Between Recession and Repression the Rising Cost of Dissent in Chad

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Between Recession and Repression the Rising Cost of Dissent in Chad BETWEEN RECESSION AND REPRESSION THE RISING COST OF DISSENT IN CHAD Amnesty International is a global movement of more than 7 million people who campaign for a world where human rights are enjoyed by all. Our vision is for every person to enjoy all the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights standards. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded mainly by our membership and public donations. © Amnesty International 2017 Cover photo: Illustration of the Place de la Nation (in N’Djamena, Chad) featuring two human rights Except where otherwise noted, content in this document is licensed under a Creative Commons defenders who are handcuffed and gagged. (attribution, non-commercial, no derivatives, international 4.0) licence. © Moustapha Diop/Amnesty International https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode For more information please visit the permissions page on our website: www.amnesty.org Where material is attributed to a copyright owner other than Amnesty International this material is not subject to the Creative Commons licence. First published in 2017 by Amnesty International Ltd Peter Benenson House, 1 Easton Street London WC1X 0DW, UK Index: AFR 20/7045/2017 Original language: English amnesty.org CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 6 METHODOLOGY 9 1. BACKGROUND 10 1.1 A PROMISE OF DEMOCRACY AND LIBERTY 10 1.2 THE ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL CONTEXT OF DISSENT 11 1.3 SECURITY THREATS AND INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION 13 2. BANNING OF PEACEFUL PROTESTS 15 3. PERSECUTION THROUGH PROSECUTION 20 3.1 PUBLIC ORDER OFFENCES 20 3.2 CONTEMPT AND DEFAMATION LAWS 23 3.2.1 CONTEMPT OF PUBLIC AUTHORITIES 23 3.2.2 DEFAMATION 24 4. RESTRICTIONS ON FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATION AND THE RIGHT TO ORGANIZE 26 4.1 BANNING CIVIL SOCIETY ORGANIZATIONS AND SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 26 4.2 RESTRICTIONS ON THE RIGHT TO STRIKE 28 4.3 DENIAL OF VISAS FOR TRADE UNIONISTS 29 5. INTIMIDATION AND SURVEILLANCE 31 5.1 INTIMIDATION 31 5.2 PHONE SURVEILLANCE AND ONLINE CENSORSHIP 34 6. THE KEY ROLE OF CHAD'S NATIONAL SECURITY AGENCY 37 CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS 41 ANNEXES 45 BETWEEN RECESSION AND REPRESSION THE RISING COST OF DISSENT IN CHAD Amnesty International 3 GLOSSARY WORD DESCRIPTION ACHPR African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights ANS Agence National de Sécurité National Security Agency AU African Union CAMOJET Collectif des associations et mouvements de la jeunesse du Tchad Joint Youth Associations and Movements of Chad CGT Confédération Générale du Travail General Confederation of Labour CNS Conference Souveraine Nationale Sovereign National Conference CSO Civil Society Organizations DDS Direction de la Documentation et de la Sécurité Directorate of Documentation and Security EU European Union INGOS International Non-Governmental Organizations LTDH Ligue Tchadienne des Droits de l’Homme Chadian Human Rights League MECI Mouvement d’Eveil Citoyen National Movement of Citizen Awakening MPS Mouvement Patriotique du Salut Patriotic Salvation Movement OTRT Office Tchadien de Régulation des Télécommunications Chadian Telecommunications Regulatory Office SYNECS Syndicat National des Enseignants Chercheurs du Supérieur National Union of Researchers and University Teachers UN United Nations UNET Union Nationale des Etudiants du Tchad Chadian National Students’ Union BETWEEN RECESSION AND REPRESSION THE RISING COST OF DISSENT IN CHAD Amnesty International 4 WORD DESCRIPTION UPR Universal Periodic Review UST Union des Syndicats du Tchad Union of Chadian Trade Unions BETWEEN RECESSION AND REPRESSION THE RISING COST OF DISSENT IN CHAD Amnesty International 5 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY When President Idriss Déby took power in Chad in 1990, he promised to make a decisive break from the horrors of the previous eight years, during which tens of thousands of people were killed under former President Hissène Habré’s regime. In his inaugural speech, President Déby brought new hope for an era in which human rights would be respected, and he promised to work for “the advent of a real, pluralistic democracy, guaranteeing all individual and collective freedoms”. Over a quarter of a century later, the conviction of Habré in 2016 for crimes against humanity, war crimes and torture - and the promises of reparations for victims of his rule - may have gone some way to begin healing past wounds. However, full guarantees of individual and collective freedoms for all Chadians remain elusive and an apparatus of repression remains in place muzzling the voices of those who stand up and speak out to criticize the government or its policies. Over the last two years, the situation has been getting worse. State efforts to repress the rights to freedom of expression, assembly and association have intensified during a period that has encompassed a highly contested Presidential election, attacks by Boko Haram and a severe ongoing economic crisis provoked by a sharp drop in the price of crude oil. During this time, as political and economic discontent have grown, individuals and organizations have increasingly voiced their dissent, and the Chadian authorities and security services have responded by banning protests and arresting, prosecuting and intimidating government critics. The right to peaceful protest, recognised both by the Chadian Constitution and international law, has come under increasing attack, and the authorities have used an arsenal of outdated laws from the 1960s to demand – and then refuse - authorizations for public gatherings. In 2016 alone, Amnesty International documented at least 13 ministerial decrees banning peaceful protests, not including those prohibited uniquely through verbal statements. On 19 March 2016, for example, the Minister of Public Security and Immigration announced in the media a blanket ban on all demonstrations unrelated to an official election campaign for the period of 20 days, from 20 March to 8 April 2016. While bans on peaceful protest are not necessarily new, they have become more pronounced as dissent has grown. At least four platforms and movements – comprising at least 65 associations – and two other organizations told Amnesty International that they have never received an authorization to organize a peaceful protest since they were created between 2014 and 2016. Others, including the Chadian National Students’ Union (Union National des Etudiants du Tchad, UNET) and three trade union organizations, stated that they have not been granted authorization since 2008. On the occasions when unauthorized protests have gone ahead, Chadian security forces have acted to break them up, sometimes using excessive and occasionally deadly force. In March 2016, police were caught on video beating and humiliating dozens of students who had been protesting in N’Djamena, following a protest in which one student was killed. In February 2016, at least 40 activists belonging to the Collective of Chadian Youth Associations and Movements (Collectif des Associations et Mouvements de la Jeunesse du Tchad, CAMOJET) were arrested for participating in two peaceful protests, while in December 2016 security forces also occupied the headquarters of the Union of Chadian Trade Unions (Union des Syndicats du Tchad, UST) and prevented female members from holding a planned demonstration against government austerity measures. Individuals involved in organizing such protests – or other forms of dissent – are also targeted with arrest and prosecuted on charges including public disorder, incitement to an unarmed gathering, defamation or contempt of public authorities. Amnesty International has documented the cases of 10 human rights defenders and activists, as well as three journalists, who have been prosecuted for exercising their rights to freedom of assembly, expression and association between January 2016 and July 2017. In other cases people have initially been charged but then released a few days later. BETWEEN RECESSION AND REPRESSION THE RISING COST OF DISSENT IN CHAD Amnesty International 6 For example, in March 2016 four leaders of pro-democracy movements and organizations, Celine Narmadji, Nadjo Kaina, Mahamat Nour Ibedou and Younous Mahadjir, were arrested in N’Djamena for planning to organize a peaceful public demonstration against President Déby’s bid for re-election. Convicted of both disturbing public order and disobeying a lawful order, they spent over three weeks in detention before being released with four-month suspended sentences and prohibited from engaging in any subversive activities. In a similar case, a year later, Nadjo Kaina together with Bertrand Solloh, two leaders of the citizen movement Iyina – ‘we are tired’ in local Arabic – were arrested by agents of the National Security Agency (Agence Nationale de Securité, ANS) for calling on citizens to wear red on 10 April 2017 to show their solidarity with the movement on the anniversary of the 2016 Presidential election. Kaina and Solloh were detained by the ANS without access to their families or lawyers for 16 and eight days respectively, before being handed over to the judicial police, charged with attempted conspiracy and organizing an unauthorized gathering. They were eventually convicted and released with six-month suspended sentences. They claim to have been tortured while in detention, suffocated with plastic bags containing chili. The ANS’ practice of holding government critics in secret detention has not been limited to the Iyina leaders. On 5 May 2017, Maoundoe Decladore, spokesperson of the
Recommended publications
  • THE CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC and Small Arms Survey by Eric G
    SMALL ARMS: A REGIONAL TINDERBOX A REGIONAL ARMS: SMALL AND REPUBLIC AFRICAN THE CENTRAL Small Arms Survey By Eric G. Berman with Louisa N. Lombard Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies 47 Avenue Blanc, 1202 Geneva, Switzerland p +41 22 908 5777 f +41 22 732 2738 e [email protected] w www.smallarmssurvey.org THE CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC AND SMALL ARMS A REGIONAL TINDERBOX ‘ The Central African Republic and Small Arms is the most thorough and carefully researched G. Eric By Berman with Louisa N. Lombard report on the volume, origins, and distribution of small arms in any African state. But it goes beyond the focus on small arms. It also provides a much-needed backdrop to the complicated political convulsions that have transformed CAR into a regional tinderbox. There is no better source for anyone interested in putting the ongoing crisis in its proper context.’ —Dr René Lemarchand Emeritus Professor, University of Florida and author of The Dynamics of Violence in Central Africa ’The Central African Republic, surrounded by warring parties in Sudan, Chad, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo, lies on the fault line between the international community’s commitment to disarmament and the tendency for African conflicts to draw in their neighbours. The Central African Republic and Small Arms unlocks the secrets of the breakdown of state capacity in a little-known but pivotal state in the heart of Africa. It also offers important new insight to options for policy-makers and concerned organizations to promote peace in complex situations.’ —Professor William Reno Associate Professor and Director of Graduate Studies, Department of Political Science, Northwestern University Photo: A mutineer during the military unrest of May 1996.
    [Show full text]
  • Tchad) : 1635-2012
    Aix-Marseille Université Institut des Mondes Africains (IMAF, CNRS – UMR 8171, IRD – UMR 243) Des transhumants entre alliances et conflits, les Arabes du Batha (Tchad) : 1635-2012 Zakinet Dangbet Thèse pour l’obtention du grade de Docteur d’Aix-Marseille Université École doctorale « Espaces, Cultures, Sociétés » Discipline : Histoire Sous la direction de : Francis Simonis : Historien, Maître de conférences HDR, Aix-Marseille Université Membres du jury : Anne Marie Granet-Abisset : Historienne, Professeur, Université Pierre Mendès France, Grenoble II Mirjam de Bruijn : Anthropologue, Professeur, African Studies Center, Leiden Jacky Bouju : Anthropologue, Maître de conférences HDR, Aix-Marseille Université André Marty : Sociologue, Institut de recherches et d’applications des méthodes de développement, Montpellier Francis Simonis : Historien, Maître de conférences HDR, Aix-Marseille Université Aix-en-Provence, décembre 2015 2 3 4 Remerciements La réussite de cette thèse n’aurait pas été possible sans l’appui de l’Ambassade de France au Tchad. A ce titre, j’adresse mes remerciements aux responsables du SCAC qui ont accepté de m’accorder une bourse. Je voudrais citer : Pr. Olivier D’Hont, Sonia Safar, Jean Vignon, Philippe Boumard et Patrice Grimaud. Les mêmes remerciements sont adressés aux responsables de l’Agence Française de Développement, notamment Hervé Kahane, ancien Directeur général adjoint. J’adresse mes remerciements à mon encadreur Francis Simonis qui a accepté de diriger mes travaux. Cette tâche n’a pas été aisée, vu la dimension transversale de mon sujet. Cette attention soutenue pour ma thèse mérite reconnaissance. Je n’oublie pas qu’en 2007, Pr. Anne Marie Granet-Abisset accepta de diriger mes travaux de Master 2.
    [Show full text]
  • « Réseaux Sociaux : Impact Sur La Gouvernance Électorale Au Tchad »
    UNIVERSITE DE PARIS - SORBONNE (PA R I S I V ) ENA Ecole des hautes études en sciences de l'information et de la communication Ecole nationale d’administration Master Professionnel 2e année Option : COMMUNICATION DES INSTITUTIONS PUBLIQUES « Réseaux sociaux : impact sur la gouvernance électorale au Tchad » Sous la direction de Madame Françoise Boursin, Professeur émérite des Universités, CELSA Paris-Sorbonne et Monsieur Jean-Emmanuel Paillon, Directeur général délégué à l’administration, INRIA Nom et Prénom(s) : Iyakba Serge Ouambi Promotion : Louise Weiss (2016-2017) Option : Communication des Institutions Publiques Soutenu le : Mention : Note du mémoire : 1 Remerciements Je tiens à remercier tous ceux qui ont contribué à la bonne réalisation de ce mémoire : - Madame Françoise Boursin, Professeur des Universités au CELSA Paris- Sorbonne, pour le temps précieux qu’elle m’a consacré ; - Monsieur Jean-Emmanuel Paillon, Directeur général délégué à l’administration (INRIA), qui m’a pleinement fait profiter de son dynamisme et de ses qualités professionnelles ; - Madame Kim Griffin, Responsable pédagogique des Masters à l’ENA, qui me fait l’honneur de participer au jury de soutenance ; - Madame Sandrine Blaison, Responsable de la mise en œuvre des Masters à l’ENA, pour son appui multiforme ; - Madame Sarah Viguier, pour ses conseils, sa contribution et ses précieuses orientations tout au long de ce travail ; - Monsieur Matthieu Le Hello, mon camarade de promotion, qui a accepté de relire ce travail ; - Mon épouse Te-iabé Naoura et mes trois enfants Liliah, Eliel et Elsa pour leur amour et leur patience tout au long de mon absence scolaire ; - Toute ma grande famille Ouambi pour son soutien permanent et ses mots d’encouragement.
    [Show full text]
  • The Chad–Sudan Proxy War and the 'Darfurization' of Chad: Myths and Reality
    12 The Chad–Sudan Proxy War and the ‘Darfurization’ of Chad: Myths and Reality By Jérôme Tubiana Copyright The Small Arms Survey Published in Switzerland by the Small Arms Survey The Small Arms Survey is an independent research project located at the Grad- uate Institute of International Studies in Geneva, Switzerland. It serves as the © Small Arms Survey, Graduate Institute of International Studies, Geneva 2008 principal source of public information on all aspects of small arms and as a First published in April 2008 resource centre for governments, policy-makers, researchers, and activists. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a Established in 1999, the project is supported by the Swiss Federal Department retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior of Foreign Affairs, and by contributions from the Governments of Belgium, permission in writing of the Small Arms Survey, or as expressly permitted by Canada, Finland, France, the Netherlands, Norway, Sweden, and the UK. The law, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics rights organi- Survey is also grateful for past and current project-specific support received zation. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the above should from Australia, Denmark, and New Zealand. Further funding has been pro- be sent to the Publications Manager, Small Arms Survey, at the address below. vided by the United Nations Development Programme, the United Nations Institute for Disarmament Research, the Geneva International Academic Net- Small Arms Survey work, and the Geneva International Centre for Humanitarian Demining. The Graduate Institute of International Studies Small Arms Survey collaborates with research institutes and NGOs in many 47 Avenue Blanc, 1202 Geneva, Switzerland countries, including Brazil, Canada, Georgia, Germany, India, Israel, Jordan, Copyedited by Emily Walmsley Norway, the Russian Federation, South Africa, Sri Lanka, Sudan, Sweden, Thailand, the United Kingdom, and the United States.
    [Show full text]
  • The Contribution of the Catholic Church to Post-Civil War Conflict Resolution in Chad
    Santa Clara University Scholar Commons Jesuit School of Theology Dissertations Student Scholarship 5-2020 The Contribution of the Catholic Church to Post-Civil War Conflict Resolution in Chad Rimasbé Dionbo Jean Claude Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.scu.edu/jst_dissertations Part of the Religion Commons THE CONTRIBUTION OF THE CATHOLIC CHURCH TO POST-CIVIL WAR CONFLICT RESOLUTION IN CHAD A Thesis by Rimasbé Dionbo Jean Claude presented to The Faculty of the Jesuit School of Theology of Santa Clara University in Partial Fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of the Licentiate in Sacred Theology Berkeley, California May 2020 Committee Signatures Julie Hanlon Rubio, PHD, Director Date Prof. Paul Thissen, PHD, Reader Date i Contents Contents ........................................................................................................................................... i Abstract ............................................................................................................................................ v Acknowledgments ........................................................................................................................... vi Dedication ..................................................................................................................................... vii Abbreviations ............................................................................................................................... viii General Introduction .....................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Chad: a New Conflict Resolution Framework
    CHAD: A NEW CONFLICT RESOLUTION FRAMEWORK Africa Report N°144 – 24 September 2008 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS.................................................I I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 II. A CRISIS OF THE STATE ........................................................................................... 2 A. 1990-2000: MISSED OPPORTUNITIES FOR RECONCILIATION......................................................2 B. OIL, CLIENTELISM AND CORRUPTION........................................................................................3 1. Clientelism and generalised corruption ..............................................................................3 2. The oil curse .......................................................................................................................4 C. MILITARISATION OF THE ADMINISTRATION AND POPULATION ..................................................5 D. NATIONAL AND RELIGIOUS DIVIDES .........................................................................................6 III. THE ACTORS IN THE CRISIS................................................................................... 8 A. THE POLITICAL OPPOSITION .....................................................................................................8 1. Repression and co-option ...................................................................................................8 2. The political platform of
    [Show full text]
  • Chad: Defusing Tensions in the Sahel
    Chad: Defusing Tensions in the Sahel $IULFD5HSRUW1 _ 'HFHPEHU 7UDQVODWLRQIURP)UHQFK +HDGTXDUWHUV ,QWHUQDWLRQDO&ULVLV*URXS $YHQXH/RXLVH %UXVVHOV%HOJLXP 7HO )D[ EUXVVHOV#FULVLVJURXSRUJ Preventing War. Shaping Peace. Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. Ambivalent Relations with N’Djamena ............................................................................ 3 A. Relations between the Sahel Regions and Central Government since the 1990s ..... 3 1. Kanem ................................................................................................................... 3 2. Bahr el-Ghazal (BEG) ........................................................................................... 5 B. C0-option: A Flawed Strategy .................................................................................... 6 III. Mounting Tensions in the Region .................................................................................... 8 A. Abuses against BEG and Kanem Citizens .................................................................. 8 B. A Regional Economy in the Red ................................................................................ 9 C. Intra-religious Divides ............................................................................................... 11 IV. The
    [Show full text]
  • Notes on the Political Sociology of Chad
    The Dynamics of National Integration: Ladiba Gondeu Working Paper No. 006 (English Version) THE DYNAMICS OF NATIONAL INTEGRATION: MOVING BEYOND ETHNIC CONFLICT IN A STATE-IN-WAITING LADIBA GONDEU October 2013 The Sahel Research Group, of the University of Florida’s Center for African Studies, is a collaborative effort to understand the political, social, economic, and cultural dynamics of the countries which comprise the West African Sahel. It focuses primarily on the six Francophone countries of the region—Senegal, Mauritania, Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger, and Chad—but also on in developments in neighboring countries, to the north and south, whose dy- namics frequently intersect with those of the Sahel. The Sahel Research Group brings together faculty and gradu- ate students from various disciplines at the University of Florida, in collaboration with colleagues from the region. Acknowledgements: This work is the fruit of a four month academic stay at the University of Florida Center for African Studies as a Visiting Scholar thanks to the kind invitation of the Profesor Leonardo A. Villalón, Coordinator of the Sahel Research Group. I would like to express my deep appreciation and gratitude to him and to his team. The ideas put forth in this document are mine and I take full responsibility for them. About the Author: Ladiba Gondeu, Faculty Member in the Department of Anthropology at the University of N’Djamena, and Doctoral Candidate, Paris School of Graduate Studies in Social Science for Social Anthropology and Ethnology. Ladiba Gondeu is a Chadian social anthropologist specializing in civil society, religious dynamics, and project planning and analysis.
    [Show full text]
  • In the Name of Security?
    IN THE NAME OF SECURITY? ARRests, detentiOns And RestRictiOns On FReedOm OF expRessiOn in chAd Amnesty International is a global movement of more than 3 million supporters, members and activists in more than 150 countries and territories who campaign to end grave abuses of human rights. Our vision is for every person to enjoy all the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights standards. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded mainly by our membership and public donations. First published in 2013 by Amnesty International Ltd Peter Benenson House 1 Easton Street London WC1X 0DW United Kingdom © Amnesty International 2013 Index: AFR 20/007/2013 English Original language: English Printed by Amnesty International, International Secretariat, United Kingdom All rights reserved. This publication is copyright, but may be reproduced by any method without fee for advocacy, campaigning and teaching purposes, but not for resale. The copyright holders request that all such use be registered with them for impact assessment purposes. For copying in any other circumstances, or for reuse in other publications, or for translation or adaptation, prior written permission must be obtained from the publishers, and a fee may be payable. To request permission, or for any other inquiries, please contact [email protected] Cover photo: A selection of Chadian publications related to arrests, detentions and attacks on freedom of expression. © Amnesty
    [Show full text]
  • Tchad: Un Nouveau Cadre De Resolution Du Conflit
    TCHAD: UN NOUVEAU CADRE DE RESOLUTION DU CONFLIT Rapport Afrique N°144 – 24 septembre 2008 TABLE DES MATIERES SYNTHESE ET RECOMMANDATIONS.............................................................................I I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 II. UNE CRISE DE L’ETAT .............................................................................................. 2 A. 1990-2000: OCCASIONS MANQUEES DE RECONCILIATION ..........................................................2 B. PETROLE, CLIENTELISME ET CORRUPTION ..................................................................................3 1. Clientélisme et corruption généralisée ................................................................................3 2. Malédiction pétrolière..........................................................................................................4 C. MILITARISATION DE L’ADMINISTRATION ET DE LA POPULATION.................................................6 D. FRACTURES NATIONALES ET RELIGIEUSES..................................................................................7 III. LES ACTEURS DE LA CRISE .................................................................................... 9 A. L’OPPOSITION POLITIQUE ...........................................................................................................9 1. Entre répression et cooptation .............................................................................................9
    [Show full text]
  • 2008 Human Rights Report: Chad 2008 Human Rights Report: Chad
    2008 Human Rights Report: Chad 2008 Human Rights Report: Chad Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor 2008 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices February 25, 2009 Chad is a centralized republic with a population of approximately 10 million. In 2006 citizens reelected President Idriss Deby, leader of the Patriotic Salvation Movement (MPS), to a third term in what unofficial observers characterized as an orderly but seriously flawed election boycotted by the opposition. Deby has ruled the country since taking power in a 1990 coup. Political power remained concentrated in the hands of a northern oligarchy composed of the president's Zaghawa ethnic group and its allies. The executive branch dominated the legislature and judiciary. Despite 2006 and 2007 peace accords with rebel groups, fighting between the government and rebels continued and resulted in civilian deaths and the widespread destruction of homes and property during the year. Rebels attacked N'Djamena in February, as well as locations in the east in June. The government supported Sudanese rebels. Violent interethnic conflict, banditry, and cross-border raids by Darfur-based militias continued. Civilians were killed, and an estimated 185,000 have been internally displaced as a result of violence. Approximately 250,000 Sudanese refugees who had fled from violence in Darfur lived in camps along the border.On March 15,the European Union Force (EUFOR) in Chad, whose mandate includes protecting civilians, including internally displaced persons (IDPs) and refugees, and facilitating the delivery of humanitarian assistance in the east, reached operational capacity.Civilian authorities did not maintain effective control of the security forces.
    [Show full text]
  • Le Tchad De Hissène Habré 1982 –1990
    HUMAN RIGHTS LA PLAINE WATCH DES MORTS Le Tchad de Hissène Habré 1982 –1990 Fédération Internationale des ligues des Droits de l’Homme Association des Victimes des Crimes du Régime de Hissène Habré Association Tchadienne pour la Promotion et la Défense des Droits de l’Homme Human Rights Data Analysis Group La Plaine des Morts Le Tchad de Hissène Habré 1982-1990 Écrit par Olivier Bercault en collaboration avec Reed Brody Basé sur les recherches de Olivier Bercault Reed Brody Maria Koulouris Martien Schotsmans Human Rights Watch Avec la participation de : Fédération Internationale des ligues des Droits de l’Homme Association des Victimes des Crimes du Régime de Hissène Habré Association Tchadienne pour la Promotion et la Défense des Droits de l’Homme Human Rights Data Analysis Group © 2013 Human Rights Watch Tous droits réservés pour tous pays. BLACK PRINT CPI IBÉRICA Sant Andreu de la Barca Espagne ISBN: 978-1-62313-0626 Couverture : Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch se consacre à protéger les droits humains des personnes à travers le monde. Nous nous rallions aux vic- times et aux militants pour prévenir la discrimination, défendre les libertés politiques, protéger les populations contre les com- portements inhumains en temps de guerre, et réclamer la traduction en justice des criminels. Nous menons des enquêtes, exposons au grand jour les atteintes aux droits humains et récla- mons des comptes aux auteurs de ces violations. Nous exerçons des pressions sur les gouvernements et les détenteurs du pouvoir afin qu’ils mettent un terme aux pratiques répressives et respec- tent le droit international des droits humains.
    [Show full text]