondly, they were working on a

contingency plan in case Jenninger should fail to 'make the appropriate

decision' of resigning his office without making a hss.15 Jenninger, the

"aufrcchter Demokrat" that he is, decides to not put up a fight and quite

graciously obliges them by doing the 'right thing':

Die Reaktionen auf meine geçtrige Ansprache vor dem Deutschen

Bundestag haben mich erschrocken, und sie bedrücken mich auch.

Meine Rede ist von vielen Zuhorern nicht so verstanden worden, wie

ich sie gemcint hatte. Ich bedaure das zutiefst, und es tut mir sehr leid,

wenn ich andere in ihren Gefiihien verletzt habe. CHAITER THREE:h DISCOURSSOC&UPERSPECTIVE OF DER FAU JENNINGER 53

Wiihrend meiner ganzen poiitischen Laufbahn-zuletzt als Priisident des

Deutschen Bundestages-habe ich mich in besonderer Weise Kr die

Aussohnung mit den Juden und für die Lebensinteressen des Staates

Israel engagiert. Ich war sets ein kornpromiBloser Gegner jeder Form

totalitiirer Herrschaft, nicht mletzt wegen der Erfahnmgen meiner Eltern

unter dem NS-Regime, die gegen die Diktatur eingesteilt waren und

dafür Nachteiie in Kauf nehmen muBten.

Es ist wichtig, dai3 das Amt des Bundestagspriisidenten keinen Schaden

leidet. Ich mu6 davon ausgehen, daB viele Kolleginnen und Kollegen

mir das fir meine Amtsführung notwendige Vertrauen nicht mehr

entgegenbringen. Aus diesem Grunde erkliûe ich meinen Rücktritt vom

Arnt des Bundestagspidsidenten. l6

This caused a collective sigh of relief in the Bundestag and rnany gushed

with praise for the man they had just so harshly cnticized:

Theo Waigel, Chaiman, CDU:

Phiiipp jenninger hat eine freie, eigenstandige, souver5ne Entscheidung

getroffen, zu der ihn aufgrund der Gesetzes- und Rechtslage niemand

hiitte zwingen konnen. [. .. ] Die persiinliche und politische Integritat

von Philipp Jenninger ist bei politischen Freunden, bei uns, aber arich

bei parteipoiitischen Gegnern unbestritten.17

Bundeskanzler Dr. Helmut Kohl, CDU

Ich habe den Rücktritt Philipp Jenningers mit grolSem Respekt zur

Kenntnis genommen. Diese Entscheidung ehrt ihn. Sie sagt alles über

seine politische Integritat und seine demokratische Überzeugung. [. . .] CHAPTE3 THREE: A DISCOURS SOCIAL PERSPECTTVE OF DER FAU JENNINGER 54

Seine Haltung verdient Anerkennung und Achtung. Sie setzt ~MaBstabe.

Sie ist vorbildlich fir den vcrantwortungsvollen Umgang mit einem

anvertrau ten Amt. ls

Dr. Otto Graf Larnbsdo gand Wolf6nng Mischnick, Cbairpersons. FDP

Bundestagsprasident Dr. Philipp Jenninger hat eine schwere, aber

richtige Entscheidung getroffen. Dies verdient unsercn Respekt . Er hat

so der Gefahr vorgebeugt, da13 das Amt des Bundestagspriisidenten in

eine strittige Auseinandersetzung gerat. Damit dient er unserer

parlamentarischen Demokratie. Die personliche Integritat von Dr.

Jenninger kann von niemandem in Zweifel gezogen werden, der ihn

kemt. l9

To summarize the event, we cm Say that the speech held by Jenninger in

cornmernoration of the 50th anniversary of the Reichskristnllnncht

caused a great commotion and was hanhly criticized by those members

of parliament who were present. Despite fears that he would do

otherwise, Jenninger chose to resign from his office as

Bundestagspriisident and was lauded for this decision that confirmed his

stanis as 'aufrechter Demokrat'. We can now proceed to have a look at

how this 'event' was picked up by the media.

Der FaIl jenninger. The Media Event

This present section will describe various elements of the way in

which the media re-presented the event Der Full Jenninger. The

elements are taken up in different combinations with varying implications to produce the different stones that constitute Der Fall

Jen n inger .

Jenninger's Past in nrder to counter the nimours that a neo-Nazi had spoken in the

Bundestag, Jenninger's past was swiftly put into circulation. jenninger

himseif even brings it up when he announces his resignation. We are

presented with the picture of a man of integrity and with a Christian

sense of duty; even his father, as Christian socialist, was a strong

opponent of National Socialism. in short he was described as the

quintessential "untadeliger Mann":

Philipp Jenninger hat in vielen Reden als Abgeordneter, Minister und als

Pfisident des Deutschen Bundestages die christfiche Motivation seines

politischen Handelns betont. Sein Vater hatte ais Buchdruckermeister

eines von den Nazis geschlossenen katholischen VerIages schwere

Nachteile zu erleiden, die auch seine Farnilic mit acht Kindern deiirlich

zu spüren bekarn. Auf diesem Hintergrund hat sich Jenninger immer

wiedcr darum bemuht, jeglicher Form von Gewaltherrschaft

entgegenzutreten, und sein hliegen, gerade die jüngere Gencration, die

die Schrecken des Nationalsozialismus nicht aus eigener Erfahrung

kennt, vor der Verführbarkeit menschlichen Geistes zu warnen, wird

irnmer deutli~her.*~

This Vorgescbichte would serve to lay to rest any rumours of his being a

closet Nazi, but it would also raise the eyebrows of those who wondered

firstly, why, if he were so clean, why he wasn't given the benefit of the CHAPTER THREE: A D~SCOURSSOC'L PERSPECTIVE OF DER FALLJfiVNiNGER 56

doubt for the 'less clear' parts of his speech, and secondly, why he

obtained absolutely no support from his party when the scanda1 erupted.

Leading up to Der Fall lenninger: The Speech's Vorgeschichte There was friction between the various parties even before the

speech took place, duMg the organization of the event. Die Grünen

proposed that Heinz Galinski, the Chairman of the Zentralrat der Juden in

Deutschland, should be asked to hold a speech. This motion was nimed

down by the CDU, FDP and SPD; it was decided that only Jenninger

should speak. Die GrUnen hadn't given up and wondered if it were at

ieast possible to let Galinski speak a word of greeting. Still the others

were against this. Jeminger, however, insisted that he be the only one

ailowed to speak on this occasion, and threatened with his resignation.

should die Grünen make this conflict public, lest the headlines read:

44GaIinskinot Allowed to Speak in Bundestag." This conflict with die

Grünen made for speculation to the effect that he may have been a

victim of a settling of accounts on the part of the die Gn(nen when Juta

Oesterle-Schwerin as well as others storrned out of the assembly. His

'downfail' was also depicted as a kind of nemesis for his having so

forcefully insisted on holding the speech.

Am merkwürdigsten aber, da6 diese undurchdachte Rede von

jemandem gehalten wurde, der darum gekarnpft hatte, dies tun zu

dürfen.2' CHAP~ERTHREE: A DISCOURS SOCML PERSPECTIVE OF DER FALLJEhrNINGER 57

The Heckler Narreme Narrative logic presupposes the that 'reader' will make the links

between the different narremes according to a 'namral' Logic that derives

meaning from what is piausible. The relationship between cause and

effect are given, 'obvious', go without saying, and are generally not

subject to much in the way of scrutiny. It reflects a kind of 'where there's

smoke, there's Bre' attitude that prevails when reading any narrative. h

effect is thus presented as the Logical outcome of the cause that

engendered it. The foilowing is an example of this understanding of the

logic of a sequence of events.

Two minutes and seventeen seconds into Jenninger's speech, Jutta

Oesterle-Schwerin, one of the Members of Parliament for die Gninen, got

up and shouted "Das ist doch alles gelogen!" before storrning out of the

Bundestag. According to the narrative logic that obtains we get the

following scenario:

a] Jeminger holding speech

b] A member of parliament gets up and yells "Das ist doch alles gelogen"

before she storms out of the hall.

Since it is plausible for someone to be offended by what someone else

says in a speech, it was logical to conclude that, whatever it was that

Jenninger was saying, it was the cause of the heckling.

The intejection, however, came at a point in the speech where it

was hardly logical for anyone raise any objections [Rede,41. It occurred CHAPTER THREE: A DISCOURS SOCL4L PERSPECTIVE OF DER FAU JENNINGER 58

at a point where none of the soon-to-be-famous "missing quotation

marks" had not yet gone missing, where "Nazi-jargon" had not yet been

used, and where Jenninger had not yet had the opportunity to use the

wrong tone of voice while describing murderous acts camed out by the

Nazis.

The illogicality of the interruption by Oesterle-Schwerin was later

picked up by less 'hasty' journalistic contributions to Der Fall Jenninger,

but this was long derthe 'incident' had played the role of catalyst in the

Jenninger scandal. both in the Bundestag as weïl as the media. The social

democratic paper "Vorwarts", for instance, placed her comment. "Das ist

doch aiies gelogen!", above Jenninger's speech in such a way as to make

it appear as if her statement was cornmenting on the entire speech.22

Many saw Oesterle-Schwerin's protest as being the spark that set off the

explosion: "Sein Rücktritt stand von dem Augenblick an fest," wrote

Eduard Neumaier, "als sich im Auditorium der Abgeordneten erster

Protest aufierte. Bemerkenswerterweise begann er bereits beim nun

wahrhaftig nicht miszuverstehenden Praludium zu Jenningers

nachfolgender histonsierender Darstellung."23

As it tums out, Oesterle-Schwerin's stonning out of the Bundestag

had nothing to do with Jeminger's speech.

In a communiqué distributed the day before Jenninger's speech,

Oesterle-Schwerin's dissatisfaction with the current government were

expressed in quite clear terrn~."~~In the communiqué entitled, "WARUM

ICH DIE GEDENKSTUNDE ZUM NOVEMBER-POGROM IM BUNDESTAG CWERTHREE: A DISCOURS SOCIAL PERSf ECTlVE OF DER FALLJENNINGER 59

Für Unertragiïch HALTE", Oesterle-Schwerin states that it is unacceptable

that such a commemoration take place in a Bundestag where, during the

current term of parliament, the proper compensation of the 'other

victims' (socialists, communists, homosexuals, mentally and physically

handicapped, sinti and roma) was voted down, and where a motion to

rescind eugenic laws enacted by the Nazis for the "prevention of

genetically diseased offspring" was also voted down. "Solange in der

Bundesrepublik ganz bewuBt immer nur einem Teil der Opfer gedacht

wird," she states. "solange wird ganz bewuBt auch nur ein Teil der

Verbrechen als solche anerkannt. Eine gemeinsame Gedenkstunde mit

Politikern, die diese Politik betreiben, ist für mich unvorstellbar."25

Much later, during an intenriew with a journalist, Jima Oesterle-

Schwerin admits that her heckling was a reaction to a completely

different incident-unrelated to Jenninger's address-in which Tamil

refugee children, on their way to Gemany. were intercepted in Sofia and

sent back to Colombo, where the* Lives would be in danger.

Und in dern Moment fiel mir dam auch der Jenninger ein, und da dachte

ich, je tzt wird der wieder so eine wunderschone Entlas tungsrede halten,

er wird das Pogrom vemrteilen und wird sich selber als den guten

Menschen darstellen, und gleichzeitig gehort er einer Partei an, die

mensc ch en, Angehorige anderer Volker, Kinder anderer Volkcr

Pogromen ausliefert. Und das fand ich einfach ungeheuerlich, und dam

dachte ich: und jetzt gehst du in den Bundestag und sagst das. lnsofern CHAPTERTHREE: A DISCOURS SOCUL PERSPECIWE OF DER FALL JfiVNINGER 60

war mein Zwischenruf ein vorbereiteter Zwischenruf, der sich

eigentlich nicht auf die Rede bezogen hat.2G

As the above 'insider' information shows, Oesterle-Schwerin's demon-

stration of anger may have had something to do with Jenninger's politics,

but it had nothing to do with his speech. "Aus der Position der Grünen

Jutta OesterleSchwerin betrachtet, " reports Werner Hill, "hatte Philipp

Jenninger mit Engelszungen oder doch jedenfalls so reden konnen, daB

selbst der Rhetorik-Professor Walter Jens Beifall geklatscht hatte-sie

hatte ihm seine Worte nicht abgen0rnrnen."~7Thus. despite the fact that

the actual relationship between a] and b] above was 'coincidental' (in

the sense that it wasn't a reaction to the speech itself), it was established

by the narrative logic as representing the reality of the situation. Thus

the Bundestagspriisident's "mangelnde Sensibiiitat" appeared as the cause

of Oesterle-Schwerin's impernous reaction and was disseminated as such. CHAITER THREE: A DISCOURS SOCUL PERSPECTIVE OF DER FALL /.NINGER 61

The Distraught Victim Narrerne A photograph taken of Philipp Jenninger and Ms. Ida Ehre was to

play an even more 'fateful' role in convincing people that Jenninger had

indeed spoken "without a trace of feeling for the sensitivity of the

Victims. "a

Figure 1 Philipp Jenninger and Ms. Ehrezg

The above photograph (Figure 1) was circulated in most German dailies

as well as in the foreign press. When placed alongside articles fdled with

harsh criticism airned at both Jenninger's speech and his person, the

photo seemed to provide the naysayers with incontrovertible evidence

that they were justified in having raised their voices in protest. Indeed, as

a narrative sequence, it operates airnost autornatically: CHMTER THREE: A DrSCOURSSOCL4 L PERSPECfEVE OF DER FALLJfiVNINGER 62

Il Jeminger holding speech

21 Ms. Ida Ehre, shown beside him, completely distraught.

The cause of her distress was most obviousl' the result of Jenninger's

"sensationaiiy inappropriate" speech. It hardly needs to be said that the

commentators had a field day with this 'juicy' narreme.

Ida Ehre stutzt den Kopf in die Hande, verdeckt mit den feingliedrigen

Fingern ihre Augen. Spater, wahrend Jenningers unçefüger Rede über

die Vorgeschichte und die Folgen jener Pogrome vom 9. und 10.1 1.38

sieht man sie mit einem Tüchlein in der Rechten imrner wieder hinter

diesen Augenschum greifen. Sie weint.jO

The implied relationship between the speech and this woman's distress is

so 'obvious' that the comrnentator doesn't even see it Fit to explicitly

make the connection. The Frankfurter Rundrchau used this caption for

the photo:

Entsetzen über die Rede von Bundestagsprisident Philipp Jenninger. Ida

Ehre (rechts), Direktorin der Hamburger Kammerspiele, schlagt die

Hande vor das Gesicht. Sie ist eine der wenigen Jüdinnen die den

Nazi-Terror in Deutschland iiberlebten.jl

The last remark almost makes it sound like she had just survived another

attack of Nazi-Terror at the hands of Je~inger!

The previously mentioned Vorwarts included the following comments:

Angewidert über die Jenninger-Rede verlieB auch die jüdische Schau-

spielerin Ida Ehre den Bundestag. Sie hatte den eindnickvollsten Part der CHAFTER THREE: A DfsC0UR.S SOCLIL PERSPECTfVE OF DER FAU JENNINGER 63

Gedenkstunde übernornmen die Rezitation: der 'Todesfuge' von Paul

Celad2

As true as this implied relationship between 'scandalous' speech and

horrif~ed'victim' appeared to be, it would nonetheless eventually be

exposed as a false one. Ida Ehre was apparendy so moved by her reading

of the Celan's poem that she was not in a state to pay much attention to

Jenninger'sspeech:

Ein oft miggedeutetes Bild-Philipp Jenninger und Ida Ehre. Die

88jahrige Schauspielerin, die Mutter und Schwester im KZ verlor, hielt

wahrend der ganzen Gedenkfeier ihr Gesicht mit den Handen bedeckt.

"Ich trug das Grauen in mir", sagte sie spater und bekundete, aufgrund

ihrer Ergriffenheit nach der "Todesfuge" bei fenningers Rede nicht

zugehort zu haben. Nahezu alle in- und auslandischen Zeitungen ver-

offentlichten jedoch das Bild in miBverstandlichem Zusammenhang."

The following comment points out the how the photo and Jenninger's

'cruel' words were closeIy associated:

Es war infam, wie die greise jüdische Schauspielerin Ida Ehre gegen

je~ingerins Feld geführt wurde. Wahrend er seine Rede im Bundestag

hielt, kauerte sie wie versteinert da, die Hand vors Gesicht geschiagen,

den Kopf gebeugt. Hier saB das personifizierte jüdische Leid zweier

Jahrtausende. Das Bild ghg ebenso um die Welt wie das Wort vor;

der seelischen Grausamkeit PhUpp Jenningers. Die Erklarung

folgte vie1 spater: Ida Ehre sagte, sie habe von der Skandal-Rede kein CmTHREE: A DLSCOURS SOCL4L PERSPECTIVE OF DER FALLJEYNINGER 64

Wort mitbekommen. Zu sehr habe sie die von ihr rezitierte "Tociesfuge"

Paul Celans a~fgewÜhit.3~

Firsr impressions make Iasting impressions. The false/mistaken attribution

of Ms. Ehre's distress to Jenninger's tactlessness circulated as the first

'version' that was disseminated by the media, and thus woufd continue to

be perceived by rnany as the 'truth', despite coken attempts to retract this

rnistalae:

Ida Ehre war weder entsetzt nach angewidert. Sie war erschopft und

muf3te nach der Veranstaltung von dern Abgeordneten Freimut Duve aus

dem Sad geIeitet werden. Von der Rede Jenningers hat sie nach eigenem

Bekunden nichts mitbekommen. Als die Zeitungen dies spater meldeten,

keineswegs in angemessener Weise und etwa mit einer Entschuldigung

wegen der vorherigen Falschmeldung versehen, da hatte Ida Ehre ihren

"Part" in der Affare Jenninger, ohne es zu ahnen, langst gespieit. Die

Zeitungsleute unterstellten ihr Empfindungen, die sie selbst

hntten Wenn eine Jüdin entsetzt und angewidert war, dmn durften sie

es mit Fug und Recht auch sein.35

The journalists were probably not the only people who were having

feelings by proxy. Although it is difficult to evaluate the influence the

juxtaposition of a 'distraught' Ms. Ehre and Philipp Jenninger may have

had during the speech, and which may have been one of the reasons

why some of the other members walked out. one can imagine that it had

an effect that was hardly negligible. CHtlPTER THREE: A DISCOURS SOCL4L PERSPECnVE OF DER FAU Ei'VrRfNGER 65

Mat makes this narreme even more 'fictional' is the fact that the

picture in question was taken before Jenninger even started to speak. A

closer look at the photogiaph reveals that jenninger is stiil seated and has

not yet started his speech. This is substantiated by the caption provided

on the back of the photograph, as provided by the Bundesbildsteiie:

Im BiId: Der Prasident des Deutschen Bundestages, Dr. Philipp

Jenninger, der die Gedenkansprache hielt, und die Hamburger Schau-

spieletin Ida Ehre auf der Bundesratsbank zu Be- der ~eierstunde.3~

The Creative Editing of Der Fan Jenninger It is fitting that Bismarck, the Iron Chancellor, would serve here as

an example of how history is literaliy 'made' since editing also played an

important role in the production of the story of Der Fall Jenninger.

Bismarck was the 'author' of the infamous Ernser Depesche. The Ernser

Depsche refers to a telegram, conceming the candidature for the Spanish

Throne sent by Kaiser Wilhelm 1 to the Chancellor, that was subsequendy

edited by him and published. The publication of this edited version was

deemed to be an affront, and the incident set off the Franco-Prussian war.

Es ist so leicht, ohne Falschung, nur durch Weglassungen und

Striche den Sinn einer Rede vollkommen zu andern. Ich habe

mich selbst einmal in diesern Fache versucht, als Redakteur der Ernser

Depesche, mit der die Socialdemokraten seit zwanzig Jahren krebzr a

gehn. Der Konig schickte sie mir mit der Weisung, sie ganz oder nur

theilweise zu veroffentlichen, und ais ich sie nun durch Striche und CHAFTER THREE:A DISCOURS SOCUL PERSPECiïVEi OF DER FAU JEIVNINGER 66

Zusammenziehungen rediizirt (sic) hatte, rief Moltke, der bei mir war,

aus: Vorhin wu's eine Chamade, jetzt kt's eine Fanfarr.'j7

Bismarck had removed parts of the original message in such a way as to

transfonn it from a conciliatory message to a provocative one. Wilhelm

Liebknecht, surnmarized the impact of the editing in this way: "Die echte

Ernser Depesche meldete den friedlichen Verlauf der letzten

Verhandlungen in Ems. Sie war der Friede. Die gefalschte Emser

Depesche stellte den Verlauf so dar, daB ein kriegerischer Ausgang

unvermeidlich war. Sie war der Kneg."38

The Jenninger speech was also subjected to "Weglassungen und

Striche" that had the impact of changing what he had said in significant

ways. The transcript of the speech that was circulated in the media, for

instance, was not the speech that Jeminger had held. Although it was, in

fact, a copy of the speech he had prepared, during the course of the

presentation he had added severai elements that would serve to 'distance'

him from the remarks that were to be attributed to the Nazis of the 1930s

and had removed other several others. The most glaring omission is the

one in which "so hies es damalsn is missing from a highly controversial

statement:

Und was die Juden anging: Hatten sie sich nicht in der Vergangenheit

doch eine Rolle angemaBt-so hieB es damals-, die ihnen nicht

zukam? MuBten sie nicht endlich einmal Einschrankungen in Kauf

nehmen? [Rede, 301 CHiiPTER THREE: A DISCOURS SOCL4 L PERSPECïïVE OF DER FALL JEiVNINGER 67

Joumalists repeated this 'quote' iike parrots-without the so hiefi es

dumals of course-and used it to justlfy the 'fact' that Jenninger had

spoken highiy compromising statements without sufficiently distancing

himself.

In addition, rnany newspapers pubiished just some excerpts rather

chan the entire speech which they probably justified as an attempt to

Save a few column-inches of space. The most provocative excerpts, of

course, were used once again distorthg what jenninger had actuaily said.

The effect of this creative editing is certainly non trivial, as this foUowing

testimonial points out:

Aufgrund dessen, was ich von Ihrer Rede durch die Fernsehbericht-

erstattung am Donnerstagabend und die im "Bonner Genenlanzeiger"

abgedruckten Auszüge kannte, war mein Urteil iiber Sie, daB Ihre

Kapazitat für das von Ihnen bekleidete Amt nicht hinreiche, Ihr Rücktritt

also notwendig war und richtig ist. Nun habe ich ihre Rede im ganzen

gelesen und sehe, da13 Sie zuriïckgetreten sind unter dem Druck der-

jenigen, die die Wahrheit nicht horen woilen oder zu durnrn sind, sie zu

verstehen.39

Read All About It: The jenninger Headlines One of the discursive effects that shouid not be overlooked is what I

have termed to be the 'Headline Effect'. The discursive weight of infor-

mation appearing on the headline of a major newspaper makes it such

that it more or less de facto 'produces' the truth, whether or not it was

actually me in the first place. CHAPTER THREE: A DISCOURS SOCML PERSPECTlVE OF DER FALLJE~~LVINGER 68

Auch Schlagzeilen erzeugen Stimmungen. Die deutschen Tages-

zeitungen boten am Tag nach der Gedenkstunde ein ablehnendes

Meinungsbild &er die Rede PhiLipp Jenningers. Schlagzeüen und Über-

schrïften der Leitartikel beeinflugten durch ihre starke optische Wirkung

die offentliche ~iskussion.~~

Although statements that prove to be untrue are sornetimes Iater

retracted, the retraction often only has a siight cornpensatory effect, since

it usually appears in smaii print somewhere on page 17, and ofien goes

unnoticed. Someone accused of being a serial rapist in the headlines of a

major newspaper wiil remain a serial rapist in the minds of its readers.

even if he is subsequently cleared of any wrongdoing. The foiiowing are

examples of some of the headlines that appeared in German newspapers:

"Das ist ja eine BIamage, horen Sie auf."a

"Bestürzender Mangel an Sensibi1itat."-12

"Mit Knobelbechern durch die Ges~hichte."~3

In many cases Jenninger was grossly misquoted even in the headlines.

The foilowing headline was used to accornpany excerpts from his speech

in the SUddeutsche Zeitung:

"Hatten sich die juden nicht doch eine Roile angemaBt, die ihnen nicht

zukam? 44

What Jeminger really said was the following:

,,Hatten sie sich nicht in der Vergangenheit doch eine Rolle angemafit -

so hieB es damais -, die ihncn nicht nikam? [Rede, 301 CHAPTER THREE:A DISCOURSSOCUL PERSPECTXVE OF DER FALLJENNINGER 69

Mthough it is 'understandable' that the so hiefi es damais Jenninger

added on the spot be missing, the fact that the editors chose to remove

the 'in der Vergangenheit" is certainly quite questionable.

A second example of a misquoted headline:

,,Hitlers Triumphzug muBte den Deutschen als Wunder er~cheinen"."-~~

should read:

Für die Deutschen, die die Weimarer Republik überwiegend als eine

Abfolge aulSenpolitischer Demütigungen ernpfùnden hatten, muBte dies

des wie ein Wunder erscheinen. [Recie, 261

It was Chomsky who pointed out how convenient it was that the

structure of the media doesn't allow for the discussion of anything of

substance due to time and space constraints. It is hard to undertake an in

depth cntique of society squeezed into the 4 1/2 minutes between

comrnercials. Similarly, in the case of Der FnZZ jenninger, certain

newspapers published only 'excerpts', parts of Jenninger's speech had

been 'edited' out of recognition to fit into a headline-there are only so

many letters that cm fit in a headline-and the 30 second spots on the

television and radio miist have produced an extremely skewed picture of

the Jenninger speech. As one of person remarked in a letter addressed to

Jenninger:

Dann die ersten Meldungen irn Radio, wo von "Eklat" gesprochen

wurde. Dann die Abendnachrichten im Fernsehen, mit 30sekündigem CHAPTER THREE: A DISCOURS SOClrlL PERSPECIWE OF DER FAU JENNINGER 70

Zitat vom Vormittag, daB einem die Haare zu Berge stehen miiBten.

"Wie kann der Mmmir?" war die einhellige ~einung..'~

One last example of creative editing once again: The Deutscher

Bundestag-Chronik, part of the information service of the Gerrnan

Bundestag, has the following meager entry concerning Der Fnll

Jenninger:

11.11.1988 Bundestagspriisident Phiiipp Jenninger steilt sein Amt zur

~erfügung.-'7

With absolutely no mention of the 'Eklat', this gross understatement is

proof once again that Bismarck was right, and that one cm fuliy change

the meaning of a text by merely resorting to creative editing.

Stories about Der Fail lenninger

One of the interesting aspects of Der Fnll Jenninger is the fact that

the event came to be seen from several very different and even

incompatible points of view. The stones which make up Der Fall

Jenninger portray him at once as ignominious failure, courageous hero

and unwitting victim. This demonstrates the flexibility with which the

discours social cm accommodate multiple narratives based on the same

event. Some of these narratives WU be now be exarnined more closeiy. CHAPTER THREE: A DISCOURSSOCIAL PE3SPECTNE OF DER FAU.JEiVNINGER 72

jenninger: The Faiiure

The first and most widely disseminated version of Der Fall

Jenninger is the one in which Jenninger is descnbed as having faüed

miserably in his attempt to hold a speech worthy of such an important

event. The first reactions collected and recounted through the media

were unequivocal: his speech was a complete disaster. His failure

appeared to be so complete that Voiker Rühe, a member of Jenninger's

own Party, stated that "now his head must roll".48This negative reaction

was, for the most part. attributed to the fact that Jenninger had

"overestimated his intellectual capacitiesn-49and had not been, at any rate,

inteilectuaily up to the task:

Ein bigchen Vergangenheitsbewaltigung aus gegebenem AntaB-das

ko~tedoch so schwierig nicht sein. Sie ging dann aber doch über die

KMfte des PMsidenten des Deutschen Bundestags, obwohl er doch brrv

alles gesagt hat, was man bei sotchen Gelegenheiten sagt: Da6 die

Geschichte nicht in Frage gestellt, die Vergangenhei t nicht vergessen

wcrden dürfee50

"Es ist eine Schande," commented Detlef Kleinert of the FDP, "vor einer

so groBen Aufgabe zu ~ersagen."5~His comment mirrored the general

opinion of those parliamentarians present during the cerernony, that

Jeminger, the second highest politicai representative in Germany, hac!

failed at his task of contributing in some positive way to the

'Aufarbeitung der Vergangenheit.' In this version of Der Fall Jenninger,

fault was sought exclusively in Jenninger's shortcomings both as CHrlPTE3I THREE: A DISCOURS SOCL4L PERSPECTIVE OF DER FALLJENNINGER 72

BundestagspraSident and as a person. Ai1 of a sudden, everyone was a

critic, 'noticing' how Jeminger, who, just a few days ago was a much

respected parliamentarian, was in fact quite a bumbling fool.

Descriptions of the "less than brilliantnJenninger abounded:

Der Priisident des Deutschen Bundestages spnch wie ein Mochtegern-

Politiker aus der tiefsten Provinz, der im Hinterzimmer eines

Dorfgasthauses über irgendeine Belanglosigkeit referiert. 52

'Good old Jeminger' was also portrayed as 'honourable' yet 'simple-

rninded' :

Jenninger, ein ehrenwerter, aber intellektuell nicht gerade heraus-

ragender Mann, friedlich, ehrgeizig und etwas unbedarft. 5-'

Even though he had been much respected as BundestngsprrÏsident, his

cornpetence was cast in doubt by several commentators:

Die Fnge drhgt sich schon auf, wie mittelmaBig man eigentlich sein

darf, um in dieser Republik jahrelang unangefochten das zweithochste

Amt bekleiden zu durfen.5-'

Jenninger's ambition to hold a 'great' speech, despite his intellectual

deficiencies is also frequently brought up:

Doch Jenninger woiite anderes, woilte, das ist nicht übertrieben, einmai

in seinem Politikerleben eben eine wirklich grol3e Rede halten-und

übernahm sich.55 CHAPTERTHREE: A DfSCOURSSOCfiL PERSPECïrVE OF DER FAU IENNfNGER 73

The idea of Jenninger's ambition in regards to his speech are often

imputed to his desire to outdo the speech held by Richard von

Weizsacker on the occasion of the 40th anniversary of the capitulation of

the Germms.

Richard von Weizsackers Rede vom 8. Mai 1985: Sie ist zum iMaBstab fur

alles geworden, was danach zur deurschen Vcrgangenheit und unserem

Verhaltnis zu ihr gesagt worden ist. [. ..] Er Uenningerj wolite, so muB

man vermuteri, den Versuch machen, den Helmut Kohl stillschweigend

aufgegeben hat: aus dem Schatten der alles vereinnahmenden Rede

Richard von Weizsâckers herauszuueten. [. ..] Die Verführung dazu muf3

besonders grof3 gewesen sein, weil sich die Chance bot, endlich einmal

das vergessene Amt des "zweiten Mannes im Staatu ins rechte Licht zu

rücken. Der Wunsch ist so groi3, weil die Kompetenzen so klcin sind. 56

Thus the not-soquick Jenninger was treated as a fool for not having

recognized the fact that it was quite impossible to surpass von

Weizsacker's great oratoncal achievement.

'Proof that Jenninger's ineptitude was at fault abounded. That he

had 'hurt people's feelings' was evident in the fact that several members

of the Bundestag stomed out in protest (cf. The Heckier Narreme). The

photograph of Ms. Ehre and Jenninger (cf. The Distraught Victim

Narreme) added insult to injury. The carefully selected exccrpts

presented in the media (cf. The Creative Editing of Der Fall Jenninger)

only helped confirm the accusations that were levelled at him: that he

had spoken out certain things that could easily be misconstrued as CHAPrEIl THREE: A DISCOURS SOCML PERSPECTIVX OF DER FrlUJENNINGER 74

coming from the 'wrong corner', i.e. the extreme right-wing, and was to

be vehemently castigated.

As was previously mentioned, Jenninger's unblernished past was

invoked to curb any doubts conceming his relationship to Germany's

'braune Vergangenheit'. This was instntmentalized to substantiate claims

that he was a man of great integrity. "SchlieBlich entstammt der

Gestrauchelte einer Familie, " wrote one commentator, "die da

christlich-human gesonnen, unter dem Hitler-Regime Unbill erlitt. Dieser

Tradition getreu hat er sich in der Aussohnung mit den Juden

hervorgetan. "57 "PhilippJenninger." wrote another commentator, "ist ein

ehrenwerter Politiker und eine Personlichkeit von beachtlicher

Integritat. "58

The event of the Jenninger's speech was thus weaved into a

narrative that unfolded as follows: Jenninger holds a speech in the

Bundestag that provokes reactions from the audience and even causes

several dozen of them to walk out in protest. The photo of Ms. Ehre is

circulated as proof of how Jenninger-albeit unintentionally-hurt

people's feelings. Jenninger's past is quickly invoked to show chat the

'misunderstanding' was not a resuit of his having the 'wrong convictions'

(falsche Gesinnung) but rather due to his gened ineptitude, particularly

in respect to his rhetorical skills. Jeminger is blamed for letting his ego

goad him into trying to outdo von Weizsacker's "speech to end al1

speeches". Jenninger, in this version of the narrative, was the one who

was solely responsible for the scanda1 that took place. The whole event took on such great proportions that soon this story

was the tak of the entire country, and literally took on the traits of a bad

play:

Der Redner wie auch jene Zuhorer, die den Plenarsaal verlieBen, sowie

unzahlige hitzige Kommentatoren bildeten den Teil eines deutschen

Trauerstücks, das rational kaum mehr erf&bar erscheint. 59

The next section wiii examine the way in which this damning version of

the Der FaZl jenninger was countered by a second narrative.

Jenninger: The Hem

While the initial version of Der Fall jenningev that circulated

contained almost exclusively harsh criticism airned at Jeminger, a second

narrative soon appeared in which Jenninger was praised for his brazen

speech, one that dared to look at die Vergangenheit 'straight in the eye'.

A French Jew living in Germany, for example, wrote the following thank-

you letter to Philipp Jenninger:

Ihre Bundestagsrede hahe ich sorgfdtig geiesen [. ..] Ihre Rede ist damit

gekennzeichnet, mit der Courage und der Tapferkeit, eines, der sich

schonungslos mit der Wahrheit auseinandersetzen mochte. Inteilektueli

und moralisch ist es vie1 schwieriger, die Einsicht und Verstandnis des

Wesens der Geschichte zu schaffen, als sich immer in angeblicher

uKoiiektivschuiduzu verstecken. DafÜr, und für den Dienst, den Sie den

Deutschen sowie den Juden geleistet haben, haben Sie unsere Dank-

barkeit verdient. Die meinige haben ~ie.~~ CHMJXIZ IIUEE: A DISCOURS SOCL4L PERSPECTIVE OF DER FAU ~fiVNINGER 76

In contrast to the many negative critics. who dwelled on his

inadequate intelligence, Jenninger was often descnbed as a politician

who had one up on the others: "Philipp Jenninger übernahm hier als

ausgewiesen liberaler Politiker kritisch schuld- und selbstbewuf3t eïnen

schwierigen Balanceakt für alle Deutschen," wrote Christian Blumrath,

"und das genaue Studium seiner Rede lat diese aus meiner Sicht. allen

Kritikem Jemingers zum Trotz, als gelungen erscheinen-

For many, the speech represented the eminently laudable act of

finally discussing and analyzing in public how such an event as

Rez'chskristallnncht came to be:

Mit lhrer Rede haben Sie das groBe Verdienst envorben, eine Diskussion

in Gang gebracht zu haben, die unbedingt notwendig war. Wiirde man

bei der bisher üblichen Phrasendrescherei bleiben, so wiirde bei unserer

jungen Generation ein Antisernitismus genahrt werden, den wir aile LU

Recht fürchten und verabscheuen. Auf jeden Fa11 konnen Sie davon aus-

gehen-das sind meine Beobachtungen-, da& Sie die Sympathie von

sehr viefen Menschen haben, deren Meinung ich auch sonst hoch

scl~atze.~~

Michael Fürst, deputy chairman of the Central Cornmittee ~f Jews in

Germany, who was present during the commemorative ceremony, found

himseif in the unique position of being one of the only voices that spoke

out in suppon of Jeminger immediately after the speech:

Ich habe nicht erwartet, da13 im Bundestag eine Trauerrede gehaiten

wird. Ich begrüBe es, da8 der Bundestagspriisident mit aller Deutlichkeit CHrlPTER THREE: A DISCOURS SOCL4 L PERSPECITVE OF DER FAU JfiVNINGER 77

angesprochen hat, was mischen 1933 und 1938 und darüber hinaus in

Deutschland an der Tagesordnung warVG3

Jeminger also received rnuch praise for being the first politician to

have fmaiiy spoken the 'Truth' about die Vergangenheit in public.

Jenningers Rede als Bundestagsprasident hat in erschreckender Weise

aufgezeigt, da& ein guter Politiker mit vielen Worten ,Nichtssagen"

konnen rnuf3. In meinen Augen hat der Poiitiker Jenninger das

geschichtliche Verdienst, aIs erster maggeblicher deutscher

Reprisentant den Versuch der Analyse gewagt zu haben.GL

A Jewish victim of Nazi Gerrnany wrote the following:

Ich war Zeitzeuge. Sie haben die Wahrheit gesagt. DaB sie keiner horen

wifl, beschamt die anderen, nicht Sie. [. ..] Damit niemand glaubt, Sie

bekamen Beifall von der falschen Seite: Ich bin ein "Opfer des National-

sozialismusn. Meine ganze Familie, also Eltern, Grogeltern, Tanten und

Cousins, endeten in den Gaskammern von Auschwitz und Treblinka.

Nur rneine GroGeltern nicht. Die 1ieB man in Theresienstadt verhungern.

[...] Es ist ihnen bestimmt aufgefalien, daB die Betroffenen, also iiber-

Iebenden Juden, kein Wort des MiBfallens au~erten.~~ C-ER THREE: A DISCOURS SOCL4L PERSPECTIVE OF DER TAU IENNIhlGER 78

Schlorno Schamgar, a journalist for a Tel Aviv newspaper, also

emphasized that what was important about Jenninger's speech was that

he had toId the truth:

Die Wahrheit ist aber, da& Jenninger die Wahrheit gesagt hat. [. ..] Er

stellte den Deutschen einen Spiegel vors Gesicht, in dem sie sich aber

nicht wiedererkennen woilten. Deswegen ist er gefafien [ . .. ]

Many comments were made with respect to the cornparisons with

von Weizsacker's speech. Some, like the following comment, give

Jenninger's speech the sarne high marks as von Weizsacker's speech:

Jenninger ist Unrecht geschehen. Er hat eine groBartige Rede gehdten!

[...] Jenninger hat sich in seiner Rede ein hohes Ziel gesteckt, das

würdig neben der Intention der früheren, so hoch gepriesenen Rede

unseres Dundespfisidenten stek6'

Jenninger's critics are ofcen accused of hypocrisy in their comments

on the affair. If there are no doubts as to his moral and political stance,

they claim, then it is simply hypocritical to blarne him for this

'misunderstanding' :

Es ist ein Akt politischer Heuchelei, von Jenninger wegen der mi&

deutbaren ~u~emngenden Rücktritt zu verlangen und ihm gleichzeitig

"personliche Integritat" zu bescheinigen: Wenn an seiner "inneren

Einsteiiung gegenüber den Verbrechen" der Nationalsozialisten (so zum

Beispiel die SPD-Erklarung) kein Zweifel besteht, dann geht es nicht an,

ihm MiBdeutbarkeiten vorz~halten.~ CHMTER THREE: A DISCOURS SOCUL PERSPECTIVE OF DER FAiLJENNINGER 79

Ein gestandener Demokrat, aus politisch einwandfreiem EIternhaus

starnrnend und, was ihm wohl niernand abstreitet, hochverdient um die

so schwierige Versohnung mit den Juden und um das Verhaltnis zum

Staate Israel, wurde mm AbschuB freigegeben mit allem, was dam-

gehort, wie SpieBruteniaufen und den anschlieBenden Krokodilstriinen

seiner poiitischen Gegner und ,Freundeul die ihm nach getaner Tat ihrer

Wertschatzung versichem. Wmm?Was war fa1sch?~9

This led to the suspicion that perhaps the claim that the misunder-

standing was due to Jenninger'sdeficient rhetorical skilis served to divert

attention from other possible reasons:

Die Entschuldigung Kr das peinliche MiBverstandnis war schnell

gefunden: nicht die eigene Unaufmerksamkeit, sondern die "schlechte

Rhetorik" des Redners. was son~t.'~

This version of the Jenninger speech emerged as a reaction to

counter the initial narrative in which Jenninger was disgraced for having

pîoved to be so stupid. Jenninger is thus praised for his audacity to take a

look at the "ungeschminkte Wahrheit" of the rise of anti-Semitism in

Germany, while so many other representatives of the people insist on

repeating the "Liturgie des Trauemsn to avoid taking political risks.

Jenninger was also thanked for bnnging the discussion into the public

sphere so that the younger generation may have a chance to leam irom

the past. CHAPTER THREE: A DlSCOURSSOC'L PERSPECTIVE OF DER FAUJEN'VIKGER 80

jenninger: A Victim of the Media

Many appear to be convinced that much of the uproar and most of

the misunderstanding was caused by the way in which the media-

intentionally and otherwise-distorted what had actually taken place.

One commentator even went as far as saying the foilowing: "Bestürzt bin

ich über die Gleichschaltung der Presse irn In- und Ausland. Das gleiche

hatten wir schon unter Hitler?

Many commentators reIated their own experience of

'disinformation' by the media and how their opinion of the event

changed dramatically once they had read the hl1 text of the speech:

Ich wiU geme gestehen, clal3 ich personfich, nachdem ich im Runcifùnk

und Videotext einzelne aus dem Kontext herausgegriffene Ausziige Ihrer

Ansprache erfahren hatte, zuerst schocliiert iiber Ihre Worte war und es

nicht untcrlieB, mich gewaltig über den nicht zur Ruhe kommenden

Antisernitismus in Ihrem Lande zu kgern. Als ich dam jedoch gegen 22

Uhr die Wiederholung Ihrer Ansprache irn ZDF selbst erleben konnte,

merkte ich nach wenigen Augenblicken, wie sehr ich einer geradezu un-

ertriiglichen aiigemeinen Desinformation auf den Leirn gegangen war. ''

Others noted the dserences in opinion between those who had had the

opportunity to read the speech and those who based their 'judgement'

exclusively on reports from the media:

Am Abend des 10. November traf ich mich mit ein pax Freundctn, eben-

fails Studenten, ebenfalls in den friihen 6Oer Jahren geboren, ebenfalls

nichts am Hut mit der CDU, und natürlich sprach man auch über Ihre CHAPTERTHREE: A DISCOC/RSSOCML PERSPECTIVE OF DER FAUJENNINGER 81

Rede und die eventuell zu ziehenden Konsequenzen. Auffdlig war eines:

Ali' diejenigen, die den Originaltext irgendwann irn Laufe des Tages mal

gelesen hatten, verstanden die ganze Aufregung nicht-und der Rest,

der Kommentare gelesen, Fernsehen oder Radio als Quelle benutzt

hatte, verstand Sie nicht, hielt Sie bestenfalls für einen Diirnmkopf und

schlimmstenfails für einen unverbesserlichen Altnazi. Hem Jenninger:

Das Problem ist nicht Ihre Rede. Das Problem ist das Bild, das sensations-

Iüsterne, boswillige oder gmz einfacli dumme Journalisten von ihr ge-

zeichnet haben?

The media are thus blamed for having disseminated a skewed picture of

what took place in the Bundestag. Some even go as far as claiming that

the information presented was falsified in order to better incriminate

Jenninger:

Die beanstandeten Passagen Ihrer Rede wurden verfalscht, da man sie

ohne Berücksichtigung des Zusammenhangs zitierte; begfindete Zu-

stirnmung-wie seitens des Herrn Fürst-blieb unbeachtet oder mrde

totge~chwiegen.~~

As has already been pointed out, the meaning of key aspects of the

'event' were indeed attributed to false motives. Jutta Oesterle-Schwerin

stormed out because of her frustrations with the government, not

because of Jenninger's speech. Jenninger was falsely and unjustly

implicated in the pain that Ms Ehre was feeling. The deliberate and

unintentional misquoting of Jenninger's speech also serve to convey the

false impression that he said sensationally inappropriate things. "1st es zulassig," wrote Werner Hill in commenting on the dubious practices of his fellow colleagues, "Begriffe und Satze zu isolieren und zu sagen: Aha.

Na~i-Sprachgut!?"~5One person, in addressing Jenninger, expressed his view of this in the foliowing way: "Als Politiker wissen Sie auch. da13

Joumaiisten überhaupt nur die Teile aufnehmen, die "nützlich"?!sind für Nachrichten also Sensation bringen.""

This 'creative journalism' raised many concems with regards to the power with which the media is entrusted in 'molding' public opinion:

Der Vorfall hat in bislang kaum geahnter Deutlichkeit gezeigt, wer in

unserem Land die eigentliche Macht hat: die Massenmedien?

Phiiipp Jenninger wurde das Opfer jener Meute von linken Fernseh- und

Horfunk-Benchtersrattem, die seine Rede zerpflückten und zerhackten

und so versuchten, ihm einen Strick zu drehen, um von eigenen

Skandaien [. . .] ab~ulenken.~~

Die andere Seite ist die ,,FernsehdemokratieU, die Diktatur des

Fernsehens, unter der wir leben. Ohne die Mechanismen des Mediums

Fernsehen, seine Hektik, seine vorschnellen Urteile, ware die Rede

nüchtern anaiysiert worden-so wie es in der Tat geschah. Aber da war

es zu spat, da war der Fail Jeminger bereits zu den Akten gelegt. Heute

urteilt die Welt schon ganz anders.'9

Criticism abounded concerning the 'irresponsibility' of the media and the way in which al1 journalists hastily reached such tenuous verdicts. Hili points out an example of this lack of ngour in one of his CHAPTER THREE: A DISC0URSSOC.L PERSPECRVE OF DER FALL JfiVNhVGER 83

colleagues, Marion Donhoff.80 In her article, Ms. Donhoff criticized

Jenninger for having spoken "in bewunderndem Ton" about the Hitler

yean and claimed that "Jenninger wirkte als Redner gkzlich unbeteiligt

und ohne jede Warme. Er vermittelte keinerlei Ernpfrnd~ng."~~When one

of her readers pointed out that she had rnisquoted Jeminger. by leavïng

out the aforementioned so hie3 es damak she explained that it was

'missing' in the document that was distributed to the press. This,

however, begs the question of how she was able to evaluate the

"warmth"and "feelings" of Jenninger's voice from a written press release.

Ostensibly, as Hill concludes, because she already had formed an opinion

of the 'Eklat' before bothenng to undenake a perfunctory 'analysis' of

what had actuaiiy taken place. Another commentator also attributes the

distortion of the incident to the carelessness of chose who 'entrusted'

themselves with its interpretation:

Eine Rechtfertigung der NSZeit wurde nun Jenninger vorgeworfen

Auschnitte aus der Rede wurden isoliert wiedergegeben. Die Reaktion

verlor die Rede selbst aus dem Auge, sie verselbstandigte sich. [,..] Es

gibt weniger das Problem der Jenninger-Rede, es gibt eher das Problem

der Interpreten, überzogen zu haben und schiel zu gewichten. Die

mangeinde Nüchternheit und Besonnenheit triancher Kritiker bereitet

Sorge.82

This 'twist' to Der Fall Jenninger emphasizes the powerful role the

media play in determining the 'outcome' of such an event. Meaning is

seen to be carelessly atvibuted in dubious ways by the media. Some even CHAPTERTHREE: A DISCOURS SOCUL PERSPECIWE OF DER FAUJENNINGER 84

accuse the media of leading an intentionai carnpaign of dislliformation in

order to turn attention away from the real issues at hand. The media are

thus portrayed as having piayed a pivota1 role in the sullying of the

reputation of Jeminger's unblernished reputation.

NOTES Fredric Jarneson, Tbe Political Unconscious. Narrative as a Sociulfy Syrnbofic Act (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1981) 9, 13. ~ean-pierreFaye, ?%&orledu récit. fntroduction ara dangages totalitaires* (Paris: Hemann, 1972) 15-16. 3 Nancy S. Struever, 'Historicai Discourse," Hnndbook of Dfscorrrse Anulysis Ed. Teun van Dijk. 4 vols. London: Academic Press, 1985. 1: 266. Roland Barthes, 'L'ancienne rhétorique. Aide-mémoire," L 'czuentrrre shziologique (Paris: Seuil, 1985) 96. [Origindly published in: Comrnrrnicrrtions 16 (1 970): 172-2231 Caroline Désy and Jocelyn Létourneau. 'Les Discours de l'histoire et le passe enveloppé," Appel de collaboration au numéro VIII, 1-2 (hiver-printemps 1996) de DCscours sodaf/Socia L Disco cirse, 1. Faye, 9. "Zwei Minuten und siebzehn Sekunden hattc der Prisident des Deutschen Bundestages, Dr. Philipp jeminger, die Chance, ungestort zu sprechen." HiII, Die Affiire Jenninger. Was eine Rede an den Tag bracbte, 2. Lübecker Nachrlchten, 11 Nov 1988: 3. Cited in Girnth, 7. Niirnberger Nucbrichten. 262 (1 1. November 1988): 3. Cited in Girnth, 9. l0 Miincbner Merkur, 261 (1 1. November 1988): 2, and others. Cited in Girnth, 9. lL Hamburger Morgenposf, 265 (1 1 Nov 1988): 3. Cited in Girnth, 9. I2 Augsburger Affgemeine, 261 (1 1. November 1988): 3. Cited in Gimth. 10. '3 Gimth, 19. l4 Express, 263 (1 1 Nov 1988): 2. Cited in Gimth, 14. 15 AS was previously mentioned, German law precludes the 'dismissal' of the Bundestagspaident .

21 M. Grafin Donhoff, "Ein verfehltes KoUeg," Die Zeit 18 Nov. 1988: 3. 22 Werner Hill, Jenninger. Was eine Rede an den Tczg bracbfe. Television programme. Dir. Horst Konigstcin. Norddeutscher Rundfunk (NDR 3), Hannover (Speciai project). 11 Nov. 1989, 26 [Rebroadcast: WDR,Cologne. 1I Nov.19891. 23 Eduard Nrumaier, 'Der Stun Jenningers-ein deutscher Fall. Vom Zwangs- konformismus und dem offentlichen Umgang mit der Wahrheit," Rhefnischer Merktrr 18 Nov. 1988: N. pag. cmTHREE: A DISCOURS SOCL4L PERSPECïïVE OF DER FAU JENNINGER 85

'* Jutta Oesterle-Schwerin, Press Releasen 1096/88, 9 Nov. 1988: 1. Reprinted in Laschet/Malangré, 34- 25 Ocsterle-Schwerin, 1. Reprinted in iaschct/Malangré, 34. 26 HiU,jenninger. Was eine Rede an den Tag Bracbte 27. Hill,jenninger. Wm eine Rede an den Tag Bracbte 27. 'iWt Knobelbechem durch die Geschichte." Spiegel4G (14 Nov. 1988): 23. 27 Copyright 1988, Presse- und Womationsamt der Bundesregierung, Bundesbild- stek der Bundesrepubiik Deutschland. Used with permission, 30 Horst Stein. ' .Das ist ja eine Blarnage, horen Sie aufu."Die Welt 265 (1 1 Nov. 1988): 3. HiU,Jenninger. Was eine Rede an den Tag Bracbte 3 35. 32 Hiil, Jenninger. Wcis eine Rede an den Tng Bracbte 3 5 [cited from Vomiirts]. 33 l;ischet/Mdangré, 3 1. 34 Tempo (Nov 1988). Evcerpt reprinted in Laschet/Malangré. 62. [My emphasis] 35 HU. jennlnger. Wnr eine Rede an den Tng Bruchte 36. 36 Taken from inscription on the back of the photograph provided bu the BundesbildsteUe. [My emphasis]

j7 Wilhelm Liebknecht, Die Ernser Depesche, oder wie Kriege gemocht uferden (Nürnberg: Worlein, 1892) III. [My ernphasis] 38 Liebknecht, 43. 37 Hochschullelirer aus Bonn, Letter to Philipp Jenninger. 12 Nov. 1988. Cited in Laschet/itlalangré, 104.

" Stein, 3. 42 'Bestürzender Mange1 an Srnsibilitat," Dle Weft 265 (1 1 Nov. 1988): 5. "3 'Mit Knobelbechem durch die Geschichte," Spfegef46 (14 Nov 1988): 22-28. '.Hatten sich die Juden nicht doch eine Rolle angernaBt, die ihnen nicht z~ltam?~ Die umstrittenc Rede des Bundestagsprasidenten Philipp Jenninger (Excerpts)," SiiddeuLsche Zeitrtng 26 1 cl 1 Nov. 1988): 13. fi AP. "Hitlers Tnumphzug muBte den Deutschcn als Wunder erscheinrn." Eine Rede, die mm EWat führte: Philipp Jeminger in der Gedenkstunde des Bundestages zum 50. Jahrestag der Novemberpogrome,' Frankfurter Runcischarc 1 1 Nov. 1988: N. pag. 46 C.W., Letter to Philipp Jenninger. 18 Nov 1988. Rcpnnted in Laschet/Malanprt. i 07. '' 1 1. Wahlpcriode (1 987-1990) Deutscher Bundestag-Cbronik. 13 Feb. 1997. 48 .Jetzt muB sein Kopf rollen." Girnth. 10. " ~hth,1 1. 50 Herbert Riehl-Heyse. 'Der traurige Zustand eines Dialogs." Siiddeuücbe Zeiiimg No 262, 12 Nov. 1988: 4. 51 Girnth, 8. 52 Berfitzer Morgenpost 11 Nov. 1988. Cited in Laschet/Mdangré, 45. 53 Jens. N. pag. 54 Süddeutsche Zeitung, 12 Nov. 1988. Cited in Laschet/Malangré. 5 3. CHAPTER TH=: A DISCOURS S0C.LPERSPECTIVE OF DER FALLJENiVINGER 86

55 Girnth, 12-

57 Girnth, 13. 58 Gimth, 12. 59 Neue Zürcber Zeitcrng 12 Nov. 1988. Cited in Laschet/Mal;uigré, 56. Go En in der Bundesrepublik lebender Jude franzosischer Staatsançeh6rigkeit, Letter to Philipp Jenninger, 13 Nov. 1988. Cited in La~chet,~Malangre,132. Gi Dr. med. Christian Blumrath, Letter. "Mut zur Analyse," Fronkfrrrter AZlgemeine Zeitung 19 Nov. 1988: N. pag. 62 'Prominenter Sozialdemoknt', Lettcr to Philipp Jenninger, 28 Nov. 1988. Cited in Laschet/Malangré, 124- Gimth, 8. RoIand Bender, Letter. "Jenningers Vcrdienst," Frank/trrter Allgerneine Zeitcrtzg G Dec. 1988: N. pag. G5 "SPD-Anhhger" aus K., Letter to Philipp Jenninger, 11 Nov. 1988. Cited in Laschet/Malangé, 10 1. Schlomo Schamgar, jediot Acllaronot Gel Aviv) 13 Nov. 1988: N. pag. Cited in Laschet/Mdangré, 57. 67 Mechtild Lange, Letter. "Wollte den Blick scharfen." Frnnkfcirter Allgerneine ZefLung 25 Nov. 1988: N. pag. 68 Langhans, N. pag. Dr. Joachim Lindnet, Letter. "Vom bloB demonst~tivenTrauerrituaI abge- wichen," Fmnkfurtw Allgerneine Zeitung 25 Nov. 1988: N. pag. 'O Norbert Geis, Letter. "Entzog sich dem Schema," Frankfurter Allgemeirze Zeitung 25 Nov. 1988: N- pag. 7i Hiil,Jenninger. Was eine Rede an den Tag Bracbfe 7 1. ?* Doctor, who describes himself as deserter and former 'Forced recruitmçnt' officer, Letter to Philipp Je~inger,11 Nov. 1988. Cited in Laschet/MaIangré, 134. 73 C.W., Letter to Philïpp Jeminger. 18 Nov. 1988. Cited in Laschet/Malangré, 107. 74 Ehepaar aus E., Letter to Philipp Jenninger, 12 Nov. 1988. Citcd in Laschetfifalangré, 106. 75 Hill, Jmninger. Was efneRede an den Tag Bracbte 34. Ï6 P.B.. Letter to Philipp Jcminger, 18 Nov. 1988. Cited in iAschet/Malangré, 136. Daniel Langhans, Letter. "Feigheit und Heuchelei bcim ,Fail Jenninger"," Frankfurter Aflgemeine Zeitung 22 Dec. 1988: N. pag. Luxernburger Wor?,Cited in Laschet/Malangré, 59. 73 Rudolf Heizler, "Hypothek zum Jahresbeginn," Koln ische Rcrrrdschnct 2 Jan. 1989. Cited in Iaschet/Malangré, 74. Hiii,Jennfnger. Was efneRede an den Tag Bruchte 30-3 1.

82 Eckart Hachmann, Letter. "Sogartig und ohne Abwiigen," Frankfrrrter Allgerneine Zeittmg 26 Nov. 1988: N. pag. Chapter Four: Closing Remarks

Befated mord corzdemnation and huntane regref crre not err O zrgh- The historicui facts mrixî be made Rttoen, the socid cur~sesthat rr~udethetr, possible must be rrttderxtooll. and w,.r fnrrst become aware of orrr owri respotrsibifity for whot goes o~iarourrd ris. We do not escape the part by thritstittg if to the 6ack of orir rninds. On/y $ ive comr to tenm with it ürrd rrmiers~mzdthe iessom of those years, can me free orrnef~wsof r/re /egq of Hirimie barbarism. Poiicies are tzot p re- O rdairzed by fate. They are rrzclde by peop fe and peop le cmchange them. Ger-hardMoenbemer, The Holocaust. The Nazi Descruccion of Europe's Jews.

Ewerz the eqrrirer is chorvted He fo tgets ro prrrsrîe the po inf. If is rtot whar /le wants to krtow. It is whut he wmts nor to know. lt is trot what dey q. lt ci what they do rtor say . Jatnes Fe~ttutr,"A German Requiem" CHAITER FOUR: CLOSING 88

If it was Jenninger's intention to hold a rnirror up to the Gennan

populace in order to force them to examine more closely their

relationship with die Vergangenheit, then one would have to conclude

that he succeeded famously, precisely because it didn't go as smootbly as

p t anned:

Aber am Ende war dies-bei der Unbehoifenheit und gerade wegen des

Eklats-ein wiirdiges Gedenken an den schlimmen Tag vor 50 jahren.

Der Dom im Fleisch der Deutschen, die mit ihrer Geschichte leben

rnüssen wurde nicht herausgezogen, sondern tiefer hineinsetrieben. Wie

denn kann der Vergangenheit besser gedacht werden: mit Buchs-

baumen, Bachchor und Betroffenheit-oder mit Aufivuhlen, Aufregung

und ungelenker Ehrlichkeit?l

As was discussed in the section "Historia Magistra Vitae and die

Vergangenheit", the "Dom irn Fleisch", the fight over how to definc the

past and how one can better learn from it, is seeded with political

agendas that make it hard to undertake constructive debate on the

subject. The fact that Jenninger got caught in the cross-fire and was

'rnortatly wounded' is a sign of the vehemence with which this

ideological struggle is carried out.

The way in which the speech was radically transforrned by its

circulation in the discours social was also a source of consternation.

What was perceived as honesty, courage and determination by some was

perceived as temerity, stupidity and false bravado by others. One is

dumfounded by the fact that a person such as Jenninger, a recognized CHAPTER FOLK CLOSING REMARKS 89

friend of Israel, one whose clear condemnation of the criminai regime of

National Socialism was known to all, could actuatly be constmed as

someone who sought to justify the Nazi past. This aspect of Der Fa22

Jenninger is, unfortunately, what may have die most detrimental effect

on the way public figures wiil address die Vergangenheit in the hture,

since it wiil be perceived-and perhaps rightly so-that there will never

be a 'nght tirne' to speak of the past.

The initial story of Der Fall Jenninger that circulated sought to

show that it was Jenninger who was somehow deficient in the way he

chose to commemorate the fiftieth anniversary of Reicbskristall~~acht.As

it turns out, however, the incident ends up telling us much more about

the way die Vergangenheit reverberates in the Gerrnan discours social

than about the man who caused such an uproar.

NOTES Christoph Bertram, *Ein würdiges Gedenken, " Die Zeit 18 Nov. 88: 3. Appendix A The Jenninger Speech -

The following is a stenographic tm-nscnpt of the speech held by

Philipp Jenninger in the Bundestag on November 10, 1988. 1 have also

included an Engiish translation, adapted frorn a news service translation

of the speech, as it was reproduced in the Frankfurter Allgemeine

Zeitung. As was noted in my thesis. there were several discrepancies

between the speech, as presented by Philipp Jenninger, and the versions

of his speech, usuaily based on the written manuscript provided by

Jenninger, that were reprinted in the media. Although the German

transcnpt provided below is faithful tu Jenninger's speech, the version

printed in the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitzrng contained some

inaccuracies. These discrepancies, i.e. those statements that appear in the

transcript but not in the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung are indicated in

bold print in both versions included below. APPENDLX A THEJENNLNGER SPEECH 91

Rede des Pribidenten des Deutschen Address of Bundestag President Philipp Bundestags, Dr. Phiiipp Jenninger, wahrend Jenninger during the Commemoration der Gedenkveransialtung aus Anid der Ceremony on the Occasion of the Pogroms Pogrome des nationalsozialistischen Regirnes Carried out by the Nationalsocialist Regime gegen die jüdische Bevolkerung vor 50 Jahren Against the Jewish Population Fi& Years Ago

1 Meine Damen und Herren! DieJuden in Ladies and Gentlemen! The jews in Gerrnany and Deutschland und in aller Welt gedenken heute al1 over the world today cornrnemorate the events der Ereignisse vor 50 Jahren. Auch wir Deutschen of 50 yeaa ago. \Te Germans, too, recall what erinnern uns an da,was sich vor einern haiben occurred hall a century ago in our country, and it jahrhundert in unserem Land zutmg, und es ist is a good thing that we cm do so in both States on gut, daf3 wir dies in beiden Staaten auf deutschem German soil. For our history cannot be divided Boden tun; denn unsere Geschichte 1stsich into good and bad, and the responsibility for the nicht aufspalten in Gutes und Boses, und die pst cannot be divided up according to the Vemtwortung für das Vergangene kann nicht geographical arbitrariness of the postwar order. verteilt werden nach den geographischen Willkùrlichkeiten der Nachkriegsordnung.

2 Ich begrük ni dieser Gedenkveranstaltung im I welcome to this commemorative event in the Deutschen Bundestag den Hem German Bundestag the Federal Presicient, the Bundesprihidenten und den Herm Botschafter des Arnbassador of the State of Israel, my special Staates Israel. Mein besonderer Grus gilt an greeting on this day gces out to al1 Jewish fellow diesern Tag allen jüdisclien hlitbürgennnen und citizens in Germany, above dl to those who are Mitbürgem in Deutschland. vor allem denen, die participating as our guests in this hour of als unsere Ehrengate an dieser Gedenkstunde commemoration. headed by the chairman of the teilnehmen, dem Vorsitzenden und den Central Council of Jews in Germany. My greetings Mitgliedem des Direktoriums des Zentralrates der and thanks also apply to you, dear Mrs. Ehre. Juden in Deutschland und den Vertretern der christlichen Kirchen. Mein herzlicher GmB und mein Dank geltefi auch [hnen, sehr verehrte Frau Professor Ehre.

3 Viele von uns haben gestern auf Einladung des At the invitation of the Centrai Council of Jew in Zentralrate-s der Juden in Deutschland an der Genany, many of us participated yesterday in the Gedenkveranstaltung in der Synagoge in commemorative even t in the synagogue in Frankfurt am Main teilgenommen. Heute nun Frankfurt am Main. Today we are meeting in the haben wir uns im Deutschen Bundestag German Bundestag to cornrnemorate here in this zusammengefunden, um hier im Parlament der parliament the pogroms of 9 and 10 November Pogrome vom 9. und 10. November 1938 ni 193û-because not only the victims, but dso ive, gedenken, weil nicht die Opfer, sondem wir, in in whose rnidst the crimes occurred must deren Mitte die Verbrechen geschahen, erinnern remember and render account because we und Rechenschaft ablegen müssen, weil wir Gerrnans want to get clear in oui. mincis about the Deutsche uns Idmerden wollen über das understanding of our history and about lessons for Verstandnis unserer Geschichte und über Lehren the political shaping of our present and future. für die politische Gestaltung unserer Gegenwart und Zukunft. (shouting) APPENDIX A THEJENNINGER SPEECH 92

i -Bitte lassen Sie diese würdige Stunde in der -Please allow this dignified meeting to proceed vorgesehenen Fom abiaufen! as pianned! (continued shouting)

7 -Haben Sie Versthdnis dafïïr, d& ich Sie -1 beg you to please keep quiet! herzlich bitte, sich jetzt ruhig zu verhdten! 8 Cie OpferdieJuden überall auf der Welt- The victirns, the Jews al1 over the world, know only wissen nur ni genau, was der November 1938 für too well, what November 1938 had rneant for their ihren künftigen Leidensweg ni bedeuten batte.- future ordeal. -Do we know it, too? Wissen auch wir es?

9 Was sich heute vor 50 Jahren mitten in The event that occurred 50 years ago within Deutschland abspielte, das hatte es seit dem Germany was unlike anything that had happened Mittelalter in keinem zivilisierten Land mehr in any civilized country since the Middle Ages. And gegeben. Und, schlimmer noch: Bei den what is worse, the outrages were not the Ausschreitungen handelte es sich nicht etwa um expressions of a popular rage. as aiways die hBerungen eines wie imrner motivierten spontaneously motivated, but an action devised. spontanen Volkszoms, sondern um eine von der instigated, and promoted by the state leadenhip. darnaligen Staatsführung erdachte, angestiftete und geforderte Aktion.

10 Die herrschende Partei hatte in Gestdt ihrer The ruling Party, by its highest representatives, had hikhsten Reprdsentanten Recht und Gesetz suspended justice and law, the state iüelf ~irned suspendiert; der Staat selbst machte sich mm into the organizer of the crime. Carefully selected Organisator des Verbrechens. An deStelle von laws and decrees by which the creeping deprivation gezielten Gâetzen und Verordnungen, mit deren of the rights of theJews had been puaued were Hilfe über Jahre hinweg die schleichende now replaceci by open terror. Open season had Entrech~~ngder Juden betrieben worden war, kat been declared on a rninority. after ail still jetzt der offene Terror. Eine noch irnmer nach numbenng into the hundreds of thousands, its Hunderttausenden zahlende Minderheit war mm possessions were left to the destructive frenzy of an Freiwild erkliirt worden, ihr Hab und Gut der organized mob. Zeatorungnvut eines organisierten hlobs anheimgegeben.

11 Weitüber200Synagogenwurdenniedergebrannt Well over 200 synagogues were burned dom or derdernoliert, iüdische Friedhofe venÿüstet, demolished, Jewish cemeteries desecmted, Tausende von Geschatten und Wohnungen thousands of businesses and dwellings destroyed zerstort und geplündert. Rund hundert Juden and iooted. About lOOJews were killed, about fanden den Tod, etwa 30 000 wuden in 30,000 carried off to concentration camps; rnany Konzentrationsiager verschleppt; viele von ihnen of them never returned. The humm agony, the kehrten nicht mehr zurück. Nicht in Zahten zu tonnent, the humiliations, the maltreatment, the fassen waren die menschlichen Qualen, die degradations cannot be evpressed in numbers. Ormgsalienmgen, Demüti y ngen, Mighandlungen und Erniedrigungen. APPENDIX A THEJENNINGER SPEECH 93

Goebbels, der eigentliche Regisseur der ganzen Goebbels, the achial stage manager of the entire Aktion, hatte sich insofern in seiner Kalkulaticn action, had miscalculated when no one at home geirrt, als niemand im In- derAusland an die and abroad believed the fiction of "spontaneous Fiktion des ,,spontanen Volkszorns" glaubte. popular rage." Policemen and firemen passively Dafür sorgten schon die untatig henimstehenden standing around who let the synagogues bum Polizisten und Feuewehrleute, die die Synagogen down and only in tervened when "Aryan" property niederbrennen lieth und nur eingnffen, wenn was endangered, dispelled the fiction. ,,arisches" Eigentum in Gefahr geriet. Die spateren Parteigerichtsverfahren bestatigten The subsequent party court proceedings then denn auch mit zynischer Offenheit. d& die confi rmed with cynical frankness that the uniforrnierten SA-Tmpps und die anderen uniformed Storm Trooper units and the other Brandstifter und Morder nur den ,,Willen der arsonists and murderers had only put the "wil of Führung" in die Tat urngesetzt hatten; bestraft the leadership" into practice; only those were wurden am Ende nur diejenigen, die sich der finally punished who had been guilty of ,,Rassenschande" schuldig gemacht hatten. "Rassenschande" [racial disgrace-sexual relations widi non-Aryans]. Kein Zweifel, die in der Bevolkening alsbald mit Without a doubt, the events soon referred to by the dem Begriff .,Reichskristallnacht" belegten people with the term "Reichsknstallnacht" (Reich Ereigniw markierten einen entscheidenden Crystal Night) marked a decisive tuming point in Wendepunkt in der Judenpolitik der the policy towanls Jem of the Nazi rulers. The NS-Hemcher. Die Zeit der xheinlegalen period of the pseudolegal camouflage of injustice Verbriimungen des Unrechts ging ni Ende; nun came to an end; and now the road to the begann der Weg in die systematische Vemichtung systernatic extermination of theJews in Germany der juden in Deutschland und in wei ten Teilen and in large pans of Europe began. Europas.

Die Bevolkerung verhielt sich weitgehend passiv; The population was largely passive; that das entsprach der Hdtung gegenükr corresponded to the attitude toward anti-Jovish antijüdischen Monen und Maanahmen in actions and measures in the preceding years. Only vorangegangenen Jahren. Nu r wenige machten few participated in the ou [rages-but there was bei den Ausschreitungen mit-aber es gab auch also no opposition no resistance worth keine Aufl ehnung, keinen nennenswerten rnentioning. The reports speak of consternation Widerstand. Die Berichte sprechen von and sharne, of compassion, even of revulsion and Betroffenheit und Beschimung, von Mitleid, ja, dismay. But there were only isolated instances of von Ekel und Entsetzen. Aber nur ganz vereinzelt sympathy and practical solidarity, support. and gab es Teilnahme und praktische Solidaritat, assistance. Everybody saw what was happening Beistand und Hilfe1eishmg.-Alle sahen, was and the rnajority tumed a blind eye to it and kept geschah, aber die aiIermeiste~ischauten weg und silent. The churches, too, were silent. schwiegen. Auch die Kirchen schwiegen. APPENDIX A THEJENNINGER SPEECH

16 Der Begriff .,Reichskristailnacht" wird heute ni The term "Reichsknstailnacht" is now rightly Recht ais unangemessen betnchtet. Doch gab er regardeci as inappropriate. But it reflected the die damais hemchende Stirnmung- und mood and the emotionai state prevailing at that Gefühlslage ziemlich zutreffend wieder: eine time rather accurately: a mixture of Mischung aus Verlegenheit, Ironie und embarrassment, irony, and playing down, but Verhmlosung; vor allem war er Ausdruck above all it was an expression of embarrassecf peinlichen Beriihrtseins und der Ambivalenz des ernotion and the ambivalence of one's oivn eigenen Empfindens angesichts der offen mtage feeling in the face of the obvious responsibility of iiegenden Veran twortung der Partei- und the party and state leadership. Staatsführung. Am 30. Januar 1933 hatten die The National Socialists had assumed power in the Nationdsoziaiisten die Macht im Deutschen German Reich on 30 January 1933. The 5 and 1/2 Reich übemommen Die hinfeinhalb Jahre bis years up to November 1938 was sufficient time to mm November 1938 reichten aus, urn die in wipe out the status of the equality of theJews anderthalb Jahrhunderten ermngene achieved over a century and 3 haL It starteci with Gleichstellung der Juden ausmloschen. Es the boycott of Jewish businesses in April 1933, soon begann mit dem Boyko tt jüdischer Geschalte im thereafter followed by the compulsory retirernent April 1933, dern alsbald die Zwangspensionierung of Jewish public servants and, in the same year. the jüdischer Staatsbediensteter und noch im selben first prohibitions to punue their professions for Jahr ente Berufsverbote für jüdische Künstler und Jewish artists and iournalisü. The "Nuremberg Joumalisten folgten. Die ,,Nümberger Gesetze" Laws" made theJews second-class human beings von 1935 machien die Juden zu blenschen zweiter without civil rights; with the "Law for the Klasse ohne staatsbürger1iche Rechte, mit dem Protection of German Blood and German Honor," ,,Gesetz mm Schutz des deutschen Blutes und der the unspeakable offense of "Rassenschande" deutschen Ehre" hielt das unsagliche Delikt der en tered the language. ,.Rassenschande" seinen Einmg. 18 Mit der Ausschaitung aus dem staailichen und The exclusion from state and cultural life \vas kulturellen Leben gingen irnmer starhre increasingly accompanied by stronger restrictions Einengungen der beniflichen on pmfwional activities. which ended up in Betatigungsmoglichkeiten einher, die in evclusions of Jewish physicians aiid lawyea, Berufsverbote für jüdische kteund actoa, brokers, and marnage broken from Rechtsanwdte, Schauspieler, Malder und puauing their professions. Frorn the spring of Heiraisverrnittler mündeten. Ab dem Friihjahr 1938 the Nazi rulers concentrated more strongly 1938 konzentrierten sich die NS-Hemcher on the "aryanization" of the German economy in vestiirkt auf die ,,kisierung" der deutschen other words on the expropriation and looting of Wirtschaft-sprich: auf die Enteignung und the Jews. Ausplünderung derluden. APPENDDCA THEjRWNNGER SPEECH 95

19 Goring war als Beauftngter für den Goering as commissioner for the Cyear plan \vas Vierjahresplan unzufrieden mit den Resultaten dissatisfied with the mults of the November der Novernberpogrome. Irn Gesprach mit pogroms. In a conversation with Goebbels and Goebbels und Heydnch entfuhr ihm der Satz: Heydnch the sentence escaped him: "1 would have .,Mir wiire lieber gewesen, ihr hattet 2OOJuden preferred it if you murdered 200 Jews and noi enchlagen und hattet nicht solche Werte destroyed such mets." But just like mocking the vemichtet."-Doch wie um die juden auch nach Jews on top of it, an "atonement payrnentl' zu verhohnen, wurde ihnen eine arnounting to 1 billion Reich marks was imposed ,,Sühneleistung" in Hohe von einer Milliarde on hem; they had to remove the damage of the Reichsmark auferlegt; die Schiden des Pogroms pogroms at their own expense witliout delay; the hatten sie auf eigene Kosten unverzüglich ni insurance daims were paid to the state. At the beseitigen die Veaicherungsansprüche fielen an same time decrees were published excluding the den Staat. Gleichzeitig wurden Verordnungen mr Jews from economic life effective 1January 1939. volligen Ausschaltung der Juden aus dem Wirtschaftsleben ab dern 1. januar 1939 bekanntgegeben.

20 \Vas dann nachfolgte, waren Mafinahmen mm What then followed were measures for the vollstindigen ~usschluBder Juden aus der cornplete exclusion of jews from society. The aim Gesellschaft. Ziel war ihre totale Isolierung und was their total isolation and cornplete banishment vollige Verbannung aus allen Bereichen des from al1 areris of public life. For al1 those for whom offentlichen Lebens. -Für ak,denen die the possibility of escape was blocked from the Moglichkeit versperrt blieb, durch Auswanderung regime by emigration, the rest of the way was dem Regime zu entkornmen, war der Rest des marked out: Star of David, ghetto, deportation, Weges vorgezeichnet:Judenstem, Ghetto, forced labor, extermination. Deportation, Zwangsarbeit-und dann Vemichtung.

21 Im Rückblick wird deutlich, meine Darnen und In retrospect it becornes evident tliat in fact a Herren, d& zwischen 1933 und 1938 tatskhlich revolution took place in Germmy between 1933 eine Revolution in Deutschland stattfand-ine and 193û-a revolution in which the Revolution, in der sich der Rechtsstaat in einen constitutional state was transfomed into astate of Unrechts- und Verbrechensstaat vewandel te, in crime and injustice, into an instrument for the ein Instrument mr Zeatorung genau der destruction precisely of the legd and ethical rechtlichen und ethischen Nomen und standards and foundations the maintenance and Fundamente, um deren Erhaltung und defense of which ought to be important to the state Verteidigung es dem Staat-seinem Ekgriffe by its definition. nach-eigentlich gehen sollie.

72 Am Ende dieser Revolution war die NS-Herrschaft At the end of this revolution the Nazi rule had been enücheidend gefestigt und war im decisively strengthened and a grent deal more had RechtsbewuBtsein der Menschen wei t mehr been destroyed in the legal awareness of the people vernichtet worden, als es nach auBen hin than might be evident outwardly. erkennbar sein mochte. APPENDLY A THEIENNINGER SPEECH

Deutschland hatte Abschied genommen von allen Germany had bid farewell to dl humanitarian humanitikn Ideen, die die geistige Identitat ideas that constituted Europe's intellectud Europas ausrnachten; der Abstieg in die Barbarei identity; the descent into barbarism was deliberate war gewollt und vorsatzlich. Zu denen, die dafur and premeditated. Those who provided the datheoretische Rüstzeug lieferten, zahlte Roland theoreticai tools for that included Roland Freisler, Freisler, damais Staatssekretiir im then state secretary in the Reich Justice Hinistry. Reichsjustiministerium. .,Grundlage des neuen "The bais of the new German law," according to deutschen Rechtes" war laut Freisler ,,die durch Freisler was "the German ideology transformed by die nationalsoziaiistische Revolution gewandelte the Nationai Socialist revolution ...The legal deutsche Lebensanschauung . . . Das aspirations of the people are authoritatively Rechtswotien des Volkes auBert sich autoritativ in exprwed in the rallies of the representative of the den Kundgebungen des Willenstragea des will of people," so he said, "the Fuehrer. When Volkes", so sagte er, ,,des Führers". Wenn der the Fuehrer expresses principles of legal content Führer aukrhalb der Gesetze Grundsatze outside of the law with the intention for validity rechtlichen Inhalts mit dem Willen nach Geltung and the demand for observation, it is just as mucli und der Fordemng nach Beachtung auLrt, so ist a source for legal findings as the law. That das eine ebenso unmitteibare indudes above al1 the party program of the NSDAP Rechtserkenntnisquelle wie das Gesetz. Hierher (National Socialist German Workers Party) ." This ge hort vor allem das Parteiprograrnrn der according to Freisler. NSDAP." So weit Freisler. Da hie&schlicht: Die Rechtsprechung hatte der That means simply: The administration of justice NS-Ideologie ni folgen. denn das Wort des had to follow the Nazi ideology, for the Fuehrer's Führers war Gesetz. word was Iaw. 14 Für das Schicksal der deutschen und Even more disastrous for the fate of the German europaischen juden noch verhiingnisvoller ais die and European Jews than Hitler's atrocities and Untaten und Verbrechen Hitlers waren vielleicht crimes were perhaps his successes. Even from the seine Erfolge. Die Jahre von 1933 bis 1938 sind detached look back and in the knowledge of what selbst aus der distanzierten Rückschau und in followed, the years frorn 1933 to 1938 ewn now Kenntnis des Folgenden noch heute ein are a matter of fascination inasmuch as there is Faszinosum insofem, ais es in der Ceschichte hardly any parailel in history to Hitler's political kaurn eine Parallele ni dem politischen tnurnphs during those fint yeaa. Triumphzug Hitiers wahrend jener ersten Jahre gibt. 25 Wiedereingliedemng der Saar, Einführung der Reinkgration of the Sax, introduction of ailgemeinen Wehrpflicht, massive Aufrüstung, universal military service, massive rearmarnent. AbschluB des deutsch-britischen conclusion of the German-Bri tish naval Flottenabkommens, Besetning des Rheinlandes, agreement, occupation of the Rhineland, summer Olympische Sornmerspiele in Berlin, ,,AnschluB" Olympiad in Berlin, "Ansch~uss"of Austnn, and ~sterreichsund ,.GroBdeutsches Reich" und "Greater German Reich," and finally, only a few schlieBlich, nur wenige Wochen vor den weelcs prior to the November pogroms, the Munich Novemberpogromen, Münchene r Ab kommen, Pact, dismemberment of Czechoslovakia the Zerstückelung der Tschechoslowakei - der Treaty of Veaailles was now redly nothing more Versailler Vertrag war wirklich nur noch ein than a scrap of paper and the German Reich al1 of Fetzen Papier und das Deutsche Reich mit einem a sudden the dominant power of the old continent. Mai die Hegemoniaimacht des alten Kontinents. APPENDiX A THEJENNINGER SPEECH 97

26 Für die Deutschen, die die Weimarer Republik For the Germans who predominantly had felt the überwiegend ais eine Abfoige autknpolitischer Weimar Republic as a succession of foreign policy Demütigungen empfunden hatten, muBte dies humiliations, al1 this must have seemed like a alles wie ein Wunder erscheinen. Und nicht miracle. And not enough witii that: mass genug damit: aus Massenarbeitslosigkeitwar unemplopent had become full employment, Vollbeschaftigung, aus Massenelend so etwas wie mas misery somewhat Iike prosperity for the Wohlstand für breiteste Schichten geworden. Statt broadest strata of the population. Optimism and Vemeiflung und Hoffnungslosigkeit hemchten self-confidence prevailed in place of despair and Optimismus und Selbstvertrauen. Machte nicht hopelessness. Didn't Hider make corne tme what Hitler wahr, was Wilhelm II. nur versprochen Wilhelrn II had only promised, narnely to lead hatte, nhlich die Deutschen herrlichen Zeiten them towards glorious times? \Van't he really entgegenzuführen? War er nicht wirklich von der chosen bÿ Providence, a leader given to a people Voaehung auserwahlt, ein Führer, wie er einem only once in a 1000 yeaa? Volk nur einmd in tausend Jahren geschenkt wird? 27 Sicher, meine Darnen und Herren, in freien Of course, in free elecaons Hitler would never have Wahlen hatte Hitler niemals eine Mehrheit der had a majority of the Germans behind him. But Deutschen hinter sich gebracht. Aber wer wollte who wanted to doubt that in 1938 a large majority bezweifeln, da& 1938 eine goBe Mehrheit der of the Germans stood behind him, identified Deutschen hinter ihm stand, sich mit ihm und themselves with him and his policies? Sure, some seiner Politik identifizierte? GewiB, einige "griping grurnblen" (Haffner) did noî want to stay ,,querulmtische Norgler" wollten keine Ruhe silent and were peaecuted by the SD [Security geben und wurden von Sicnerheitsdienst und Senice] and the Gestapo but rnost Germans-and Gestapo verfolgt, aber die meisten Deutschen- hat appiies to al1 strata-the bourgeoisie as und zwar aus allen Schichten: aus dem wel1 as the working classes-had probably been Bürgemim wie aus der kbeiterschdt- convinced in 1938 that they should perceive in dürften 1938 überzeugt gewesen sein, in Hitler Hitler the greatest statesman of our history. den grogten Staatsmann unserer Geschichte erbiicken zu sollen. 38 Und noch eines darf nicht übersehen werden: dle And one more thing must not be overlooked, al1 of die staunenerregenden Erfolge Hitiea waren Hitler's arnazing successes taken together and insgesamt und jeder für sich eine nachtriigliche individually were a belated slap in the face for the Ohrfeige für das lveimarer System. Und Weimar Weimar system. And Weimar was not only war ja nicht nur gleichbedeutend mit synonymous with foreign poiicy weakness, with auknpolitischer Schwache. mit Parteiengeziink quarreling of the parties and changes of und Regieningswechsel, mit wirtschaftlichem govemment, with economic misery, with chaos. Elend, mit Chaos, Stral3enschlachten und Street battles, and political disorder in the broadest polilischer Unordnung irn weitesten Sinne, sense, but Weimar was dso a synonym for sondem Weimar war ja auch ein Synonyrn für democracy and parliamentarianism. for Demokratie und Parlamentarismus, für separation of powers and for civil riglits, for Gewaltenteilung und Bürgerrechte, für Presse- freedorn of press and assembly, and finally aiso a und Versammlungsfreiheit und schlieBlich auch maximum of Jewish emancipation and fir ein Hikhstmd3 jüdischer Emanzipation und assimilation. Assimilation. 29 Das heibt. Hitiers Erfolge diskreditierten That is to say, Hitler's successes ntroactively nachtriiglich vor allern das parlamentarisch discredited especially the parliamentary system verfdte, freiheitliche System, die Dernokratie von based on the constitutional principle of freedorn, Weimar selbst. Da stellte sich Er sehr viele the democracy of Weimar iiself. For many Deutsche nicht einmai mehr die Frage, welches Germans the question did not even aise any Systern vomziehen sei. Man genog vielleicht in longer which systein vas to be preferred. In einzelnen Lebensbereichen weniger individuelle individual spheres of life fewer individual freedoms Freiheiten; aber es ging einem personlich doch may perhaps have been enjoyed, but people besser als zuvor, und das Reich war doch personally were better off than before and the unbezweifelbar wieder grog, ja, gro&r ünd Reich, alter all, was undeniably great again. machtiger als je zuvor.-Hatten nicht eben erst bigger and more powerful than ever. Didn't the die Führer Groi3britanniens, Frankreichs und leaden of Great Britain, France, and Italy pay a Itaiiens Hitler in München ihre Aühartung visit to Hitler in Munich and help him achieve gernacht und ihm ni einem weiteren dieser nicht another of those successes that had not been fur moglich gehaltenen Erfolge verhouen? considered possible?

30 Und was die Juden anging: Hatten sie sich nicht And as far as the Jews were concerned, hadn't they in der Vergangenheit doch eine Rolle assumed a role in the pasi-so it was thought at angemdt-so hiel3 es damals -, die ihnen the time-to which they had no right? At long nicht mkarn? iMuBten sie nicht endtich einmd last didn't they have to accept restrictions? Hadn't Einschrinkungen in Kauf nehmen? Hatten sie es they perhaps even deserveci being put in their nicht vielleicht sogar verdient, in ihre Schranken place? And above al1 didn't the p ropaganda- gewiesen zu werden? Und vor allem: Entrprach apart from wild eraggerations that were not to be die Propaganda-abgesehen von wilden, nich t taken seriously in essential points match ernstninehmenden Übertreibungen-nicht doch conjectures and convictions of one's own? hd in wesentlichen Punkten eigenen MutmaBungen when it just got too bad, as it did in November und Überzeugungen? Und wenn es gar ni 1938, in the words of a contemporary it was always schlirnrn wurde, wie im November 1938, so possible to say: "What's that got to do wlth us! konnte man sich mit den Worten eine. Look the other way if it gives you the cneps. It is Zeitgenossen ja imrner noch sagen: ,,Was geh t es not our fate." (Rausclining) uns an! Seht weg, wenn euch graust. Es ist nicht unser Schicksal." 31 Meine Damen und Herren, Antisernitismus Ladies and Gentlemen, Anti-Semitism had hatte es in Deutschland-wie in vielen anderen evisted in Germany-just as in many 0th Liindem auch-lange vor Hitler gegeben. Seit countries-long before Hitler. For centuries Jews Jahrhunderten waren dieJuden Gegenstand had ken the object of church and state kirchlicher und staatlicher Verfolgung gewesen: persecution; the anti-Judaism of the churches der von theologischen Vorurteilen gepragte shaped by theological prejudices could look back Antijudaismus der Kirchen konnte auf eine lange on a long tradition. Tradition mrückblicken.

32 Urn so dankbarer sind wir heute, d& die We are ail the more thankful for the fact that the christlichen Konfesionen und die Juden seit dern Christian denominations and the Jews have since Ende des Krieges mmDialog gehnden haben the end of the war achieved a dialogue and are und ihn offen und freundschaftlich miteinander carrying it on openly with one another in a führen. Mendy manner. 33 ES gab auch andere Beispiele in der Geschichte: There were dso other evarnples in history: Prussia. PreuBen etwa, das nicht nur für franzosische for example, which becarne the new home not Hugeno tten, sdzburgische Protestan ten und only for French Huguenois. Salzburg Protestants schottische Katholiken, sondem eben auch für and Scottish Catholics, but also for many viele verfolgte Juden zur neuen Heimstatt wurde. persecuted Jw.Practically up to Hitler's seizure of Praktixh bis ni Hitiea Machtübernahme zeigte power, German anti-Semitism showed itself to be sich der deutsche Antisemitisrnus eher verhdten rather restrained compared with the militant gegenüber der in Ost- und Südosteuropa hostility to Jews prevailing in Eastem and hemchenden militanten judenfeindschaft. Wohl Southeastern Europe. tt was probably not an nicht mfallig erxhien zehn Jahre vor der accident that 10 years before the French franzosischen Revolution kssings ,.Nathan der Revolution Lessing's "Nathan the Wise" was Weise", und über Kaiserreich und Republik published and throughout the Empire and the hinweg hielten die staatlichen Institutionen- Republic, state institutions-true to the ideas of getreu den Ideen des aulgeklarten enlightened absolutisrn-adhered to the eman- Absoluiismus-an der Emanzipation und cipation and the assimilation of the Jem. Assimilation der Juden fat.

34 Ein anderer Aspekt ist noch, daE sich der deutsche Another aspect is the fact that German nationalisrn Nationaiismus in spezifischer Weise von dem in a specific way differed from the nationalism of Nationdisrnus anderer &der unterschied. Aus other countries. For reasons which are not to be Gründen, die hier nicht zu untersuchen sind, war examinai hep, the parliamentary, liberal, and die parlamentarisdie, liberale und demokmtische democratic cornponent was raiher underdeveloped. Komponente eher unterentwickelt, wahrend auf while there was special emphasis placed on the der gerneinsamen Herhvnft und Abstammung, common origin and extraction. on the common auf der gemeinsamen Geschichte, auf dem history, on "being Gerrnan." This was evident after ,,Deutsch-Sein" besondere Betonung hg. Dies the NapoIeonic wan as well as in 1848-9 and zeigte sich nach den napoleonischen Knegen especially in the Empire. ebenso wie 1848/49 und erst recht im Kaiserreich. 35 Die Folge war-nach auBen-ein mnehmend The consequence was-toward the outside-an aggressives Nationalbewugtsein bei gleichzeitiger increasingly aggressive national consciousness Hinnahme obrigkeitsstaatlicher Strukturen im with sirnultaneous accepiance of structures of the Innem, wo sicli die Aggressiviiat gegen darnaiige authoritarian state intemally, where the Minderheiten wie Katholiken, Sozialisten und aggrwivenw was directed against minorities at Juden rich tete.-Manche Histori ker haben that time, such as Catholio, Socialists, and jews. deshalb auch beklagt, ci& es in der deutschen -Therefore rnany historians have also deplored Geschichte an einer Revolution oder wenigstens the fact that in German history there is no an einer allgerneinen evolutioniken Hinwendung revolution or at lest a generai tuming toward mr Demokratie und zu den individuellen democracy, toward individual human righ ts. Menschenrechten gefehlt habe. Thomas Mann Thomas Mann once spoke sarcastically of the sprach einmai bissig vom ,,militanten "militant subservience" of the Gemans in which Knechtssinn" der Deutschen, in denen sich "arrogance" is paired "with remorse." ,,Hochmut mit Zerknirschung" paan. APPENDK A THEJJNNINGEX SPEECH 100

Andere Dinge traten hinm. Die rasante Other things came dong. The rapid hdustrialisierung und Verstadterung industrialization and urbanization especidly after insbesondere nach 1871 führte ni einem 1871 led to a widespread vague uneasiness about weitvehreiteten, diffusen linbehagen an der the Modem Age in general. And especially in this Moderne überhaupt. Gerade in diesem process of radical change. which was felt as a UrnwalzungsprozeB, der von vielen Menschen ais threat by many people, the jem played a quite bedrohlich empfunden wurde, spielten die Juden prominent, frequently brilliant role: in industry. in eine ganz herausgehobene, oftmais gliinzende banking, and business life, arnong physicians and Rolle: in der Industrie, im Bankenwesen und lawyen, in the entire cultural sphere. as well as in Geschaftsleben, unter hten und the modem natural sciences-That created en\?: Rechtsanwalten, irn gesarnten kultu rellen Bereich and inferiority complexes and the immigration of wie in den modernen Natuncrissenschaften. Das Jem from the East was observed wirh extreme weckte Neid und hferioritatskompleïe, und die dislike. Zuwanderung von Juden aus dem Osten wurde mit aufierstem iMii3fallen beobachtet. Der Kapitalismus und die GroBstadte mit ihren Capitalism and the big citia widi their unvermeidlichen Begleitumstanden-das unavoidable attendant circurnst;mces that erschien ebenso ..undeuisch" wie da prominente appeared just as "un- Gerrnan" as the prominent Engagement von Juden in liberalen und involvement ofJem in liberal and socialist groups. sozialistischen Gruppieningen.

Eine Flut von Schriften und Traktaten befaBte ti flood of publications and treatises deait with die sich mit der angeblich verderblichen Rolle ..des" allegedly corrupting mle of' "the" Jew and. in Juden, und neben unbekannten Autoren und addition to unknown authors and knom ones like bekmnten, wie Gobineau und Chamberlain, Gobineau and Chamberlairi, there were also waren es eben auch Grokn des deutschen important figures of German intellectual and Geistes- und Kulturlebens, wie Heinrich von cultural life such as Heimich von Treitschke and Treitschke und Richard Wagner, die das Richard Wagner, who made the anti-jewish antijüdische Ressentiment salonfahg machten. feelings of resentment socially acceptable. TheJeris Dieluden wurden ni gesellschaftlich erlaubten becarne socially sanctioned objects of hate. HaBobjekten. Als besonden verh~gnisvollenvies sich die The instnimentalization of Darwin's theory by the Instrumentalisiening der Darwinschen Lhre propagandists of anti-Semitism proveâ to be durch die Propagandisten des Antisemitisrnus. especially hteful. Here. finally, were the tools to Hier war endlich das Rüstzeug, um dern Geraune provide a scientific cloak for the whispering of the von der jüdischen \Veltverschworung und dem Jewish world conspiracy and of the etemal battle of ewigen Kampf der Rassen ein wissenschaftliches the races; here things healthy, strong, usefül, there Miintelchen umhiingen; hier daGesunde, things diseased, harmful, the Jewish "decay ." the Starke, Niitzliche. dort das Krankhafte, "vermin" from which people had to be freed by Mindenvertige, Schadliche, die jüdische "eradication" and "extermination." ,,VenvesungU,das ,.Ungeziefer", von dern es sich durch ,,Ausmerzung" und ,,Vemichtung" zu befreien galt. APPENDK A THE-JENMNGERSPEECH

40 Hitiers sogenannter ,.Weltanschauung" fehlte Hitler's so-called ideology lacked any original jeder originiire Gedanke. Ailes war schon vor ihm thought. Everything was there even before him: da: der mm biologistischen Rassismus gesteigerte The anti-Semitism intensified to biologistic racism Judenhd ebenso wie der Affekt gegen die as well as the emotion directed against the Modem Modeme und die Utopie einer uaprüriglichen, Age and the utopia of an unspoiled agrarian agrarischen Gesellschaft, die ni ihrer society that required "living space" in the East for VeMirklichung des ,,Lebensraumes" im Osten its implementation. Except for the further bedurfte. Sein eigener kitrag bestand auLr in coarsening, simplification, and bnitalization of der weiteren Vergroberung, Vereinfachung und the worId view taken over from others, his own Brutaiisierung des von anderen übemommenen contribution essentially consisted in his fanatical Weltbildes im wesentlichen in der fanatischen obsession and his talenb in mmpsychology by Besessenheit und massenpsychologischen which he raised hirnself to become the most Begabung, mit der er sich selbst zum wichtigsten important propagandist and program initiator of Propagandisten und Programmatiker des National Socialism. Nationa~sozialismusernporhob. 4 Waren die Juden in früheren Zeiten für Seuchen While in earlier timesJews had been made und Katastrophen, spater Eür wirtrchaftliche Not responsible for epidemics and catastrophes, later und ,,undeutscheL'Umtriebe verantwortiich breconomic hardship and "un-German" gemacht worden, so sah Hitler in ihnen die activities, Hitler saw in hem the ones guilty for al1 Schuldigen für schlechthin alle Übel: sie standen evil per se. They were behind the "November hinter den .,Novemberve~rechern"des Jah res criminais" of 19 18, the "bloodsuckers" and 1918, den ,,Blutsaugem" und ,,Kapitalisten", den "capitalists," the "Bolshevists" and "Free Masons." ,, Bokchewisten" und .,Freimaurem", den the "Liberds" and the "Democrats," the "defilers ,,Liberalen" und ,,Demokraten", den of culture" and "corruptea of morais," in short ,,Kultursch~dern"und ,,SittenverderbernU,kurz they were the actual wirepuilers and those causing sie waren die eigentlichen Drahtzieher und al1 military, political, economic, and social Vernisacher allen militarischen, politischen, disasters that had affiicted Gerrnany. wirtxhaftiichen und sozialen Unglücks, das Deutschland heimgesucht hatte.

42 Die Geschichte reduzierte sich auf einen Kampf History was reduced to a battle of the races. der Rassen; zwischen hemund Juden, zwischen between Aryans and Jews, between "Germanic ,, germanischen Kulturspendern" und ,, jüdischen cultural contribu tors" and "Jewish subhumans." Untermenschen". Die Rettung fur das deutsche The saivation for the Cerman people and the final Volk und die endgültige Niedenverfung des defeat of the despoilers of humanity could only lie Menschheitsverderbers konnten nur in der in the deliverance of the world fromJewish blood Erlosung der Welt vom iüdischen Blut als dem as the evil principle of history. bosen Prinzip der Geschichte liegen. 43 Das Gegenbild war der Kn-eger und Bauer, der in The opposite picture was the warrior and farmer den Weiten des Ostens im steten Kampf gegen who kept expanding the bordes of the sphere of asiatische Horden die Grenzen des germanischen Gerrnanic culture in the expanses of the East and Kulturlmdes irnrner weiter ausdehnte und at the same time following Mendelian laws, gleichzeitig mittels Zucht und Veredelung die raising the Germanic race to fantastic heights by gemianische Rasse in einsame Hohen discipline and breeding. Even at a time ahen hinaufmendelte-Noch als anderswo am Bau elsewhere work was being done on buiiding a der Atornbombe gearbeitet wurde, verkthdeten nuclear bomb, Himmler and othen proclaimed Himmler und andere diese an Idiotie grenzenden hese ideas borde ring on idiocy with the tiring Vorstellungen mit der ermüdenden Eintonigkeit monotony of the mentally ill. von Geisteskranken.

44 Gleiches gdt für Hitlea Zwangsvoatellung des The same was true of Hitler's obsessive notion of schwarzhaarigen, hakennasigen Juden, der die the black-haired, hook-nos4 Jew who violates the weik, blondgelockte gemianische Frau mit blond, curly-haired German wornan with his blood seinem Blut schihdet und damit Ur imrner and thus steak her from her people forever. b ihrem Voik raubt. Schon in ,,Mein Karnpf" findet early as in "Mein Karnpf" there appem again and sich wieder und wieder diese Wahnvoatellung, again this delusion which is continued in an die sich in einer endlosen Litanei über ,,UnzuchtU endless Ii tany about "sodomy" and und ,.Bastardisierung", ,,Vergewaltigung" und "bastardization," "cape," and "incest" continuing ,,Blutschande" bis in sein Testament hinein up to and in his last will and testament. fortsetzt.

45 Das Elend der Kindheit. die Dernütigungen der The miseiy of his childliood. the humiliations of Jugend, die minierten Traume des gescheiterten his youth, the ruined drearns of the lailed artist, KünstIen, die Deklasierung des stellungs- und the pauperization of the unemployed and obdachlosen Herumtreibers und die Obsessionen horneless tramp and the obsessions of the sexually des sexuel1 Cestorten das alles fand in Hitler ein troubled-al1 this found an outlet in Hitler, his Ventil: seinen unermef3lichen und niemals immense and never-ending hatred of the Jews. The endenden Hal3 auf die fuden. Der Wunsch, ni desire to humiliate, to beat, to exterminate, and to dernütigen, ni schlagen, ausmtilgen und ni destroy dominated him up to the last moment. vernichten, beherrschte ihn bis mm Ietzten Augenblick. APPENDIX A THEJENNINGER SPEECH 103

Mit dem Überfall auf die Sowjetunion bot sich die The attack on the Soviet Union offered the bioglichkeit, beides miteinander ni verbinden: die opportunity to connect both with one another: the Eroberung von .,Lebensraum" irn Oskn und die conquest of the "living space" in the East md the schon am 30. Januar 1939 offentiich angedrohte "extermination of theJewish race in Europe" ,,Vernichtung der iüdischen Rasse in EuropaL'. publicly threatened on 30 January 1939. As early as Bereits im Vorfeld des Ostfeldzuges zeichnete prior to the Eastern campaign, gigantic killings sich-Stichworte ,,Kornmissarbefehl" und became apparent-ternis like "Kornmissarbefehl" ,,Einsatzgruppen"-ein gigantisches Morden ab, (cornmissioners order) and "Einsatzgmppen*' das selbst das. was zuvor in Polen geschehen war, (tas k forces)-kill ings that by far dwarfed even weit in den Schatten stellen muBte. In den the things that had happened earlier in Poland. Monaten nach dem 22.Juni 1941 werden unter During the rnonths alter 22 June 1941. under the dem Vonvand der Partisanen- und pretext of fighting partisans and gangs, hundreds Bandenbekiimphng Hunderttausende jüdischer of thousands of jewish men, women, and children Miinner, Frauen und Kinder von hinter der Front were shot to death by Einsatzgnippen operating tatigen Einsatzgnippen erschossen. Die behind the front. The "final solution" had .,Endlosung" hat begonnen-lange bevor sie am starteci-long before they became known for the 20. Januar 1942 auf der ,,Wannsee-Konferenz" record on 20 January 1942 at the "Wannsee aktenkundig wird. Con ference." In der Folge entstehen die Fabriken des Todes; Subsequently the factories of death arise; "gas aus den ..GanvagenUwerden Gaskamrnem und trucks" becorne gas chambea and crematoria Verbrennungsofen. wahrend die Erxhiegungen wliile the executions by shooting continue. Even weitergehen. Den unschuldigen Opfern wird the executioner is refused to the innocent victims; selbst der Scharfrichter verweigert; die Tater the perpetraton replace the hangman by the ersetzen den Henker durch die ins Monstrose industrialized methods of th, p est exterminator gesteigerten industrialisierien Methoden des raised to a monstrous Ievel-true to their words Karnme jagers-getreu ihrer Sprache, es gelte that what is involved is "exterminating vermin." ..Ungeziefer auszutilgen". Und auch vor diesem On this day we also do not want to close our eyes to letzten, schrecklichsten wollen wi r am heutigen this 1st thing, the most horrible. Tag nicht die Augen versciilielkn. Von Dostojwki stammt der Satz: ,,Wenn Gott Dostoyevski coined the sentence: "If God did not nicht existierte, ware alles erlaubt." Wenn es exist everything would be pemitted." If there is no keinen Gott gibt, so ist alles relativ und imaginar, Cod, then everything is relative and imaginary da vom Menschen gemacht Dann gibt es keine since it is made by man. In thai case there is no Wertordnung, keine verbindlichen Modgesetze, systern of values, no binding moral code, no crime. keine Verbrechen, keine Scliuld, keine no guilt. no pangs of conscience. And since those Gewissensbisse. Und da denjenigen, die um dieses who are pn~yto this secret are "pemitted Geheimnis wissen, ,.alles erlaubt" ist, hingen everything," their actions depend on their will ihre Handlungen allein von ihrem Willen ab. Sie alone. They are free to dis regard al1 laws and sind frei, sich über alle Gesetze und mordischen moral values. \Verte hinwegzusetzen . AE'PEM)[X A THEJEWNG5R SPEECH 104

Dostojemki hat diesen Gedanken4er spater bei Dostoyevski has exarnined this idea which recurs Nietzsche wiederkehrt-in rnehreren seiner later on with Nietzsche in severzl of his works Werke auf seine Konsequenzen für das concerning its consequences for the individuai as lndividuum wie für das Zusammenleben der well as for the living together of people, for society. Menschen, für die Gesellschaft untersucht. Was What might have appeared to his conternporaries seinen Zeitgenossen ais abseitige Spekulation as the remote speculation of a religious broder. eines religiosen Grüblers erscheinen mochte, proved to be pmphetic anticipation of the politicai envies sich ais prophetische Vonvegnahme der crimes of the 20th century. politischen Verbrechen des 20. Jahrhunderts. 50 Horen wir dam einen Augenzeugen der In this connection. let us iisten to an eyewitness of deutschen Wirklichkeit des Jahres 1942: the German reaiity of 1942: 51 .,Die von den Lastwagen abgestiegenen "The peopie who got off the truck, men. women. Menschen, Miinner, Frauen und Kinder jeden and children of dl aga, at the command of an SS Aiters, multen sich auf Aufforderung eines man who held a riding or dog whip in his hand, SS-Mannes, der in der Hand eine Reit- oder had to strip and place their clothing, separated by Hundepeitsche hielt, ausziehen und ihre Kleider shoes, outer clothing, and undenvear on specific nach Schuhen, Ober- und Unterkleidem getrennt places ... These people undresseci without yelling or an bestirnmten Stellen abiegen . . . Ohne Geschrei crying, stood together in farnily groups. kjssed and derWeinen zogen sich diese Menschen aus, said goodbye to each other and waited for the standen in Farniliengruppen beisammen, hgten gesture of another SS man who stood at the pit und verabschiedeten sich und warteten auf den and also held a whip in his hand ... 1 observed a Wink eines anderen SS-Mannes der an der Grube fmily of about 8 peaons, a man and a woman, stand und ebenfdls eine Peitsche in der Hand both about 50 years old, with their children about hielt . . . Ich beobachtete eine Farniiie von etwa 1.8, and 10 yem old. and 2 grown daughters, 20 acht Personen, einen Mann und eine Frau, beide to 24 years of age. An old woman with snow white von ungefahr 50 Jahren, mit deren Kindem, so hair was holding the 1-year old on her arm and ungefahr 1-, 8- und IOjahrig, sowie zwei sang sornething to it and tickled it The child envachsene Tochier von 20 bis 24 Jahren. Eine squealed with delight. The couple watched with alte Frau mit schneeweiBem Haar hielt das tears in their eyes. The father held the hand of a einjahrige Kind auf dem Arm und sang ihm boy about 10, spoke to him softly. The boy fought etwas vor und kitzelte es. Das Kind quietschte vor back his teaa. The father pointed with the finger Vergnügen. Das Ehepaar schaute mit Triinen in toward heaven, stroked his head and appeared to den Augen m.Der Vater hielt an der Hmd einen explain something to him. At that point the SS Jungen von etwa lOJahren, sprach Ieise auf ihn man at the pit shouted something to his cornrade. ein. Der junge khpfte mit den Triinen. Der Vater He split off about 20 peaons and instnicted hem zeigte mit dem Finger mm Himmel, streichelte to go behind the earth mound ... 1 went around the ihn über den Kopf und schien ihrn etwas ni earth rnound and stood in front of a huge grave. erkliren. Da rief schon der SS-Mann an der Tightly pressed together the people were lying on Gmbe seinem Kameraden etwas m. Dieser teilte top of each other so that only the heads could be ungefahr 20 Personen ab und wies sie an, hinter seen. Blood ran over the shoulders from rl~arlyal1 den Erdhügel ni gehen . . . Ich ging urn den heads. Some of those shot sti1l rnoved. Some raised Erdhügel hemm und siand vor einern riesigen their arms and turned their heads to show that Grab. Dicht aneinandergepregt lagen die they were still alive The pit was nearly three Menschen so aufeinander, da13 nur die Kopfe ni quarters full. According to my estirnate about 1000 sehen waren. Von fast den Kopfen rann Blut pesons were dready in the pit I looked around for über die Schultern. Ein Teil der Erschossenen the markman. The latter, an SS man, sat on the APPENDiX A THE JENNINGER SPEECH 1 OS

bewegte sich noch. Einige hoben ihre Arme und ground at the edge of the narrow side of the pit, let drehten den Kopf, um m zeigen. d& sie noch his leg hang into the pit, had a submachine gun lebten. Die Grube wa.bereits dreiviertel voll. Nach on his kneg and smoked a cigarette. The meiner Schatzung lagen darin bereits ungefahr completely naked people walked down by steps that 1000 Menschen. [ch schaute mich nach dem had been dug into the clay wall of the pit, slid over Schutzen um. Dieser, ein SS-Mann, saB am Rand the heads of those who were lying down up to the der Schrnalseite der Gmbe auf dem Erdboden, point which the SS man indicated to them. They lieB die Beine in die Grube herabhiingen, hatte lay down next to the dead or wounded people, auf seinen Knien eine Maschinenpistole Liegen some caresseci those still living and spoke to them und rauchte eine Zigarette. Die vollst~dig softly. Then 1 heard a series of shots fired. 1 looked nackten Menschen gingen an einer Treppe, die in into the pit and saw how the bodies hvitched or the die Lehmwand der Grube gegraben war. hinab, heads were already still on the bodies lying there ruüchten über die Kopfe der Liegenden hinweg under hem... The next group already approached. bis zu der Stelle, die der SS-Mann anwies. Sie wnt down into the pit, lined up on the previous legten sich vor die to ten oder mgeschossenen victims and were shot to death." iLlensclien, einige streichelten die noch Lebenden und sprachen Ieise adsie ein. Dann hork ich eine Reihe Schüsse. Ich schaute in die Gmbe und sa.,wie die Korper mckten derK6pfe xhon stiii auf den vor ihnen liegenden Korpern lagen .. . Schon kam die nachste Gmppe heran, stieg in die Gnibe hinab, reihte sich an die vorherigen Opfer an und wurde erschossen." APPENDiX A THEJENNINGER SPEECH 106

52 Dam sagte der Reichsführer SS in seiner Rede vor And now [et us listen to the Reich leader of the SS SS-Gruppenführem in Posen im Oktober 1943: from his speech before SS major generals in Poznan in October 2943:

53 ,,[ch will hier vor Ihnen in aller Offenheit auch "1 also wmt to mention here to you in al1 ein ganz xhweres Kapitel envahnen. Unter uns Frankness a very difficult subject. hmong us it is to sol1 es einmal ganz offen ausgesprochen sein, be stated For once quite openly, neverthelw we will und trotzdem werden uir in der ~ffentlichkeitnie never talk about it in public ... I refer now to the darüber den. . . Ich rneine jetzt die evacuation of the Jem, the extermination of the Judenevakuierung, die Ausrottung des jüdischen jewish people. It is one of the things that is easily Volkes. Es gehort ni den Dingen, die man leicht said. 'The jewish people are being euterrninated.' ausspricht.-,,Das jüdische Volk wird every party cornrade says, 'obvious, it is in our ausgerottet", sagt ein jeder Parteigenosse, ,,ganz pmgram, elimination of the Jews, extermination. klar, steht in unserem Programm, Ausschaltung bat will be done by us.' And then al1 of them der Juden, Ausrottung, rnachen wir." Und dam corne, the good 80 million Gerrnans and everyone kommen sie alle an, die braven 80 Millionen of them has his decent Jew. Obviously, the others Deutschen, und jeder hat seinen anstandigen are al1 swine, but this one is a greatJew. Of al1 of Juden. Es ist ja klar, die mderen sind Schweine, those who talk that way, no one has looked on, no aber dieser eine ist ein prima Jude. Von allen, die one has gone through it. Most of you will know so reden, hat keiner mgesehen, keiner hat es what it mems when 100 corpses lie there together. durchgestanden. Von Euch werden die meisten when there are 500 or vhen there are 1000 lying wissen, was es heiBt, wenn 100 Leichen there. To have endured this and-apart frorn beisarnmen liegen, wenn 500 daliegen oder wenn exceptions of human weakness-to have 1000 daliegen. Dies durchgehalten ni haben und rernained decent in this situation, that ha dabei-abgese hen von Ausnahmen hardened us. This is a glorious chapter of our menschlicher Schwache-anstkdig geblieben history, never written and never to be written. In zu sein, das hat uns hart gernacht Dies ist ein general we cm say that we have fulfilled this most niernals gesch riebenes und niernals zu difficuit task fmm love for our people. And as a schreibendes Ruhmesblatt unserer Geschichte .. . result we hrive not suffered any harm inside insgesarnt konnen wir sagen, daB wir diese ourselves, in our soul, in our character." schweate Aufgabe in Liebe ni unserem Volk etiiillt haben. Und wir haben keinen Schaden in unserem Inneren, in unserer Seele, in unserem Charakter dam genomrnen."

54 Wir sind ohnmikhtig angesichü dieser Satze, wie We are helpless in view of these words, we are wir ohnmklitig sind angesichts des helpless in view of this miilionfold destruction. millionenfachen Untergangs. Zahlen und Worte Numbea and words do not help. Human suffering helfen nicht weiter. Das menschliche Leid ist is not revesible, and every single one who becarne nicht rückholbar; und jeder einzelne, der mm a victim was irreplaceable to his family. There Opfer wurde, war für die Seinen unersetzlich. So remains a residue for which al1 attempts hi! to bleibt ein Rest, an dern alle Versuche scheitem, explain and to comprehend. zu erklkn und zu begreifen. APPEL\DM A THE IEM\nNGER SPEECH

55 Das biegsende 1945 bedeu tete fir die Deutschen The end of the war in 1945 meant a deep shock to in mehrfacher Hinsicht einen tiefer. Schock. Die the Germans in more ways than one. The defeat Niederlage war total, die Kapitulation was total, the capitulation unconditional. Ail bedingungslos. Alle Anstrengungen und Opfer efforts and sacrifices had been pointless. To the waren sinnlos gewesen. Zu der entsetziichen horrible truth of the holocaust is added the Wahrheit des Hohcaust trat die vie1 leicht bis knowledge thus far not completely digested that heute nicht vollig verinnerlichte Erkenntnis, daB the planning of the war in the East and the die Planung des Krieges im Osten und die extermination of the Jews were inevtricably linked Vemichtung der Juden unltjsbar miteinander with one another, that the one would not have verbunden gewesen waren, && das eine ohne das been possible without the other. andere nicht moglich gewesen wik. 54 Die Deutschen waren auf ihre bare Existenz The Germans were throm back to their bare mrückgeworfen; niemand wugte angesichts existence, nobody knew, in view of millions of Millionen Toter und der zerbombten Stadte sowie dead and the bornbed-out cities, as weii as the der Millionen, die flüchten muBten, wie es donswho had been forced to flee, how life weitergehen sollte. Alle Werte, an die man was to go on. Al1 values in which people bad geglaubt hatte, alle Tugenden und Autoritaten believed, al1 virtues and authorities were waren komprornittiert. Die hbkehr von Hitler compromised. Turning away from Hitler took erfolgte beinahe blitzartig; die zwolf Jahre des place virtudly lightning-like, the 12 years of the .,Tausendjahrigen Reichs" erschienen baid wie " 1000 year Reich" soon seerned to be li ke a ein Spuk. Darin auBerte sich gewif3 nicht nur die phan tom. This undoub tedly evpressed no t only the vollstandige Desillusionierung hinsichtlich der complete disillusionment with respect to the Methoden und Ziele des Nationdsozialismus, methods and aims of Nation4 Socidism but also sondem auch die Abwehr von Trauer und Schuld, defense against grief and guilt. the aversion to a der Widenuille gegen eine schonungslose merciless gnppling with the past. Auseinandersetning mit der Vergangenheit.

57 Die rasche Identifizierung mit den wesdichen The quick identification with the Western victors Siegern forderte die Überzeugung, letzten promoted the conviction in Rnd analysis-just as Endes-ebenso wie andere Volker-von den other nations-to have been only misused by the NS-Herrschern nur miBbraucht, ,,besetztUund Nazi rulers, "occupied," and finally liberated. schlieBlich befreit worden zu sein.-Auch dies This, too, \vas one of the basis on which a gehorte zu den Grundlagen, auf denen eine iremendous reconstruction effort produced the ungeheure Wiederaufbauleistung das von der Gerrnan economic miracle marveied at in disbelief Welt unglaubig bestaunte deutsche by the world. Wirtschaftswunder hervorbrachte. APPENDIX A THE IENNINGER SPEECH

9 Man kann solche Verdriingungsprozesse, meine It is now possible to criticize such processes of Damen und Herren, heute mit einleuchtenden repression with plausible arguments and it would Gründen kritisieren, und wir tun gut han, diese be a good thing for us to consider this criticisrn Kritik emsthaft und vorbehaitlos zu bedenken. seriousiy and uithout reservations. But mord Moralische Überhebiichkeit fiihrt dabei allerdings arrogance does not help us dong here. It is nicht weiter. Vielleicht konnte das deutsche Volk perhaps possible that the German people could not in der heiilosen Lage des Jahïes 1945 gar nicht react in any way differently in the awful situation anders angesichts der grogen Not, des Hungers, in 1945 and perhaps we expect too much of der TNmmer reagieren, und vielleicht ourselves in retrospect in our dernands on that überfordern wir uns rückblickend auch selbst in time. unseren hsprüchen an die darnaiige Zeit.

59 Heute, meine Damen und Herren, stellen sich für Today al1 questions are posed to us with full uns alle Fragen im vollen Wissen um Auschwitz. knowledge about Auschwitz. In 1933 nobody could 1933 konnte sich kein Mensch ausmalen, was ab imagine what becarne reality starting in 1941. But 1941 Realitat wurde. Aber eine über Jahrhunderte an anti-Semitism that had grown over centuries gewachsene Judenfeindschaft hatte den had prepared a breeding ground for unbridled Nahrboden bereitet für eine maûlose Propaganda pmpaganda and for the conviction of many und fur die Überzeuyng vieler Deutscher, daB Germans that the existence of the Jews actually die Existenz der Juden tatsachlich ein Problern constinited a problern, that there esisted dantellte, daB es so ehvas wie eine ,Judenfrage" something like a "Jewish question." The wirklich gab. Die nvangsweise Umsiedlung aller compulsory resettlement of al1 Jews perhaps to Juden-etwa nach Madagaskar, wie von den Madagascar, as had been for a time under NS-Herrschem vorübergehend envogen -, ware considention by the Nazi rulers would probably damais vermudich auf Zustimmung gestoBen. have met with approval. 60 Es ist wahr, d& die Nationalsozialisten grokk It is true that the National Socidists made great Anstrengungen untemahmen, die Wirklichkeit efforts to keep the reality of the mmmurdea a des Massenmordes geheimmhalten. Wahr ist aber secret. But it is also true that everybody knew about auch, dd3 jedermann um die Nürnberger Gesetze the Nuremberg laws, that dl could see what wugte, dal3 alle sehen konnten, was heute vor 50 happeneci 50 years ago today in Gemany and that Jahren in Deutschland geschah und dalS die the deportaiions took place completely in public. Deportationen in aller ~ffentlichkeitvonstatten hdit is ais0 tnie that the millionfold crime gingen. Und wahr ist, dd3 das rnillionenfache consisted of the deeh of rnany individuals, that the Verbrechen aus den Taten vieler einzelner action of the Einsatztruppen was the topic of bestand, daf3 das Wirken der Einsatzgnippen conversations carried on in whispea not only in nicht nur in der Wehrmacht, sondern auch in der the hned Forces but aiso on the homefront. Our Heimat Gegenstand im Flüsterton geführter unforgotten colleague Adolf Arndt 20 yem dter Gesprache war. Unser früherer Kollege Adoif Arndt the end of the war in this house uttered the hat 2OJahre nach Kriegsende in diesem Haus den sentence: "The essentiais were knoivn." Satz gesprochen: ,, Das Wesentiiche wurde gewuBt." 61 SchlieBlich hatten doch die Machthaber dies In the end, those in power had indeed planned geplant. Am Ende standen die Juden allein. ihr this. At the end theJews were al1 alone. Their fate Schicksal stieB auf Blindheit und Hemnskdte. came up against blindness and coldheartedness. APPENDDCA THEJENNLNGER SPEECH 109

Viele Deutsche lieBen sich vom Many Germans let thernselves be dazzled and led Nationdsozialismus blenden und vefihren. Viele astray by National Socialism. Many made the ermoglichten durch Ihre Gleichgültigkeit die crimes possible by indifference. Yany becarne Verbrechen. Viele uurden selbst zu Verbrechem. criminals themselves. Everybody hato answer for Die Frage der Schuld und ihrer Verdriingung hirnself the question of guilt and its repression. muB jeder fur sich selbst beantworten. Wogegen wir uns aber gerneinsam wenden But what we have to oppose jointly is the calling müssen. das ist das Lnfragestellen der historischen into question of the historical truth, the Wahrheit, das Verrechnen der Opfer, das miscounting of the victirns. the denying of the Ableugnen der Fakten. Wer Schuld aufrechnen facts. Whoever wants to offset guilt, whoever claims will, wer behauptet, es sei doch alles nicht so- that everything had not been that terrible or not der nicht ganz so-schlimrn gewesen, der quite so terrible makes the attempt to defend the macht schon den Veauch, ni verteidigen, wo es indefensible. nichts ni verteidigen gibt.

Solche Bemühungen laufen nicht nur tendenziell Such efforts not only nin in the direction of a auf eine Verleugnung der Opfer hinaus-sie sind denial of the victims-they are completely auch ganz sinnlos. Denn was immer in der senselw. For whatever may happen in the future Zukunft geschehen der von dem Gachehenen in or may be forgotten of the evenis in the past: Vergessenhei t geraten mag: An Auschwitz werden People wiil remember Auschwitz until the end of sich die Menschen bis an da Ende der Zeiten ds time as part of Our. the German history. eines Teils unserer deutschen Geschichte e ri nne rn. Deshalb ist auch die Forderung sinnlos, mit der Therefore the request to "finally stop" taiking Vergangenheit ,,endlich SchluB" zu machen. about the past also makes no sense. Our past will ffnsere Vergangenheit wird nicht ruhen, sie wid not be buried, nor will it pass. And independent of auch nicht vergehen. Und zwar unabhiingig the fact that the young people cannot be blamed at davon, dal3 die jungen Menahen eine Schuld gar all. Renate Harpprecht. an Auschwitz survivor. said nich t treffen kann. Renate Harpprecht. eine in this connection: "You cannot choose your Überlebende von Auschwitz, hat dam gesagt: people. At that tirne I had sometimes wished 1 were ,,Man kann sich sein Volk nicht aussuchen. Ich not a jewess, but hen I have become one in a very habe mir damais manchrnai gewünscht, nicht conscious way. The young Germans rnust accept Jüdin ni sein, dam bin ich es aber in sehr the fact that they are Geman-they cannot sneak bewuBter ULreise geworden. Die jungen Deutschen away frorn this fate." müssen akzeptieren, da13 sie Deutsche sind-aus diesern Schicksal konnen sie sich nicht davonstehlen." APPEhQiX A THEJENNINGER SPEECH 1 10

Sie wollen sich, meine Damen und Herren, auch They do not want to sneak away either. Rather nicht davonstehlen. Sie woIlen vielrnehr von uns they want to know from us how it al1 happened. wissen, wie es dani km, wie es dm kommen how it could have happened. Thus the study of the konnte. So nimmt die Beschaftigung mit den National Socialist crimes despite the growing nationaisoziaiistischen Verbrechen trotz des distance in time to the events does not decline but wachsenden zeitlichen Abstandes m den gains in intensity. It also applies to the psyclie of a Ereignissen nicht ab, sondern gewinnt an people that the digestion of the past is possible only intensitat. ~uchfir die Psyche eines Volkes gilt, in the painful evperience of the truth. This da8 die Verarbeitung des Vergangenen nur in der self-liberation in the confrontation with the horror schmenlichen Erfahrung der Wahrheit moglich is lw agonizing than its repression. "To learn ist. Diese Selbstbefreiung in der Konfrontation mit from the past for the sake of the future is the dern Gnuen ist weniger qualend als seine demand of many. To recognize what was, to Verdrkgung. ,,Aus der Vergangenheit für die understand what is and to comprehend what will Zukunft ni lemen, ist das Verlangen vieler. Schon be. that after dl appem to be the task that is ni erkennen, was war, um ni verstehen, was ist, assigned to historical knowledge." These sentences und ni erfmen, was sein wird, das scheint doch were written in May 1946 by Leo Baeck who had die Aufgabe ni sein, die der Geschichtserkenntnis escaped from death in the Theresienstadt zugeschrieben wird." Diese Satze xhrieb im Mai concentration camp. 1946 Leo Baeck, der dem Tod Im Konzentrationslager Theresienstadt entronnen war. Meine Damen und Herren, die Erionening Ladies and Gentlemen, keeping the memory dive wachmhdten und die Vergangenheit als Teil and accepting the pst as a part of our identity as unserer Identitiit ais Deutsche anzunehmen- Germans-this alone promises us older people as dies allein verheik uns fiteren wie den Jüngeren well as the younger ones libention hmthe Befreiung von der Last der Gexhichte. burden of history.

.,Europa wird vom Gehirn gehaiten, vom Denken, "Europe is held together by the brain, by thinking, aber der Erdteil zittert, das Denken hat seine but the continent trembles, the thinking has SprüngeU-so hat Gottfried Benn am Ende des cracks," according to Gottfried Benn. Now these Krieges geschrieben. Heute liegen diese Sprünge cracks expose spli ts. als klaffende Risse b1of3.

Vor dern Hintergrund der katastrophaien imvege Against the background of the catastrophic wrong unserer neueren Geschichte ewiichst uns fast turns of our more recent history there arises for us notwendig eine besondere ethische almost necessarily a special ethical Verantwcrtung-eine neue ,,Ethik der responsibility-a new "ethic of responsibility for Zu kunftsveran two rtung" wie sie uns Hans Jonas, the future," as is taught us by Ham Jonas, th: der Friedenspreistrager des Deutschen winner of the Peace Prize of the Gern~anBook Buchhandels von 1987 und selbstlude lehrt. Trade in 1987 and himseif a jew. APPENDIX A THEJENNINGER SPEECH 111

Im Zeitdter der GroBtechnik, der In the age of large-seale technology of mas Massengesellschaft und des Massenkonsurns ist society and of mass consumptioii, not only the nicht nur die Bedrohung des einzelnen. sondem threat to the individual but also to humanity has der Menschheit insgesarnt gewachsen. Eine grown. A threat that can be aimed at our living Bedrohung, die unseren Lbensbedingungen conditions but which cm also jeopardize the basic gelten kann, die aber auch die Wertgrundlagen values of our life on earth in generai. der irdischen Daseinsordnung überhaupt in Frage zu stêllen vermag. Diese Bedrohung manifestiert sich in doppelter This threat manilests itself in dual respect: on the Hinsicht: einerseits in einem one hand, in a potential for catastrophe-such as Katastrophenpotentid-wie in einem moglichen a possible nuclear war, but also the creeping Atomkrieg, aber auch der schleichenden destruction of the environment-and on the other Urnweltzerstorung-und mm anderen in einem hand in a potential for manipulation, which, e-g., Manipulationspotentid, das etwa durch ein by gnetic reconditioning of our nature but also by genetisches Umkonditionieren unserer Natur, forrns of rule of massive bureaucracy cm led to aber auch durch groBbürokratische the ethical incapacitation of man. Hemchaftsformen zur ethischen Entrnündigung des ltIenschen führen kann. Beides fordert unsere Wachsarnkeit heraus, eine Both challenge our vigilance, a vigilance in the Wachsamkeit im Gebtauch menschlicher tçlacht, use of human power that is conscious of the die sich der Veranhvortung gegenüber künftigen responsibility toward future generations as well as Cenerationen ebenso bewugt ist wie dessen, was of the fact of what man is capable of doing to man der blensch dem Menschen im Geist zügellosen in the spirit of unbridled and fanatical misuse of und fanatischen MachtmiBbrauches anzutun power. Fahig war. Auf den Fundamenten unseres Staates und On the foundations of our state and our history it unserer Geschichte gilt es eine neue moralische is important to establish a new mord tradition Tradition ni begründen, die sich in der humanen that must vaiidate itself in the humane and mord und mordischen Sensibilitat unserer Gesellschaft sensilivity of our society. beweisen muB. Nach au&n bedeu tet dies die Pflicht zur Towardr the ouüide, this signifies the duty for koilektiven Friedensverantwortung, zur aktiven collective responsibility for peace, for active Befriedung der Welt. Dam gehort für uns auch pacification of the world. For us that also includes das Existenzrecht des jüdischen Voikes in the right of the Jewish people to exist within secure gesicherten Grenzen. Es bedeu tet die bordea. It signifies the system-opening systemoffnende Kooperation nvischen West und cooperation bebveen West and East. And it signifies Ost Und es bedeutet eine Garantenpflicht fur das a duty to guarantee the survival of the Third Überleben der Dritten Welt. WorId. APPENDIX A THEJENNINGER SPEECH 112

Nach innen bedeutet es Offenheit und Toleranz Internally it signifies openness and tolerance gegenüber dem Mitmenschen ungeachtet seiner toward one's fellow man regardles of his race, his Rasse, seiner Herkunft, seiner politischen origin, his politicai beliefs. It signifies Überzeugung. Es bedeute t die unbedingte unconditional respect for the law. It signifies Achtung des Rechts. Es bedeu tet Wachsamkei t vigilance in the face of social injustice. hdit gegenüber sozialer Ungerechtigkeit. Und es signifies uncornprornising action against any bedeutet das kompromiBlose Eintreten gegen jede despotism, against any attack on the dignity of Willkür, gegen jeden hgriff auf die Würde des man. Menschen. 76 Dies ist das Wichtigste: Lassen wir niemals wieder This is the most important matter: We must never zu, daB unserem Nachsten die Quaiitat als let it happen again that our neighbor is denied his Wensch abgesprochen wird. Er verdient Achtung; quality as a human being. He deserves respect. for denn er tragt wie wir ein menxhliches Antlitz. he haa hurnan face as ive do.

[Zitiert nach: Deutscher Bundestag-1 1. Source: FBIS-WU-88-226,23 November 1988, Wahlperiode-Stenographische Berichte- Bonn, 6-12. This is a translation of the following: 10. November 1988, S. 7270-72761 Jenninger, Philipp. " ,.Die Opfer wissen, was der November 1938 fir sie ni bedeuten hatte." Die Rede des Bundestagsprikidenten / Der Wortht des Manuskrïpts." Frankfurter Allgemeine Z&ng l 1 Nov. 1988, DI1 Politik: 6-7. Reprinted with permission. Works Consulted

Theoretical Considerations

Angenot, Marc. 1889. Un état du cliscorrrs social. Montréal: Le Préambule, 1989. . "Argumentation et Discours." Discours social/Social Disco~ir-seII. 3 Wall 1989): 67-73. . Glossaire pratique rie la critique contemporaine. Lasalle: Hurtubise, 1979. . "Hégémonie. dissidence et contre-discours. Réflexions sur les périphéries du discours social en 1889." Études Littéraires 22/2 (Fall 1989): 11-24, Angenot, Marc. Antonio G6mez-Moriana, Régine Robin. C'onstit~rtiori d 'LL n "Centre intenr niversitaire ci! 'rl nniyse du Disco~irs el rie

Socioc~liquedes Textes." (CIADESU. Montréal: CIAD EST. 1991. Aristotle. The Art of Rbetoric. Trans. Hugh Lawson-Tancred. London: Penguin, 1991. Austin. J.L. Hozu to Do Things Witb Words. Cambridge: ~arvardUP. 1962, 1975. Barthes, Roland. "L'ancienne rhétorique. Aide-mémoire." L 'n~~eizfure sémiologique. Paris: Seuil, 1985: 85-164. [Originally published in: Comrntin;'cntions 16 (1970): 172-2291 . "Le discours de l'histoire." Infomzations sur les sciences sociales 6 (1967): 65-7 5. . Leçon. Leçon inaugurale de la chaire de sémiologie littéraire du Collège de France prononcée le 7jander 1977. Paris: Seuil, 1978. Chomsky, Noam. Necessary ïlltrsions. Concord (Ontario): Anansi, 1989. Eagleton, Terry. Ideology: An Introduction. London: Verso. 1991. . Lilerary Theopy. An Introduction. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P. 1983. . The Sign$cmce of Theoy. Oxford: Basil Blackweli, 1990. Faye, Jean-Pierre. Théorie du récit. Introduction aux langages totalitaires. Paris: Hermann, 1972. Foucault, Michel. "Vérité et pouvoir." L'Arc No 70 (1977): 16-26. - Histoire de la sexualité: la volonté de savoir. Paris: Gallimard, 1976. . L 'ordre du discours. Paris: Gallimard, 1971. Gumbrecht, H. U. "Persuader ceux qui pensent comme vous: Les fonctions du discours épidictique sur la mort de Marat." Poétique 39 (1979): 362-384. Habermas, Jürgen. jürgen Habermas on Society and Politics. A Render. Ed. Steven Seidman. Boston: Beacon Press. 1989. Holub, Robert C. Jiirgen Habermas. Crftic in the Public Sphere. London and New York: Rourledge, 1991. jameson, Fredric. The Political Unconscio~ls.Ncwmti~~e as a Socin@ $ymbolic Act. Ithaca: Comell University Press. 1981. Koselleck, Reinhart. F~rturesPmt. Cambridge: MIT Press. 1985. [This work originally appeared in German under the title Vergangene Znkunft. Z~trSemantik geschichtlicher Zeiten. Frankfurt a.M.: Suhrkamp, 1979.1 Makaq-k. Irena R. Encyclopedia of Confenzporcrr~~Liternv Tbeo~y. Approacbes, Scbolaq Terms. Toronto: U of ~orontoP, 1993. Reiss, Timothy. Discourse of Modem ism. Ithaca: Corncll UP. 1982. Struever, Nancy S. "Historicai Discourse." Fhndbook oj' Disço~use Anniysis. Ed. Teun van Dijk. 4 vols. London: Academic Press. 1985. 1: 249-268. Veyne, Paul. Comment on écrit 1% istoire: essai d'épistémofogie. Paris: Seui!, 1971. Voloshinov, V.N. (Mikhaïl Bakhtin) Mamism and rhe Pbilosophv of' Lnnguage. Trans. Ladislav Matejka and 1. R. Titunik. New ~ork: Seminar Press, 1973. German Historical Discourse

Adorno Theodor W. "What Does Coming to Terms with the Past Mean?" Bitburg in Moral and Political Perspectiue. EE. Geoffrey H. Hartman. Bloomington: Indiana UP, 1986: 114-129. Ash, Tirnothy Garton. "Germany After Bitburg." Bitb~rrgiiz Moral and Political Perspective. Ed. Geoffrey H. Hartman. Bloomington: Indiana UP, 1986: 119-203. Backes, Uwe, and Eckhard Jesse. Poli&ischerErlremismus. Bonn: Bundeszentrale hir politische Bildung, 1990. Benz, Wolfgang. "Die Abwehr der Vergangenheit. Ein Problem nur für Historiker und Moralisten?" 1st der NntionnfsoziulisrnLIS G'esch icbte? Zur HistorU-iemng und Historike~reit.Ed. Dan Diner. Frankfurt a. M.: Fischer, 1985: 17-33. Boehlich, Walter. "Wie die Deutschen mit ihrer Geschichte umgehen." Gegen den Versuch, die Vergangenheit rrr uerbiegen. Eine Diskussion Lrm politische Kultsrr in der Bsr ndesrepst blik nus An[a$' der Frankfufler Romerberggeprdche 1986. Ed. Hilmar Hoffmann. Frankfurt a.M.: Athenaum, 1787: 61-66. Broszat, Martin. "Die Ambivalenz der Forderung nach mehr GeschichtsbewuRtsein." Gegen den Versrrch. die Vergangenheit zn uerbiegen. Eine Diskussion rr m po[itische Kulfsr r in der Brrndesrep~lblikarrs An[uy3 der Frankfrrrfer Ronterberggesprliche 1986. Ed. Hilmar Hoffmann. Frankhrt a.M.: Athenaum, 1987: 67-82. . "Pladoyer Für eine Historisierung des Nationalsozialismus." Nnçb Hitler: Der schwierige Umgang mit rcnserer Geschichfe. Eds. Hermann Gram1 and Klaus-Dietmar Henke. Munich: Oldenbourg. 1987: 159-173. Craig, Gordon A. Gemzany. 1866-1945. New York: Oxford W. 1778. Diner. Dan. "Einleitung des Herausge bers." Ist der ivntionnlsozinlismlrs Geschichte? Zur Historisierung und Hislorikersfueif. Ed. Dan Diner. Frankhrt a. M.: Fischer, 1985: 7-16. . "Zwischen Aporie und Apologie. Über Grenzen der Historisier- barkeit des Nationalsozialismus." ist der Nationnlsozialisv)z~rs Geschichte? Z~rrHistoriSienlng und Historikerstreit. Ed. Dan Diner. Frankfurt a. M.: Fischer, 1985: 62-73. Doscher, Hans-Jürgen. uReichskristnllnacht-. Die No~~eemberpogronze 1938. Frankfurt a.M. und Berlin: Ullstein. 1988. Fisher, David and Anthony Read. Krista[lnacht. The (In[eczshiqg oj-the Holocaust. New York: Peter Bedrick Books. 1989. Friedlander, Sad. "Some German Struggles with Memory." Bitbttrg in Moral and Polifical Perspectiue. Ed. Geoffrey H. Hartman. Bloornington: Indiana UP, 1986: 26-42. . "Ûberlegungen zur Histonsierung des Nationa~sozialisrnus."Ist der Nat io nalsorinlism us Geschich te? ZLCr Historisienr ng ~r nd ff is~on'ker- streit. Ed. Dan Diner. Frankfurt a. M.: Fischer, 1985: 34-50. . ,,Hass war die treibende Kraft. Die Vernichtung der europaischen Juden." Spiegel S'ial.Juden und Detrtsche Hamburg N02. 1992: 30-40. Fulbrook, Mary. A Concise History of Gemzany. Cambridge: Cambridge up, 1990. Graml, Hermann. "Die verdrangte Auseinandersetzung mit dem Na- tionalsozialismus." Ed. Martin Broszat. Zdsuren nncb 1945. Essvs rut Periodisierung der deutschen Nachkriegsgescbichte. München: 1990: 167-183. WORKS CONSULTED 116

- Reichskristalinncht. Antisemitisrn rrs und J~dencer/olg~~ngim Dn-tten Reich. München: DTV, 1988. Grass, Günter. "Wie sagen wir es den Kindern?" Aujkitze zLrr Li&ercztur. Darmstadt und Neuwied: Luchterhand, 1980: 150-67. Habermas, Jürgen. "DeFusing the Past: A Politico-Cultural Tract." Bitbrrrg in Moral and Polifical Perspective. Ed. Geoffrey K. Hartman. Bloomington: Indiana UP, 1986. 43- 5 1 [Translation of "Die Entsorgung der Vergangenheit: Ein kulturpolitisches Pamphlet." Die Zeit No 21. 24 May, 1985: N. pag.1. . "Eine Art Schadensabwicklung. Die apologetischen Tendenzen in der deutschen Zeitgeschichtsschreibung." Die Zeit 11 July. 1986: N. pag. Reprinted in Historikerstreit. Die Dok~rmen tation der Kontrouerse srm die Einrigartigkeit der nationa~sorinlis~ischen j~cdenuemicbtcrng. Ed. Ernst Reinhard Piper. Munich: Piper. 1987. 39-47. . "Gelahmte Polirik." Spiegei 28 (1993): 50-55. . "Vom offentlichen Gebrauch der Historie." Die Zeit 7 Nov. 1986: N. pag. Reprinted in Historikerstreit. Die Dokunzenlntion der Kon t rouerse n m die Einziga rt igkeit der rzat io nnlsorinlistischen Judenverrzich&ung.Ed. Ernst Reinhard Piper. Munich: Piper. 1987. 343-3 55. Haffner, Sebastian. Anmerkungen zu Flitkr. München: Kindler. 1978. Hartman, Geoffrey H. "Introduction 1985." Bitburg in Mord ami Political Perspectiue. Ed. Geoffrey H. Hartman. Bloomington: Indiana UP, 1986: 1-12. Hermand, jost. "Rückfall in den KaIten Krieg? Der - gegenwartige Historikerstreit im Lichte der Diskussion um die deutsche Schuld zwischen 1745 und 1950 Streitfall Deutsche Geschichte." Geschichts- und Gegenwar~sbew~rfl!sei>zin den 8Oer jahrerz. Ed. Landeszentrale fur politische Bildung. Essen: Landeszentrale für politische Bildung, 1988: 141-159. Hoffmann, Hilmar, Ed. Gegen den Versstch, die Vergangenheii TLI uerbiegen. Eine Diskrrssion srm polifische K~rlt~lrin der Bsrndes- repubiik a~csAnlafl der Frankfurter Rornerberggespr~che 1986. Frankfurt a.M.: Athenaurn, 1987. Iggers, George. Introduction. The Social History of Politics: Critical Perspectives in West German Hisforicnl Wriring since 2945. Ed. George Iggers. Leamington Spa, Dover (NH, USA), and Heidelberg: Berg, 1985. 1-48. WORKS CONSULTED 117

Knowlton, James and Truett Cates. Forever in the Shadow of Hitler? Original Documents of the Historikerstreit. the Confroversv Conceming the Singularity of the Holocaust. Atlantic Highlands. NJ: Humanities Press, 1993. [Transl. of Piper. Ernst Reinhard, Hïstorikerstreit. Die Dokumentation der Kontrouerse Linz die Einzig- nrtigkeit der nationalsozialistischen judenvernichtung. Munich: Piper, 1387.1 Jaspers, Karl. Die Schuldfrge. Ein Beitrug rur deu~schenFrnge. Züricti: Arternis. 1946. J~ldenund Deutsche. Spiegel Sperial. NO2 Hamburg: Spiegel Verlag, 1992. Kielmansegg, Peter Graf. Lange Scbatteen. Voom Umgnng der Detrtschen mil der nationnlsorinllsriscben Velgangenbeit. Berlin: Corso. 1989. Kohl, Helmut. "Die Ansprache des Bundeskanzlers anlablich des j0. Jahrestages de Pogromnacht: Die Menschen von heute sind nicht besser oder mutiger als damals." Frankf~irterAilgemeine Zeitrirzg No 265, DI1 Politik, 10 November, 1788: 5. Maier, Charles S. The Unmasterable Past. History. Holocanst. and Gemzan National Identity. Cambridge (MA) and London: Harvard UP, 1988. Mitscherlich. Alexander und Mitscherlich Margarete. Die UIZfiihigkeiî ru trauem. Gnr ncl[ngen kollektiuen Verbalem. München: Piper. 1967. Mommsen, Hans. "Aufarbeitung und Verdrangung. Das Dritte Reich im westcieutschen GeschichtsbewuBtsein." 1st der Nationnkorinfismt~s Geschichte? Zur Historisienrng und Historikerstr-eit. Ed. Dan Diner. Frankfurt a. M.: Fischer, 1985: 74-88 Nipperdey, Thomas. "Unter der Herrschaft des Verdachts. Wissen- schaftliche Aussagen dürfen nicht an ihrer politischen Funktion gemessen werden." Die Zeit 17 October, 1986: N. pag. Reprinted in Historikerstreit . Die Doku rnentation der Kontrovenre rr ni die Ei~zrig- nrtigkeit der nationnlsorinlistischen /ciclen vemichtrr ng. Ed. Ernst Reinhard Piper, Munich: Piper, 1987. 21 5-219. Nolte, Ernst. "Vergangenheit, die nicht vergehen will." Fra n kftirter Ah'gemeine Zeitclng 6 June. 1986: N. pag. Reprinted in Historiker- srreit. Die Dok~rmentationder Kontroverse tim die Einrignrtigkeil der natiozalsorialistischen Judenvernicbtung . Ed. Ernst Reinhard Piper, Munich: Piper, 1987. 39-47. Piper, Ernst Reinhard, Historikentreit. Die Dohumentarion der Kontro- verse LL m die Einzigartigkeit der nationnlsorinlistischen Judenvernicbtung. Munich: Piper, 1787. Ryback, Timothy W. "Report from Dachau." The Neut Yorker 3 Aug. 1992: 43-61. WORKS CONSULTED 118

Schmidt, Johann N. "Those Unfortcrnate Yean-": ~Vazismin the Public Debate of Post- War Gemany. Bloomington: Indiana University Jewish Studies Program, 1987. Schulze, Hagen. "Die DDeutsche Katastropheu erklaren. Von Nutzen und Nachteil historischer Erklarungsmodelle." 1st der iliationnl- sozid ism us Gescbichte? ZLLr Historisieru ng LL nd Historïkerstreit. Ed. Dan Diner. Frankfurt a. M.: Fischer, 1385: 89-101 Shirer. William. L. The Rise and Fa21 of the Third Reich. A History of'lVnzi Gemnny. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1960. Sloterdijk, Peter. Versprechen aufileutsch. Rede liber das eigene Land. Frankfurt a. M.: Suhrkamp, 1990. Stürmer, Michael. "Geschichte in geschichtslosem Land." Frarzkf~rfier Allgemeine Zeitung 25 April 1986: N. pag. Reprinted in Ernst Reinhard Piper, Ed., Histonkerstreit. Die Dok~rrnentntion der Kcntro- verse urn die Einzigartigkeit der nntio nnlsozialist iscben Jirden- clemichtrrng. Munich: Piper, 1987. . "Was Geschichte wiegt." Frnnkfirrter Aiigemeine Zeitrrng. 16 Nov. 1986: N. pag. . "Weder verdrangen noch bewaltigen. Geschichte und GegenwartsbewuBtsein der Deutschen." Schweizer klonatshejie 66 (September 1986): 689-694. Thamer. Hans-Ulrich. Vegiibnrng unri Grnunit. De~rtschhnd1933-1945. Berlin: Siedler, 1986. Vollnhals, Clemens, Ed. Enlnazzyizien~ng.Politische Sd~lbenrngu>zd Rehnbili~ieningin den vier Besntz~cngszonen.1945-1 949. München: DW, 1971. Wehler, Hans-Ulrich. Entsorgung der deutschen Vergnngerrheit? Ein poiem~cberEssay rum "Histrorikentreit". Munich: C.H. Beck. 1988. . "Aus der Geschichte lernen?" A~rsder Geschichte lernen? Munich: Beck, 1988: 11-18. . "Geschichtsbewuf3tsein in Deutschland. Entstehung, Funktion. Ideologie." Aus der Geschichte Lenzen? Munich: Beck, 1988: 19-25: . "Historiography in Germany Today." 0bsen7ations on "The Spiritual Sit~lationof the Age". Ed. Jürgen Habermas. Cambridge. Mass.: 1984: 221-59. Weizsacker, Richard von. "40. Jahrestag der Beendigmg des Zweiten Weltkrieges." Btdletin 9 May 1785: N. pag. Wolffsohn, Michael. Ewige Scbuld? 40Jahre Deutsch-/üdisch-lsrnëlische Beziehungen. München: Piper, 1988. Wollenberg, Jorg. ,,Niemanci war dabei und keiner hat's gewuBt". Die deutsche Offedichkeit ~lnddie f~rderzverfo!g~rng 19331945. ~München:Piper, 1989. Zweig. Stefan. Die Welf von Gestem. Erinnenrngen eines E~rropcïers. Frankfurt a. M.: Fischer, 1970 (1st edition: 1744).

"1933 konnte sich noch kein Mensch ausmalen, was ab 1941 Realitiit wurde." Die Welt No.26 5, 11 Nov. 1988: 5. '*Achtung und Respekt." Frnnkfzrrter Ah'gemine Zeit~rng NO265 12 Nov. 1988: 2. Alberts, Kari-hrmin. Letter "Kein Fascinosum." Frnnkj ilrter Allgerneine Zeitung. 1 Dec. 1988: N. pag. " 'Allen zagen, de allermeesten zwegen.' Passages uit de omsrrede rede van Philipp Jenninger." He&Paroo[ [~rnsterdam]14 Nov. 1988: N. Page

Angeiucci, Mario. Letter "Es ist unnütz. sich etwa vorzugaukeln.. ." Spiegef No 47. 21 Nov. 1988: 8. AP. "Jewish Aide Quits Over Jenninger's Speech." New York Times 17 Nov. 1788: 8. Arnade, Rolf B. Letter. "Was war falsch an dieser Rede?" FrnnkJilrter Allgemeine Zeitrt ng 22 Nov. 1988.: N. pag. Barnes, Colin Dean. Texipragrnatik der Holocn ~rst-Redecon Philipp Jenninger. MA Thesis, iMcGili University, 1993. Bender, Roland. Letter. "Jenningers Verdienst" Frcrnkjirrter Al(b.enzeirze Zeitrrng 6 Dec. 1988: N. pag.

Bentfeld, Wilhelm. "Wirklich ,,erscl-ireckender Mangel"? " Frn~kjirrfer Allgemeine Zeitrrng 17 Jan. 1989: N. pag. Berends, Lambiek. "Oprisping." Het Pnrool [Amsterdam] 14 Nov. 1988: N. pag. Bertram, C. "Ein würdiges Gedenken." Die Zeii 18 Nov. 1968: 3. "Bestürzender Mange1 an Sensibilitat." Die Welt No.26 5, 11 Nov. 1988: 5. Blumrath, Dr. med. Christian. Letter. "Mut zur Analyse." Frnnkjlr rter Allgenzeine Zeifurg 19 Nov. 1988: N. pag. Bonn correspondent. "They're crying wolf again." Eco n O m ist 19 Nov. 1988: 54. " Bonner Dnickwellen." Frankfurter Allgerneine Zeit~rng(Rbeiniscber hferk~tr/Cbristund Welt) DI1 Politik, 19 Nov. 1988: N. pag. WORKS CONSULTED 120

Brandt, Hartwig. Letter. "Absichten an der Darbietung zuschanden geworden." Frankf~uterAllgemeine Zeitung 25 Nov. 1988: N. pag. Brinkmann, Uwe. Letter. "Trauerfall des Parlaments." Frnn kjkr rter Ah'gemeine Zeilung 21 Nov. 1988: N. pag. Deutsche Presse Agentur. "Israelischer Kommentator nimmt Jenninger in Schutz." Siidderfscbe Zeirung No. 26 5. 15 Nov. 1988: N. pag. Deutsche Presse Agentur/Reuter. "Kohl: Ein Anwait der Pvlenschlichkeit. ,,Deutscher Volkermord an den Juden nicht zu relativieren." Ehrung für Simon Wiesenthal in New York." Siidde~ltscheZeitrrng No.764. 15 Nov. 1988: N. pag. Die Affüre Jenninger. Was eine Rede an den Tng bmchte. By Werner Hill. Dir. Klaus Stieringer. Norddeutscher Rundfunk (NDR 3). Hannover. 29 Mar. 1989. [Rebroadcast: NDR 4, 17 June, 19891. Dittmar, Peter. "Unangemessen." Die WeffNo. 265, 11 Nov. 1988: 1. Donhoff, M. Grafin. "Ein verfehltes Kolleg." Die Zeit 18 Nov. 1988: 3. Eckert, Professor Roland. Letter. "Humanisierung aus Kenntn is." Frankjirrter Alkemeine Zeitrrng 6 Dec. 1988: N. pag. "Eine Ehrenerklarung für Jenninger. Die Pradidentin der italienischen Kammer meldet sich zu Wort." FrankJi~rterAffgenzeine Zeit~r ng DI1 Politik, 21 Nov. 1988: N. pag. England, John. "Bundestag Speaker quits over speech." Tinzes 12 Nov. 1988: 1. . "Kohl in crisis talks after the Speaker praises Hitler era." Times 11 Nov. 1988: 11. . "Kohl's 'Prussian' trouble-shooter." Times 12 Nov. 2988: 7. Evans, Richard J. In Iyitlerk Sbndozu. West Gemm Historinns and the Attempt to Escape Jrom the Nazi Pmt. New York: Pantheon. 1989. Fasshauer, Ursula. Letter. "Jenningers rhetorisches Mittel der .,erlebten Rede"." Frankfuurter Allgemeine Zeitlrng, 1 Dec. 1988: N. pag. Ferraris, Luigi Vittorio. "Fleifsig auch in der Reue. Jenningers Rede hat die Kritik nicht verdient." Die Zeir 25 Nov. 1988: N. pag. Fischer, Heinz-Joachim. ",Italiens Journalisten müssen sich bei Jenninger entschuldigen." La Stampa bekiagt Vorverurteilen und Klischees in italienischen Zeitungen." Frankfurter Allgenzeine Zeitu~zg DI[ Politik, 19 Nov. 1988: N. pag. "Galinski und Wiesenthal uneins über Jenninger." Siiddeutsche Zeiturzg No. 265, 15 Nov. 1988: N. pag. Geis, Norbert. Letter. "Entzog sich dem Schema." Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung 25 Nov.1988: N. pag. WORKS CONSULTED 121

Geyer. Paul. "Flaubert und die Technik der erlebten Rede. Jenninger ist auch an einem literarischen Stilmittel gescheitert. Ein Nachtrag." Frankf~~rterAllgemeineZeitung DI1 Feuilleton 5 Dec. 1988: N. pag. Girnth, Heiko. Einstellu ng und Einsleflungsbekt~nhg in der poliiiscberz Rede: eine spracbwissenschaftfiche Unters~îchtrngder Rede Pbifipp Jenningers vom IO. November 1988. Diss. johannes Gutenberg- Universitat Mainz, 1992. Frankfurt a. M.: Peter Lang/Europiiische Hochschulschriften, 1993. Graf, Lothar. Letter. "Jenningers Rücktritt ist eine Schande! Spiegel No 47. 21 Nov. 1988: 7. Greffrath, Mathias. "Das falsche Wir." DieZeif 18 Nov. 1988: 5. Greiner U. "Das Ende der Dialektik." Die Zeit 18 Nov. 1988: 5. Haaxman-Krahn, Era. Letter. "Da versucht endlich mal jemand.. ." Spiegei No 47, 21 Nov. 1988: 7. Hachmann, Eckart. Letter. "Sogartig und ohne Abwagen." Frmzk/u-ter Aflgemeine Zeittrng 26 Nov. 1988: N. pag. Hartmann, Dr. Michael. Letter. "Unheilige Allianz." Frmkjirrter Allgemeine Zeitsïng 22 Dec. 1988: N. pag. Hax, Professor Dr. Herbert. Letter. "MiBverstehen konnte. nur wer migverstehen wollte." Frankf~ïrterAlfgemeine Zeitrïng 21 Nov. 1988: N. pag. Heigert, Hans. "Der deutsche Sonderfall." Südderrtsche Zeimng 19 Nov. 1988, No.267: 4. Herf, jeffrey. "Philipp Jenninger and the Dangers of Speaking Clearly." Partisan Reuiew 56 (1989): 225-236. Heringer, Hans-Jürgen. "Jenninger und die komrnunikative bloral." 1990 Sprnche und Liternt~ïrin Wissenschaft u~dlinterncht 21:1 (65) (1990): 4048. . "lch gebe Ibnen mein Ebrenwort. " Politik. Sprnche. Moral. München: Beck'sche Reihe, 1990. Herles, Helmut. "Zuspruch." Frankfiiïrter Allgerneine Zeit~uzgDI1 Politik. 26 Nov. 1988: N. pag. HeuR, Dr. Ernst. Letter. "Bestürzend." Frankf~lrlerAflgenleine Zeil~rng 26 Nov. 1988: N. pag. Hill, Werner. see Jen ninger. Was eine Rede an den Tag bmchir. . see Die Amre jenninger. Was eine Re& an rien Tng brachre. Hirsch, H. "Zuwenig gesagt." Die Zeit 18 Nov. 1988: 7. " .,Hitiers Triumphzug muRte den Deutschen als Wunder erscheinen." Eine Rede, die mm Eklat führte: Philipp Jenninger in der Gedenkstunde des Bundestages zum j0. Jahrestag der Novemberpogrome." Frankfurter Rundschnu 11 Nov. 1988: N. pag. Hoffmann, Ludger, and Schwitalla, Johannes. "Aufierungskritik oder warum Philipp Jenninger zurücktreten muRte." Sprachreport 1 (1789): 5-7. Hofmann, Günter. "Der Aileingang ins Abseits. Bonn und die deutsche Geschichte: Wie Philipp Jenningers Absichten im Eklat untergingen." Die Zeit 18 Nov. 1988: N. pag. Holterling, Victor. Letter. "Die Reaktion des Bundestages.. ." Frnnkf irrter Aligemeine Zeitung 6 Dec. 1988: N. pag. Isensee, Udo. Letter. "Die Kritik an der Rede Jenningers." Frankjir rfer Allgerneine Zeif~mg6 Dec. 1988: N. pag. JanBen, Karl-Heinz. "Die Wahrheit nicht bezweifelt." Die Zeit 18 Nov. 1988: 4. "Jenninger, ein Jahr danach." by Bernd Gabler. ZAK Westdeutscher Rundfunk, Cologne 10 Nov. 1989. Jenninger, Philipp. "Die Opfer wissen, was der November 1938 für sie zu bedeuten hatte. Die Rede des Bundestagspriisidenten / Der Wortlaut des Manus kripts." Frankfurter Aigerneine Zeitu ng DI1 Politik. 11 Nov. 1988: N. pag. . "Address of Bundestag President Philipp Jenninger on 10 Nov 88: "The Victims Know What November 1938 Had Meant For Them" (English transaltion of Full Text of Jenninger Bundestag Address as it appeared in the Frankfurfer AQgemeine Zeif~rng,11 Nov. 1983). FBIS-WEU-88-226, 23 NOV. 1988, 6-12. . "Rede." FrankfurterR~cnrlschau.11 Nov. 1988: N. pag. . ".,Hatten sich die Juden nicht doch eine Rolle angemaBt. die ihnen nicht zukam?" Die umstrittene Rede des Bundestagsprasidenten Philipp Jenninger. (Excerpts)" Süddeutsche Zeitung No 261. 11 Nov. 1988: 13. jenninger. Wm eine Rede an den Tag brnchte. Television programme. By Werner Hill. Dir. Horst Konigstein. Norddeutscher Rundfunk (NDR 3), Hannover (Special project). 11 Nov. 1989 [Rebroadcast: \yrDR,Cologne. 11 Nov. 19891. "Jenningers Rede war mutig." Frankf~irterAllgerneine Zeitung DI1 Politik, 19 Nov.1988: N. pag. Jens, Walter. "Ungehaltene Worte über eine gehaltene Rede. Wie P hilipp Jenninger hatte reden müssen." Die Zeit 18 Nov. 1988: N. pag. Jesse. Eckhard, and Rainer Zitelmann. "Die Tabus der Tabubrecher." Rheinischen Merkzrr/Cbrist und Weft 18 Nov 1988: N. pag. Reprinted in Laschet, Armin, and Heinz Malangré, Eds. Phiiipp jen n inger. Rede u nd Reaktio n . AachedKoblenz: Einhard/Rheinischer Merkur, 1989: 76-81. Joffe, Josef. ",Galinski redet sehr schneil und sehr laut." Vorwurf gegen Zentralvorsitzenden/Zustimmung zu Jenningers Rede gerechtfertigt. SZ-Interview mit Michael Fürst." Siidcletrfsche Zeit~rng No. 267. 18 Nov. 1988: N. pag. Kanderske, Manfred, Rose Kanderske and Hannes Thomsen. Letter. "Jeder Deutsche scheint dauerhaft die Verpflichtung ..." Spiegel No 47, 31 Nov.1988: 10. Kilders, Dr. Matthias. "Jenningers Fehler." Frankflrrter Afzgemeine Zeittrng 22 Nov. 1988: N. pag. Knie, Elmar. Letter. "In einem historischen Rückgriff.. . " S'iegef No 47. 21 Nov. 1988: 9. Kopperschmidt, Josef. "Offentliche Rede in Deutschland. Überlegungen zur politischen Rhetorik mit Blick auf zwei Gedenkreden im Deutschen Bundestag." hluttempracbe 99/3 (1989): 31 3-130. Kornelius, Stefan. "P hilipp jenninger rechtfertigt Rede. ..Ich stehe zu jedem Satz und würde sie nochmal haken.- " [Einen Monat nach dem Rücktritt als Bundesprasident] Siidde~~tscheZeitlrng 17 Dec. 1988: N. pag. Krebs, Birgit-Nicole. Sprachhandlung und Spracbwirkrrng. Unter- sctchungen zur Rhetorik, Sprachkritik und mm Fail jerzninger. Berlin, Bielefeld, and München: Erich Schmidt Verlag, 1993. Kropatscheck. Dr. med. Walter. Lettcr. "Der Begriff .,Fascinosum"." Frcznkfurter Allgerneine Zeitung 1 Dec. 1985: N. pag. Kubiak, Klaus-Peter. Letter. "Dieses ganze Gezeter um die Jenninger- Rede ist mir ziemlich unverstandlich ..." Spiegei No 47, 21 Nov. 1988: 10. Kuby, Erich. "Jenninger, der gute Deutsche. Erich Kuby über den schuld- und wehrlosen, den guten und blinden Deutschen.' Die Tageszeitung 21 Nov. 1988: B7. Lange, Mechtild. Letter. "WolIte den BIick scharfen." Ftzlnkfirrter Ailgemeine Zeitrrng 25 Nov. 1988: N. pag. Langhans, Daniel. Letter. "Feigheit und Heuchelei beirn ,,Fa11 Jenninger"." Frankfur~erAllgerneine Zeitung 22 Dec. 1988: N. pag. Laschet, Arrnin, and Heinz Malangré, Eds. Pbilipp Jenninger. Rede uncl Reuktion. AachedKoblenz: Einhard/Rheinischer Merkur, 1989. Leisi. Ernst. "Der Misserfolg von Philipp Jenningers Rede. Versuch einer sprachwissenschaftlichen Erklarung." Neue Z&iricber Zeitsrng 12 Jan. 1989: N. pag. . "Jenningers mif3glückte Rede. Versuch einer Sprachwissen- schaftlichen Erklamng." Polirische Meinung 34/243 (1989): 77-80. Liebknecht, Wilhelm. Die Emser Depescbe, oder rcie Kriege genzncbt werden. Nürnberg: Worlein, 1892. Lindner. Dr. Joachim. Letter. "Vom bloR demonstrativen Trauerrituai abgewichen." Frankf~~flerAilgerneine Zeitrrng 25 Nov. 1788: N. pag. Lobenroc. Rudolf. "Fast ist man versucht ..." Spiegel No 17. 21 Nov. 1988: 7. Lower. Reiner. Letter. "Bemühen um historische AukIiirung." Frnnkjirrter AiIgemeine Zeitung 19 Nov. 1958: N. pag. Marcus, Richard L. "Jennninger Cut Too Close to the Tmth." New York Times 22 Nov. 1988: 27. Meines, Rob. "Jenninger wilde verklaren wat niet te verklaren is." NRC Handekblnd 16 Nov.1988: N. pag. Meyendorff, Lona Freiin von. Letter. "Wohltuende Sachlichkeit." Frnnkf~irterAk'gemeine Zeitung 22 Nov. 1988: N. pag. "Mit Knobelbechem durch die Geschichte." Spiegel No. 46. 14 Nov. 1788: 22-38. Mommsen, Hans. "Suche nach der 'verlorenen Geschichte'? Be- rnerkungen zum historischen Selbstverstandnis der Bundesrepublik." Merkur 40 (1986): 864-874.

Muenzer, Paul J. Letter. "Mit seiner unglücklichen. instinktlosen.. . " Spiegd No 46. 21 Nov. 1988: 7. Neumaier, Eduard. "Der Sturz Jenningers-ein deutscher Fall. Vom Zwangskonformismus und dem offentlichen Umyang mir der Wahrheit." Rheinischer Merkur 18 Nov. 1988: N. pag. Nieberding, Bernd H. "Die Betroffenheit der Parlamentarier über

Jenningers Rede bringt.. . " Spiegel No 47, 2 1 Nov. 1988:9. ",Niemand darf im Amt bequem werden"." Spiegel No 47, 21 Nov. 1988: 18-31, O'Monte-Durand, Pablo. Letter. "Schade um das Bild der jungen deutschen Nation. .." Spiegel No 47, 21 Nov. 1988: 8 "Out of Tirne." Times Editorial. 12 Nov. 1988: 11. Papsthart, Christian. Letter. "Der Skandal liegt nicht im inhalt des Vortrags. . . " Spiege! No 47, 2 1 Nov. 1988: 9- Parnass, Peggy. "Viel Gerede. Peggy Parnass mm Aufruhr um Jenningers Rede." Die Tageszeitung 21 Nov. 1988: B7. WORKs CONSULTED 125

Peterseno Sonke. ""Diese Leute wollten mich politisch umbringen." Ein vollig verbitterter Jenninger beklagt seinen politischen Sturz." Abe~dz~fung17 Mar. 1989: N. pag. Philipsen, Klaus. Letter. "Mit seinern Rücktritt kann vielleicht.. ." Spiegel No 47 21 Nov. 1988: 20. Polenz, Porter von. "Verdünnte Sprachkultur: das Jenninger Syndrom in sprachkritischer Sicht." Derithe Spracbe 17/4 (1989): 289-307. Porath. Peter. "jenninger hat sich zu seiner Rede ..." Spiegef No 47. 21 Nov. 1988: 7. Poschinger, Dr. Georg. Letter. "Versuch der Erklarung." FrankJiïrter Alkemeine Zeittrng 1 Dec. 1988: N. pag. Rdh. "Hoher Preis." Südderrtscbe Zeilung No 267, 19 Nov. 1988: N. pag. Rede des Prdsidenten des Deutschen Bundestngs, Dr. Pbilipp jenningec zuübrenn' der Gedenkveranstaltung ails Anlafi der Pogrome des nationakozialistischen Regimes gegen die jiidiscbe Beuolkerrenrng cor 50 jahren. Videocassette. Source unknown. Rehn, Rosemarie. Letter. "Aufs neue zutiefst betroffen." Frnnkf~u-ler Allgemeine Zeit~rng 19 Nov. 1988: N. pag. Reuter. "How the Bonn Speaker talked himself out of a job." The Times 12 Nov. 1988: 7. Riehl-Heyse, Herbert. "Der traurige Zustand eines Dialogs." Siidde~rtsche Zeittcng No 262, 12 Nov.1988: 4. Schmemann, Serge. "A ver). German Storm: Dust Settles and Unsettles." Necv York Times 14 Dec. 1988: N. pag. . "Address On Nazis Costs Bonn Aide." New York Times 13 Nov. 1988: 5. . "BIunt Bonn speech On the Hitler Years Prompts a Walkout." iVe~c York Times 1I Nov. 1988: 4. . "West Gerrnans Debating Their Taboos." lnternntionnl HemId Tnb~tne17 Dec. 1988: N. pag. Schmolders, Professor Dr. Günter. Letter. "Jenninger und die Anführungszeichen." Frnnkfzmer Alkemeine Zeitrrng 22 Nov. 1988: N. pag. Schucht, Joachim. "Aus aller Welt Lob für Jenninger." Frmzkjiurter iVesre Presse 30 Nov. 1988: N. pag. Schulze, Hagen. Gibt es iiberbat~pteine deutsche Gesch ichte? Berlin: Corso bei Siedler, 1989. . Wirsind, was wirgeworclen sind: Vom Nulzen der Gescbichtefiir die deutsche Gegenwnrt. München: Piper, 1987. Schwehn, Klaus J.F. "Gedenkstunde zu Pogromen: Eklat nach Jenninger- Rede. Bundestagsabgeordnete verlieBen PlenarsaaVSpekulation über Rücktritt." Die Welt No.265, 11 Nov. 1988: 1. Schweikart, Andreas. Letter. "Die aus fast allen politischen Lagern umgehend ..." SpiegeI No 47 21 Nov. 1988: 9. Sommer, T. "Von der Last, Deutscher zu sein." Die Zeif 18 Nov.1988: 1. Sonsino, Dr. C.M. Letter. "Diese Unsensibiiitiit der sich als christlich [. .-1 bezeichnenden Parteien." Spiegel No 47 21 Nov. 1988: 7. Stanzel, F.K. "Zur Problemgeschichte der .,Erlebten Rede". Eine Vor- bemerkung zu Yasushi Suzukis Beitrag ,,Erlebte Rede und der Fa11 Jenninger"." Gemanisch-Rornaniscbp .Monn~sschriji41.1 (1991 ): 1- 4. Stein, Horst. " ,,Das ist ja eine Blamage, horen Sie auf"." Die Welt No 265. 11 Nov. 1988: 3. . "Der Pflicht gestellt. Irn Gesprach: Philipp Jenninger." Die IVek No 765, 11 Nov. 1988: 2. Stibal, Erik. Letter. "Die Rede Herrn Jenningers hort sich.. .." Spiegel No 47, 21 Nov. 1988: 7. Suzuki, Yasushi. "Erlebte Rede und der Fall Jenninger." GemznnLvch- RomnnLsche Momz&xhnft 41.1 (1991): 5-12. "Touching Raw Nerves: German's Stark Words." Neiu York Times 12 Nov. 1988: 5. Unglaub. Kerstin. Letter. "Rationale Auseinandersetzung." Frnnkfirrter Allgenzeine Zeifung 25 Nov. 1988: N. pag. Wiggermann, Frank. "Mord kann nicht wiedergutgemacht werden. Nur wer sich seiner Vergangenheit stellt, wird Frei für die Aufgaben der Gegenwart." Frnnkf~u?erAllgemeine Zeirung (in the section: FAZ in der Schule. Medienkunde für junge Leser) No 265. 12 Nov. 1988: 33. "Willentliche Text-Manipulation." Frnnkf~rrlerAllgenzeirze Zeitirng DI1 Politik, 19 Nov.1988: N. pag. Zabel, Johannes. Letter. "Verwechslung der Politikebenen." Frnnkjiraer Allgemeine Zeifung 21 Nov. 1988: N. pag. IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (QA-3)

APPLIED- - IMGE. Inc --- - 1653 East Main Street --, - Rochester, NY 14609 USA ------Phone: 71 61482-0300 ---- Fa. 716/288-5989

Q 1993. Appiied Image. Inc.. All Righls Reseived