[Beilage 2 zu SM, Nr. 79/80, 1945]
[Seite: - 1 - ] REBIRTH of
GERMAN SOCIAL DEMOCRACY
R E P O R T of the Socialdemocratic Party Conference in Hanover, on 5th to 7th October, 1945
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CONTENTS
1. Preparatory Work
2. The First Central Party Conference
3. The Political Attitude of the Conference
4. Problems of Organisation
5. Relation to the Representative of the Party Executive in London
6. [ 7.!] Relations to the Communists
7. [ 6!] Amalgamation in the Socialist Camp
8. Absorption of the Emigration into the Work of the Party inside Germany
9. Tasks confronting the Party in the near Future
10. Final summing up
HANS VOGEL TO THE HANOVER PARTY CONFERENCE
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1. Preparatory work.
Immediately after the collapse of the Hitler regime and the military occupation of Germany by allied troops Social Democrats appeared in the field in all parts of Germany. Many of them worked with the Allies in the reconstruction of the German administration.
The rebirth of the party organization, however, became possible only after the allied military governments rescinded the ban on the political activities of the antifascist democratic parties.
The lifting of the ban on political activities occurred first in the Russian occupation zone on 10th June, 1945. On 15th June, 1945, a "Central Executive Committee of the Socialdemocratic Party of Germany" published in Berlin a first manifesto to Socialdemocrats, calling for the formation of party groups and for the enlistment of members. The members of the central executive committee are socialdemocrats who before 1933 or during the time of illegality, have been active for the party. A short time after the appearance of the manifesto, the central executive committee was able to publish a daily paper: "Das Volk". The setting up of the party organization progressed very speedily in Berlin and the other districts of the Russian occupation zone, supported by the formation of provisional district executive committees. By the end of September Greater-Berlin organization had 70.000 registered members.
Immediately after its formation the central executive committee formed a working committee together with the central committee of the Communist Party of Germany. The executive of this Joint Working Committee consists of five members of each of the two parties.
On 14th July 1945, the four parties, permitted in the Russian occupation zone (Socialdemocratic Party, Communist Party, Christian-Democratic Union and Liberal-Democratic Party), formed a "United Front of the antifascist parties". This United Front was led by a joint committee consisting of 5 representatives of each of the four parties.
The independence of the Socialdemocratic Party organization is not infringed upon by the joint committee with the Communist party nor by the United Front with
[Seite im Original:] - 3 - the other anti-fascist parties.
The Central Executive Committee of the Socialdemocratic Party of Germany led by its chairmen: Otto Grotewohl and Max Fechner, tried to get in touch with the comrades in the other occupation zones and with the representatives of the Party Executive, which had been elected in 1933, and who are now living in London. But otherwise their activities were limited to the Russian occupation zone.
In the British, American and French occupation zones the ban on political activities and on the formation of political parties was lifted considerably later - not before September 1945. And even then only local or district organizations of the party were permitted. A central executive may be set up only after the organizations have been built up locally. Nevertheless the organization of the Socialdemocratic Party in the western occupation zones developed very quickly.
Everywhere Socialdemocrats formed local groups in order to apply to the military authorities for a permit to set up a party organization. This work was considerably furthered by an exchange of experiences inside the different districts and among the different provisional district executives.
The comrades and organizations in the western zones made comrade Dr. Kurt Schumacher their central representative and adviser, who gave them valuable political and administrative help by his personal contact with the different comrades and by an extensive correspondence.
Comrade Schumacher was one of the most active younger politicians inside the German Socialdemocratic Party before 1933. Despite severe wounds received during the first world war - he lost his right arm - he fought courageously against the National Socialist Party, in close comradeship with Carlo Mierendorff. After Hitler came to power, Schumacher was arrested and for ten years, from 1933 to 1943, the Nazis kept him in concentration camps, where he was ill treated and tortured. In the camp, Schumacher gained the confidence and admiration of his antifascist fellow-prisoners through his upright and firm attitude. In 1943, after his release from concentration camp, he was not allowed to
[Seite im Original:] - 4 - return to his homeland, Wurttemberg, but had to stay in Hanover.
Owing to his initiative, supported by active young Hanoverian comrades, Hanover became the provisional centre of the Party in the Western zones in Summer 1945. One of the main causes for the differentiation in the development of party organizations in the western zones, is the fact that parties have been permitted in the western zones only quite recently.
But reports received from all districts agree that almost all the former party members are returning to the party and that the party's position among the politically interested people is very favourable.
For the time being the activities of the party in the western zones are limited to the rebuilding of the organization and to verbal information, as the publication of a party paper has not yet been permitted.
2. The first central party conference
Immediately after the formation of political parties had been permitted in the western zones, Schumacher prepared with the district representatives a first central party conference for the 5th, 6th and 7th October at Kloster Wennigsen, a small place near Hanover.
Invitations to the conference were sent to the delegates of the districts in the western zones and besides to the members of the Party Executive, now living in London: Hans Vogel, Erich Ollenhauer, Fritz Heine and also Erwin Schoettle, formerly Stuttgart. The Central Executive committee in Berlin was also informed. Originally it was planned to hold the conference with the party representatives from all the western zones. In three days of discussions all topical political questions were to be dealt with. At the very last minute these arrangements had to be changed by order of the military government. They were only permitted to hold a one day conference of the delegates from the British zone together with the guests from London. In addition, Dr. Schumacher was allowed to have private conversations with the delegates from the two other western zones. Despite these technical difficulties, the conference was
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Delegates from all party-districts in the Western zones were present. 18 former party districts were represented and in addition also Lübeck, which formerly belonged to the Mecklenburg-Lübeck district, and is now in the Russian zone.
Each district was allowed to send three delegates to the talks, but most of the districts had sent a further number of guest delegates, many Socialdemocrats among them, who are now holding important posts in the new German administration.
Part of the delegates were comrades, who had already a leading position in the Socialdemocratic Party before 1933, and who now, in spite of advanced age, had begun immediately to rebuild the party. Among others were present the former Members of the Reichstag: Karl Schreck - Bielefeld, Josef Simon - Nuremberg, Hans Lau - Hanover, Henssler - Dortmund, Martin Treu - Nuremberg, the present Lord Mayor of Nuremberg, Kaisen, the present Mayor of Bremen. Carl Severing - Bielefeld was prevented from attending the conference by the sudden death of his wife. Apart from the "old ones", the "middle-aged" were prevalent, mainly former functionaries of the Socialist Youth Movement and the "Red Falcons", who are now holding responsible posts in the party organization.
The comrades Erich Ollenhauer, Fritz Heine und Erwin Schoettle had come from London. Hans Vogel was prevented from attending through a serious illness which led to his death on 6th October. The comrades Otto Grotewohl, Max Fechner und Gustav Dahrendorf had come from Berlin.
The Conference was held in a hall, decorated with flowers, red flags and a large picture of Karl Marx. For most of the delegates this was the first free conference and free exchange of opinion in twelve years. Most of them had spent the time of the Nazi regime in imprisonment, many had been in concentration camps or prison for six, eight or ten years. The joy about the meeting after so many years was intermingled with deep sadness because so many, many good comrades did not live to see this day: those who had been
[Seite im Original:] - 6 - executed or tortured to death or had died a natural death in this long interval of twelve years. The technical problems of such a conference are almost insoluble under present circumstances in Germany. Travelling facilities for the delegates, their billeting and feeding called for such an extent of organization, ingenuity and foresight, the like of which can hardly be imagined by an outsider. The solution was possible only thanks to the exemplary solidarity of the comrades in Hanover and the surrounding localities.
On the evening of the 6th October all the delegates were invited to attend a ceremony arranged in their honour. The "workers'" choir and the "Workers' orchestra" gave their best. In fact they were so excellent that it was almost unbelievable that singers and musicians had only restarted their activities four weeks ago. When, after so many years, the workers' choir sang again in public the "Sozialistenmarsch", most of the audience could not help crying.
3. The political attitude of the conference
The conference did not pass any resolutions. The delegates expressed their agreement with the principle of the main speech, which comrade Schumacher made at the conference of the delegates from the British zone and which he repeated in his talks with the delegates from the American and French zone. He said i.a.:
"The tasks confronting today all honest democrats in Germany are so gigantic that they seem to many quite insoluble. The Socialdemocrats who during these last 12 years, have stood firm by their ideals in spite of untold sufferings and countless victims, must not shrink from this task. It would be erroneous to believe that Nazism and Militarism are already completely routed in Germany. They have only been weakened through the collapse of the dictatorship. Many of the guilty pretend nothing has happened and they hope that after some time has elapsed their chance will come again. But they are mistaken. Too much has happened. The Nationalsocialists have destroyed Germany and they have flooded the world with their lies and crimes. All honest German democrats,
[Seite im Original:] - 7 - and especially all German Socialdemocrats have the duty to bring home to the guilty that their crimes will not go unpunished."
Dr. Schumacher spoke on the problems of the reconstruction of German economic life, the solution of which will decide whether Germany will become morally and politically healthy or whether Germany will turn into a European centre of unrest. In this connection, he quoted the British Foreign Secretary, Bevin, who had said that - though it was necessary to deprive Germany of her war potentials - it was impossible to starve to death a nation of sixty million people, in the heart of Europe.
Though Germany will have to extend her agricultural sector after the abolition of her war industries, even agriculture cannot live without an industry producing export goods in order to receive the necessary raw materials. In international politics the Socialdemocratic Party stands for an uncompromising peace policy. The party considers the cooperation of the three great powers one of the prerequisites for the safeguarding of peace which is of vital necessity especially for Germany.
Today the Socialdemocratic Party is on its way to become the strongest political force in Germany. It will have to throw open wide its doors, for today many of those who so far have stood aside consider it the only force able to find a way to a new life. The Socialdemocratic Party can win these circles only if it recognises that the wish for socialism springs from diverse sources.
Based on these ideas, the numerous present-day inner-German problems were discussed in the conference and in the private talks: cooperation with the occupation authorities, reconstruction of the new German administration, eradication of Nazi influence, preparations for a democratic self-administration, questions of reconstruction, above all the problem of food supplies and housing and education.
Comrade Erich Ollenhauer took part in the discussion at the conference and stressed especially that the German Problems were closely linked to the international situation.
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The conference was agreed on the fact that for the time being it is not yet possible to lay down a programme of party policies but they were unanimous in the opinion that the party ought to press for extensive socialisation.
4. Problems of Organization.
The conference was a clear proof of the vitality of the Socialdemocratic Party. The spokesmen of the party are mainly the former functionaries and members. Old and young comrades are competing in the task of developing as quickly as possible an effective party organization. However, there is a very serious problem in finding substitutes for those who died, who have been killed during the war or who are still prisoners of war. Today we see in Germany the rebirth of the Socialdemocratic Party with its great tradition and its democratic-socialist aims. The party develops as the centre of activity for the old members who are happy to be able once again to show freely their membership cards which for twelve years they had hidden from the Gestapo. They insist in paying up their membership fees which they could not pay during the last twelve years, they want to show that there has been no gap in their membership.
At the same time the reborn party is also a new party, a party whose spokesmen recognize clearly that it has to learn its lesson from the past and from the experiences under dictatorship, so that it will be able to stand up to the difficult struggles of the future. The party tries to find out which new means will be necessary to solve the new problems, with which the turn in the history of the German people confronts German democrats and socialists. Time is still too short to have ready clear out and precise ideas, but the readiness for such a spiritual- political renewal exists.
The most pressing problem confronting the party as an organization was the creation of a new central party organization for the whole Germany. The conference was unanimous in its demand for a unified Germany, and they were agreed to set up a central party organization for the whole of Germany as soon as possible.
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This aim is opposed by Germany's division into four occupation zones and by the lack of a unified policy of the occupation powers towards Germany. The Berlin delegation, led by comrade Grotewohl, was of the opinion that the Berlin Central Executive Committee, enlarged by representatives from the western zones and by the London representatives of the old Party executive, should be set up as the provisional central headquarters of the Party.
The delegates from the western zones were of the opinion that the time had not yet come to set up a central headquarter of the party - even if it was only provisional. The discussions on this question which were carried out by all concerned in a spirit of friendship and party loyalty, led to the following agreement: a party conference would be called as soon as possible. This conference would pass resolutions on the politics and the programme of the party, it would elect the new executive and determine the seat of party headquarters. Until that date and as long as there was no central German Government and administration, the central executive committee in Berlin, headed by comrade Grotewohl, would represent the party in the Russian occupation zone, whilst comrade Schumacher in Hanover is the representative of the party in the western zones. Means and ways are to be found to make the cooperation between these two party representatives as close as possible.
5. Relation to the Representatives of the Party in London.
The central committee in Berlin and the representatives of the party in the western zones recognize the validity of the mandate of the party executive, elected in April 1933. They accept the wish of the party executive representatives to hand back their mandate to the first party conference, together with a report on their activities in the emigration, and thus to conclude their trusteeship for the party. Regardless of the conclusion of this trusteeship, the participation of
[Seite im Original:] - 10 - the representatives of the party executive in the work of party-reconstruction in Germany is now urgently needed. It was agreed that comrades Ollenhauer and Heine should return to Germany for good as soon as possible. Insofar as the representatives of the executive in London are representing party interests abroad - until the handing back of their mandate to a party conference - they are authorized to speak in the name of the party now being reconstructed in Germany.
6. Amalgamation in the Socialist Camp.
Comrades who before 1933 or during the time of illegality belonged to the Socialist Workers Party (SAP) and to the Militant Socialists (ISK) attended the Hanover conference either as delegates or as guests. This fact illustrated the new trend in the reconstruction of the party.
The recognition that German Socialists will only be able to face the heavy tasks of the future if they form a close phalanx of free and democratic socialism, politically and as an organization, has resulted in this gratifying development. Cooperation during the times of illegality and the successful work of the Union in London have helped to bring about this result.
All parts of the reborn socialdemocracy are aware of the fact that the new party - in addition to the utmost firmness and unity in action - will have to exercise tolerance in all things pertaining to its internal organizational and intellectual activities. This entitles us to hope that the new party will become the centre of all active forces of democratic socialism.
[Spendenaufruf]
Contributions towards the cost of this report and our activities will be received with gratitude by
Wilhelm Sander, 33, Fernside Ave., London, N.W.7.
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7. Relations to the Communists
Quite naturally relations to the communists were one of the prominent problems discussed at the conference and the private talks.
Everybody agreed that in the early days after the collapse of the Hitler regime the wish to overcome the cleavage inside the working class movement by setting up one unified party was very strong inside the Socialdemocratic Party. The recognition that the split of the workingclass has had disastrous consequences in the past is not disputed by anyone, and the wish to prevent a new split by the creation of a unified party, was highly popular.
The Berlin Central Executive Committee met this demand by the formation of a joint working committee with the communist, and by the announcement of discussions of ideological differences which are a bar to unification. In the western zones too joint working committees have been formed with the communists in some places or practical common action has been taken to overcome certain problems of daily life. But the development was not uniform. There are places and districts which are opposed to any sort of collaboration with the communists.
For the time being the hope for healing the split inside the working class movement has been destroyed to a very great extent by the attitude of the communist party apparatus. The party-political exploitation of the cooperation of the Berlin Socialdemocrats through communist leaflets and newspapers on leading socialdemocrats, the communists' unscrupulous wooing of former Nazis, their dilatory attitude in all vital questions of socialist policy and their dependence on foreign influences have again strengthened the Socialdemocrats' mistrust of the communist party apparatus and have again reawakened doubts whether it would be at all possible to cooperate with the communists even in tactical questions. The Hanover conference has passed no official resolutions on this question. But all delegates were united in the following opinion:
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The question of an amalgamation of the Socialdemocratic Party with the Communist Party in all parts of Germany is at present not under discussion.
There may be differences of opinion on the possibilities of such amalgamation, but they are all agreed that this question can only be decided at a central party conference for the whole of the country. Furthermore there was complete agreement on the fact that this question can only be decided by taking into account the developments in the international working class movement. The question of the amalgamation of communists and socialdemocrats is not a German problem, but an international one.
As regards practical collaboration in all the urgent problems of the day, especially in the desperate times during the coming winter months, cooperation with the communists is considered on the same basis as that with the other permitted anti- fascist parties. As far as a common basis can be found for this kind of work it is to be sought with all permitted antifascist parties. In this cooperation the party insists on its complete political and organizational independence and on the loyal adherence to the principles agreed upon for the collaboration. All attempts at enforcing unity "from below" against the party leaders, which are only too well remembered from the past, can only lead to the destruction of the confidence necessary for this unity.
The methods used in the attempts to clarify the relation to the communists or to examine the chances of a fruitful cooperation are different in the different places. But the party is united in its will to do everything possible to overcome the split in the working class movement. It is, however, also unanimous in its conviction, that a permanent and effective unity can be achieved only, if there is agreement on the great socialist aims, and if the party is organized according to democratic principles, giving the final say on the direction of the party's policy to the members themselves.
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8. Absorption of the emigration into the work of the party inside Germany.
There is no hostility in the party against the political emigration. Not in each case are the comrades convinced of the necessity for emigration, but they want those comrades who are willing to give their services to the party, to return as soon as possible.
The shortage of suitable people inside the party and in the public administration is so great, that every willing and suitable person is wanted urgently. Precondition is, of course, that the returning comrades try to attune themselves to the changed circumstances. Their position inside the party will depend solely on the work they will be doing for the party after their return. An agreement has been reached with the leading comrades inside Germany that the return of the political emigration will be organized in such a way as to enable them to take over soon after their return positions for which they are suitable. It goes without saying that this will be possible only when the guest countries and the military governments in the different occupation zones will have either lifted or relaxed the present rulings. The comrades inside Germany as well as the representatives of the party abroad will endeavour in the near future, to take all the necessary steps.
9. Tasks confronting the party in the near future.
A great number of practical tasks which the party will have to master in the very near future were discussed in a number of conversations.
To mention only a few: Preparation of the publication of socialdemocratic papers, claims for the handing back of party property, stolen by the Nazis, organization of the Arbeiterwohlfahrt (workers welfare organization), preparation of the party in the new German self-administration, consolidation of local
[Seite im Original:] - 14 - and district party organizations on the basis of internal party democracy, preparation of educational work, preparation of future programmatic party declarations, etc. ...
10. Final summing up.
The Hanover Conference was the first conference of the party since the collapse of the Hitler regime. It took place a few weeks after the occupation authorities had granted permission for the party to re-start its work. The conference was prepared by an improvised party apparatus and had to carry on work under extreme technical handicaps. It took place at a time when the fate of Germany and of the German working class is still completely in the dark. The party is confronting a national catastrophe unique in modern history.
The men and women who gathered together in Hanover have no illusions about the seriousness of the problem.
Nevertheless they are decided to shoulder this heavy task of trying to make impossible for all times a return of nationalsocialism and its capitalist and militarist helpmates, and to build a new and socialist Germany, which will be able to take her place as a respected and recognized partner in the community of free peoples.
They draw strength from the trust of millions of men and women in Germany who hope that the Socialdemocratic Party will succeed in finding a way from the misery of the total collapse into a peaceful and better future. The German socialdemocrats are resolved to prove their deeds that they are worthy of this confidence.
The German socialdemocrats know that they will have to rely on themselves in the first place and that the new trust which the new German working class movement needs must be gained by deeds. Nevertheless there is no doubt that the German working class movement will only be able to reach their goal, when they are being supported by an international policy, which encourages and supports the democratic and peaceful forces inside Germany.
London, 21st October, 1945.
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HANS VOGEL TO THE HANOVER PARTY CONFERENCE
Hans Vogel was prevented by his illness to attend the Hanover Conference. When it was sure that he would not be able to travel, he sent a written message to the conference on 23rd September in the name of the party executive. A tragic fate made this also his last political declaration. The organizers of the conference duplicated the message and handed it to each delegate. This is what it says:
"First of all we send greetings to the comrades at the conference and to the comrades in the country, whom they represent, and we wish that your work may be wholly successful.
We congratulate you on your energetic initiative and your intention to rebuild the Socialdemocratic party organization as quickly as possible. News from all parts of the Reich have shown us that the majority of our members have remained faithful to their socialist ideals. This steadfastness gives us great hope and encouragement for the future of the party.
But we also have to mourn many a grievous loss. We are united with you in the memory of all those who went to their death as victims of fascism. Many of you have shared with them the errors and suffering in the torture-chambers of the Third Reich. Therefore you know much better than we and the world outside Germany, what it means to remain faithful and to fight loyally for the cause of peace and freedom under a system of total dictatorship. Together with you we are thinking of the countless victims of the Hitlerite policy of war and oppression all over the globe. We think of those who mourn the death of their dear ones, whose families have been parted, whose homes and belongings have been destroyed or who are now dragging along the highroads in homeless misery.
Your conference is taking place at a crucial turning point in the history of the German people. The party's rebirth is taking place under completely new conditions.
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We have been unable to regain the freedom of organization and of democratic political thought by our own efforts. The collapse of the Hitler-dictatorship has been the result of an overwhelming defeat of the German armies. The war, unleashed by the Hitler regime has led to the doom of the dictatorship itself. The heritage left to the German people by the Hitler regime is chaos and destruction inside the country and isolation, distrust and hatred abroad. Today Germany does not possess any state sovereignty. Her State frontiers and her entire internal life are fixed by the decisions of the Allies.
To a great extent it will depend on the efforts of the German people themselves, whether and when they will succeed in regaining their self-administration and their self-determination and in returning into the family of nations as a respected and trusted partner. We believe that it will be mainly the task of a renewed Socialdemocratic party to win the majority of the German people for a policy which has the honest wish of purging Germany of nazi and militarist influences, which wants to help repairing the damage caused by the Hitlerite war and wishes to develop a democratic and peaceful Germany.
We are of the opinion that the German people has no other way into a better future than a clear and unambiguous peace-policy abroad and an active democratic and social policy at home. But we are firmly convinced that the building of such a peaceful and democratic Germany will be successful only if Germany can go on existing as a political and economic whole and if she is linked again as quickly as possible to the economic, political and cultural life of Europe.
We will have to defend this policy of peace and good will against a new German nationalism. The party must oppose every attempt which aims at correcting the German fate by other than peaceful means. A new war is not a means to overcome the consequences of the defeat of the Hitler dictatorship. In our opinion the party ought to state its readiness to accept full responsibility for a policy of peaceful reconstruction of Germany and of Europe and in this sense it should cooperate with the occupation authorities. The party can, however, only accept this responsibility, if the Allies trust the German democratic forces represented by us and if they hand back to the German people
[Seite im Original:] - 17 - the internal and external sovereignty within the limits valid for all free peoples.
The task which we have set ourselves is a very heavy one owing to the present inner-German and international situation. Nevertheless we have to attempt a solution. For this we need a strong and effective party organization. The spontaneous reaction of our comrades towards the possibility of rebuilding the party, demonstrates the indestructible vitality of our movement. It is true, we have made mistakes in the past, and we are resolved to learn from these mistakes. But we are also proud of the great historical achievements of the German working class movement and we wish that this great tradition may live on in the new party.
At present it is still too early to talk in detail about the new party programme. We are not only confronted by a totally new situation inside ravaged Germany, but also by a completely changed distribution of power in the international field. Besides we are witnessing a profound spiritual crisis of European civilisation with which democratic socialism in all countries will have to grapple. For this reason we must not neglect the necessary spiritual renewal besides the building of our party organization as a necessary instrument of our policy. We need the complete readiness and openmindedness of the new party and its leadership for the spiritual and political problems of the present so that the new German working class movement may again link up with the spiritual struggles of our time and contribute towards their clarification and solution.
Already at this early date the party ought to endeavour to become the rallying point for all those from all ranks of the people, who desire to fight for the freedom and the dignity of the individual and against arbitrariness and lawlessness. In the same spirit we ought to endeavour, to unite inside the socialist camp all those who believe in democratic socialism. We are convinced that such a unity could be achieved very quickly.
The party's future relation to the communists cannot be determined on a local or district basis.
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A genuine solution of this problem must be preceded by the clarification of a number of vital problems. This, however, can only be accomplished at a Reich Conference for the entire party, which will have to take place later on. The problem must also be solved in consideration of the development in the international working class movement.
We want that our comrades in the western occupation zones leave nothing untried to get in touch with the Berlin party organization for a permanent and comradely exchange of views. We all must aim at a unified party organization for the entire Reich, which will have to be created on the basis of mutual agreement. In this connection we ask to consider all decisions in the western zones, concerning organization and leadership of the party, as provisional decisions.
We hope that your conference will be an important step in the direction of a new party, built on an internal party democracy. Policy and leadership of the party can, in our opinion, be finally laid down only through a party conference, elected democratically by the party members.
We have attempted with this letter to contribute to your discussions. We did so as the representatives of the party which - since 1933 - has tried abroad to give voice to the opinions and achievements of the party and to speak for the comrades inside Germany who were muzzled by the dictatorship.
With the party's return to legality our mission is drawing to a close. We hope that we will soon be able to give account for our activities to our comrades at home and to hand back to them our mandate. It is our urgent wish then to work again in the ranks of our comrades in Germany for our common cause."
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(Issued by the Executive Committee of the Social Democratic Party of Germany, at present in
London, N.W.7., 3, Fernside Avenue)
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