Between Recession and Repression the Rising Cost of Dissent in Chad
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BETWEEN RECESSION AND REPRESSION THE RISING COST OF DISSENT IN CHAD Amnesty International is a global movement of more than 7 million people who campaign for a world where human rights are enjoyed by all. Our vision is for every person to enjoy all the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights standards. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded mainly by our membership and public donations. © Amnesty International 2017 Cover photo: Illustration of the Place de la Nation (in N’Djamena, Chad) featuring two human rights Except where otherwise noted, content in this document is licensed under a Creative Commons defenders who are handcuffed and gagged. (attribution, non-commercial, no derivatives, international 4.0) licence. © Moustapha Diop/Amnesty International https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode For more information please visit the permissions page on our website: www.amnesty.org Where material is attributed to a copyright owner other than Amnesty International this material is not subject to the Creative Commons licence. First published in 2017 by Amnesty International Ltd Peter Benenson House, 1 Easton Street London WC1X 0DW, UK Index: AFR 20/7045/2017 Original language: English amnesty.org CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 6 METHODOLOGY 9 1. BACKGROUND 10 1.1 A PROMISE OF DEMOCRACY AND LIBERTY 10 1.2 THE ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL CONTEXT OF DISSENT 11 1.3 SECURITY THREATS AND INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION 13 2. BANNING OF PEACEFUL PROTESTS 15 3. PERSECUTION THROUGH PROSECUTION 20 3.1 PUBLIC ORDER OFFENCES 20 3.2 CONTEMPT AND DEFAMATION LAWS 23 3.2.1 CONTEMPT OF PUBLIC AUTHORITIES 23 3.2.2 DEFAMATION 24 4. RESTRICTIONS ON FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATION AND THE RIGHT TO ORGANIZE 26 4.1 BANNING CIVIL SOCIETY ORGANIZATIONS AND SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 26 4.2 RESTRICTIONS ON THE RIGHT TO STRIKE 28 4.3 DENIAL OF VISAS FOR TRADE UNIONISTS 29 5. INTIMIDATION AND SURVEILLANCE 31 5.1 INTIMIDATION 31 5.2 PHONE SURVEILLANCE AND ONLINE CENSORSHIP 34 6. THE KEY ROLE OF CHAD'S NATIONAL SECURITY AGENCY 37 CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS 41 ANNEXES 45 BETWEEN RECESSION AND REPRESSION THE RISING COST OF DISSENT IN CHAD Amnesty International 3 GLOSSARY WORD DESCRIPTION ACHPR African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights ANS Agence National de Sécurité National Security Agency AU African Union CAMOJET Collectif des associations et mouvements de la jeunesse du Tchad Joint Youth Associations and Movements of Chad CGT Confédération Générale du Travail General Confederation of Labour CNS Conference Souveraine Nationale Sovereign National Conference CSO Civil Society Organizations DDS Direction de la Documentation et de la Sécurité Directorate of Documentation and Security EU European Union INGOS International Non-Governmental Organizations LTDH Ligue Tchadienne des Droits de l’Homme Chadian Human Rights League MECI Mouvement d’Eveil Citoyen National Movement of Citizen Awakening MPS Mouvement Patriotique du Salut Patriotic Salvation Movement OTRT Office Tchadien de Régulation des Télécommunications Chadian Telecommunications Regulatory Office SYNECS Syndicat National des Enseignants Chercheurs du Supérieur National Union of Researchers and University Teachers UN United Nations UNET Union Nationale des Etudiants du Tchad Chadian National Students’ Union BETWEEN RECESSION AND REPRESSION THE RISING COST OF DISSENT IN CHAD Amnesty International 4 WORD DESCRIPTION UPR Universal Periodic Review UST Union des Syndicats du Tchad Union of Chadian Trade Unions BETWEEN RECESSION AND REPRESSION THE RISING COST OF DISSENT IN CHAD Amnesty International 5 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY When President Idriss Déby took power in Chad in 1990, he promised to make a decisive break from the horrors of the previous eight years, during which tens of thousands of people were killed under former President Hissène Habré’s regime. In his inaugural speech, President Déby brought new hope for an era in which human rights would be respected, and he promised to work for “the advent of a real, pluralistic democracy, guaranteeing all individual and collective freedoms”. Over a quarter of a century later, the conviction of Habré in 2016 for crimes against humanity, war crimes and torture - and the promises of reparations for victims of his rule - may have gone some way to begin healing past wounds. However, full guarantees of individual and collective freedoms for all Chadians remain elusive and an apparatus of repression remains in place muzzling the voices of those who stand up and speak out to criticize the government or its policies. Over the last two years, the situation has been getting worse. State efforts to repress the rights to freedom of expression, assembly and association have intensified during a period that has encompassed a highly contested Presidential election, attacks by Boko Haram and a severe ongoing economic crisis provoked by a sharp drop in the price of crude oil. During this time, as political and economic discontent have grown, individuals and organizations have increasingly voiced their dissent, and the Chadian authorities and security services have responded by banning protests and arresting, prosecuting and intimidating government critics. The right to peaceful protest, recognised both by the Chadian Constitution and international law, has come under increasing attack, and the authorities have used an arsenal of outdated laws from the 1960s to demand – and then refuse - authorizations for public gatherings. In 2016 alone, Amnesty International documented at least 13 ministerial decrees banning peaceful protests, not including those prohibited uniquely through verbal statements. On 19 March 2016, for example, the Minister of Public Security and Immigration announced in the media a blanket ban on all demonstrations unrelated to an official election campaign for the period of 20 days, from 20 March to 8 April 2016. While bans on peaceful protest are not necessarily new, they have become more pronounced as dissent has grown. At least four platforms and movements – comprising at least 65 associations – and two other organizations told Amnesty International that they have never received an authorization to organize a peaceful protest since they were created between 2014 and 2016. Others, including the Chadian National Students’ Union (Union National des Etudiants du Tchad, UNET) and three trade union organizations, stated that they have not been granted authorization since 2008. On the occasions when unauthorized protests have gone ahead, Chadian security forces have acted to break them up, sometimes using excessive and occasionally deadly force. In March 2016, police were caught on video beating and humiliating dozens of students who had been protesting in N’Djamena, following a protest in which one student was killed. In February 2016, at least 40 activists belonging to the Collective of Chadian Youth Associations and Movements (Collectif des Associations et Mouvements de la Jeunesse du Tchad, CAMOJET) were arrested for participating in two peaceful protests, while in December 2016 security forces also occupied the headquarters of the Union of Chadian Trade Unions (Union des Syndicats du Tchad, UST) and prevented female members from holding a planned demonstration against government austerity measures. Individuals involved in organizing such protests – or other forms of dissent – are also targeted with arrest and prosecuted on charges including public disorder, incitement to an unarmed gathering, defamation or contempt of public authorities. Amnesty International has documented the cases of 10 human rights defenders and activists, as well as three journalists, who have been prosecuted for exercising their rights to freedom of assembly, expression and association between January 2016 and July 2017. In other cases people have initially been charged but then released a few days later. BETWEEN RECESSION AND REPRESSION THE RISING COST OF DISSENT IN CHAD Amnesty International 6 For example, in March 2016 four leaders of pro-democracy movements and organizations, Celine Narmadji, Nadjo Kaina, Mahamat Nour Ibedou and Younous Mahadjir, were arrested in N’Djamena for planning to organize a peaceful public demonstration against President Déby’s bid for re-election. Convicted of both disturbing public order and disobeying a lawful order, they spent over three weeks in detention before being released with four-month suspended sentences and prohibited from engaging in any subversive activities. In a similar case, a year later, Nadjo Kaina together with Bertrand Solloh, two leaders of the citizen movement Iyina – ‘we are tired’ in local Arabic – were arrested by agents of the National Security Agency (Agence Nationale de Securité, ANS) for calling on citizens to wear red on 10 April 2017 to show their solidarity with the movement on the anniversary of the 2016 Presidential election. Kaina and Solloh were detained by the ANS without access to their families or lawyers for 16 and eight days respectively, before being handed over to the judicial police, charged with attempted conspiracy and organizing an unauthorized gathering. They were eventually convicted and released with six-month suspended sentences. They claim to have been tortured while in detention, suffocated with plastic bags containing chili. The ANS’ practice of holding government critics in secret detention has not been limited to the Iyina leaders. On 5 May 2017, Maoundoe Decladore, spokesperson of the