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Otto Grotewohl (1894-1964): Eine Politische Biographie'
H-German Roth on Hoffmann, 'Otto Grotewohl (1894-1964): Eine politische Biographie' Review published on Friday, November 19, 2010 Dierk Hoffmann. Otto Grotewohl (1894-1964): Eine politische Biographie. Munich: R. Oldenbourg Verlag, 2009. viii + 721 pp. Pictures, notes, list of abbreviations, bibliography, name index. EUR 69.80 (cloth), ISBN 978-3-486-59032-6. Reviewed by Gary Roth (Rutgers University at Newark) Published on H-German (November, 2010) Commissioned by Benita Blessing Against the Stream Otto Grotewohl, the first president of the German Democratic Republic, was one of the few socialists to embrace the Soviet system in the post-World War II era. Grotewohl was an anomaly, and he has puzzled observers ever since. A prominent and committed Social Democrat over many decades, he nonetheless supported the drive for a combined Social Democratic-Communist Party, pushed through this unification despite considerable opposition in the Soviet and Allied zones of occupation, and then, to the renewed shock of his colleagues, helped purge the new party of members who equivocated at Soviet dominance and the replacement of the electoral system by an elite political cadre. During an era when Stalinist politics were characterized by unceasing defections, Grotewohl moved in the opposite direction. Discerning his motives has not been easy. Grotewohl discussed his political trajectory neither in letters, nor in memoirs. From Dierk Hoffmann's biography emerges an understanding in which Grotewohl's belated embrace of Stalinism was quite consistent with the social democratic practices he had followed previously. No great divide existed between these two worlds. To explain this requires a close examination of Grotewohl's personal and political trajectory, to which Dierk Hoffmann's excessive, yet extremely informative, biography is dedicated. -
March 26, 1948 Record of a Conversation Between I. V. Stalin and the Leaders of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany, Wilhelm Pieck and Otto Grotewohl
Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified March 26, 1948 Record of a conversation between I. V. Stalin and the Leaders of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany, Wilhelm Pieck and Otto Grotewohl Citation: “Record of a conversation between I. V. Stalin and the Leaders of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany, Wilhelm Pieck and Otto Grotewohl,” March 26, 1948, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, APRF. F. 45. Op. 1. D. 303. pp. 24-49. http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/123209 Summary: Stalin, Pieck, and Grotewohl have a lengthy conversation about the Soviet Zone of Occupation and the activities of the Socialist Unity Party. Original Language: Russian Contents: English Translation Record of a conversation between Cde. I. V. Stalin and the leaders of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany Wilhelm Pieck and Otto Grotewohl, 26 March 1948, at 1900 hours Top Secret Present: V. M. Molotov, A. A. Zhdanov, G. M. Malenkov, V. S. Semenov (SVAG [Soviet Military Administration in Germany]), and interpreters - G. Ya. Korotkevich and F. Elsner. PIECK thanked I. V. Stalin for the welcome and also for the aid which the Soviet Military Administration in Germany gives the SED [Socialist Unity Party]. I. V. STALIN asks whether the Military Administration is actually giving aid or if this is a compliment. PIECK and GROTEWOHL say that they are actually receiving aid. STALIN, joking, asks again, does this mean that they don't just oppress you, but also give aid? PIECK, laughing, confirms [this]. Then he says that he will describe political issues and Grotewohl economic [ones]. -
German History Reflected
The Detlev Rohwedder Building German history reflected GFE = 1/2 Formathöhe The Detlev Rohwedder Building German history reflected Contents 3 Introduction 44 Reunification and Change 46 The euphoria of unity 4 The Reich Aviation Ministry 48 A tainted place 50 The Treuhandanstalt 6 Inception 53 The architecture of reunification 10 The nerve centre of power 56 In conversation with 14 Courage to resist: the Rote Kapelle Hans-Michael Meyer-Sebastian 18 Architecture under the Nazis 58 The Federal Ministry of Finance 22 The House of Ministries 60 A living place today 24 The changing face of a colossus 64 Experiencing and creating history 28 The government clashes with the people 66 How do you feel about working in this building? 32 Socialist aspirations meet social reality 69 A stroll along Wilhelmstrasse 34 Isolation and separation 36 Escape from the state 38 New paths and a dead-end 72 Chronicle of the Detlev Rohwedder Building 40 Architecture after the war – 77 Further reading a building is transformed 79 Imprint 42 In conversation with Jürgen Dröse 2 Contents Introduction The Detlev Rohwedder Building, home to Germany’s the House of Ministries, foreshadowing the country- Federal Ministry of Finance since 1999, bears wide uprising on 17 June. Eight years later, the Berlin witness to the upheavals of recent German history Wall began to cast its shadow just a few steps away. like almost no other structure. After reunification, the Treuhandanstalt, the body Constructed as the Reich Aviation Ministry, the charged with the GDR’s financial liquidation, moved vast site was the nerve centre of power under into the building. -
Bulletin 10-Final Cover
COLD WAR INTERNATIONAL HISTORY PROJECT BULLETIN Issue 10 Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, Washington, D.C. March 1998 Leadership Transition in a Fractured Bloc Featuring: CPSU Plenums; Post-Stalin Succession Struggle and the Crisis in East Germany; Stalin and the Soviet- Yugoslav Split; Deng Xiaoping and Sino-Soviet Relations; The End of the Cold War: A Preview COLD WAR INTERNATIONAL HISTORY PROJECT BULLETIN 10 The Cold War International History Project EDITOR: DAVID WOLFF CO-EDITOR: CHRISTIAN F. OSTERMANN ADVISING EDITOR: JAMES G. HERSHBERG ASSISTANT EDITOR: CHRISTA SHEEHAN MATTHEW RESEARCH ASSISTANT: ANDREW GRAUER Special thanks to: Benjamin Aldrich-Moodie, Tom Blanton, Monika Borbely, David Bortnik, Malcolm Byrne, Nedialka Douptcheva, Johanna Felcser, Drew Gilbert, Christiaan Hetzner, Kevin Krogman, John Martinez, Daniel Rozas, Natasha Shur, Aleksandra Szczepanowska, Robert Wampler, Vladislav Zubok. The Cold War International History Project was established at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington, D.C., in 1991 with the help of the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation and receives major support from the MacArthur Foundation and the Smith Richardson Foundation. The Project supports the full and prompt release of historical materials by governments on all sides of the Cold War, and seeks to disseminate new information and perspectives on Cold War history emerging from previously inaccessible sources on “the other side”—the former Communist bloc—through publications, fellowships, and scholarly meetings and conferences. Within the Wilson Center, CWIHP is under the Division of International Studies, headed by Dr. Robert S. Litwak. The Director of the Cold War International History Project is Dr. David Wolff, and the incoming Acting Director is Christian F. -
Dierk Hoffmann, Otto Grotewohl (1894-1964)
Format de citation LaPorte, Norman: Rezension über: Dierk Hoffmann, Otto Grotewohl (1894-1964). Eine politische Biographie, München: Oldenbourg, 2009, in: German Historical Institute London Bulletin, Vol. XXXIII (2011), 1, S. 132-137, DOI: 10.15463/rec.1189742156 First published: German Historical Institute London Bulletin, Vol. XXXIII (2011), 1 copyright Cet article peut être téléchargé et/ou imprimé à des fins privées. Toute autre reproduction ou représentation, intégrale ou substantielle de son contenu, doit faire l'objet d'une autorisation (§§ 44a-63a UrhG / German Copyright Act). DIERK HOFFMANN, Otto Grotewohl (1894–1964): Eine politische Bio - gra phie, Quellen und Darstellungen zur Zeitgeschichte, 74 (R. Olden - bourg Verlag: Munich, 2009), viii + 721 pp. ISBN 978 3 486 59032 6. €69.80 On a fact-finding tour of the Eastern Bloc in 1954, the British Labour MP Desmond Donnelly had a two-hour long meeting with Otto Grotewohl in his capacity as head of the GDR government. The East German Minister President made a broadly positive impression on Donnelly, who noted: ‘In manner he [Grotewohl] was a mild person. His immaculate dove-grey suit, dove-grey shoes and rimless specta- cles made him look like a prosperous American.’ The substance of the discussion, in Donnelly’s view, was also punctuated by some encouraging aspects, in particular, Grotewohl’s readiness to express ‘outright a sense of remorse’ for the war—a sentiment conspicuous by its absence during the MP’s recent visit to Bonn.1 In his articles for the British press and the books he subsequently published, Donnelly appeared unaware of Grotewohl’s political past as a Social Democrat; he was merely described as the ‘communist head of state’. -
The German Question in Jakarta Indonesia in West German Foreign Policy, 1955-1965.”
H-Diplo H-Diplo Article Review 911 on Till Florian Tömmel. “The German Question in Jakarta Indonesia in West German foreign policy, 1955-1965.” Discussion published by George Fujii on Friday, December 13, 2019 H-Diplo Article Review No. 911 13 December 2019 Article Review Editors: Thomas Maddux and Diane Labrosse Web and Production Editor: George Fujii Till Florian Tömmel. “The German Question in Jakarta Indonesia in West German foreign policy, 1955-1965.” Cold War History19:1 (2019): 119-140. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1080/14682745.2018.1504777 URL: https://hdiplo.org/to/AR911 Review by Armin Grünbacher, University of Birmingham Till Florian Tömmel’s article is a welcome supplement to the slowly growing literature on West German foreign policy during the Cold War era. It is an excellent addition to the research into the application of the Hallstein Doctrine toward Third World countries, in this case Indonesia, which, along with Egypt and India, was a key player in the non-aligned and anti-colonialism movement. The Hallstein Doctrine stated that the Federal Republic (FRG) would regard the recognition of the German Democratic Republic (GDR) by any country as an unfriendly act and thus terminate diplomatic relations with that country. The Doctrine, which had been drafted by Deputy State Secretary Herbert Blankenhorn (and not State Secretary Walter Hallstein as its name suggested), had become necessary after West German Chancellor Konrad Adenauer’s state visit to Moscow in September 1955, after which the Federal Republic and the Soviet Union established diplomatic relations. However, doing so meant that the FRG now had diplomatic relations with a country which had recognised the GDR. -
Phase I: Between Internal Consolidation and International Recognition
CHAPTER 5. Phase I: Between Internal Consolidation and International Recognition The following section contends with the GDR’s policy in Phase I, from 1945-49 to 1971-72. The phase can be divided into two sub-phases, before and after 1955, when the GDR, at least officially, was granted more autonomy in its foreign affairs. The early years of the GDR have to be considered of little relevance with regard to its international presence, as the Soviet Union exerted full control over the GDR’s foreign relations. However, to understand the social and political transformation from the former “German Reich” to the GDR and thus the socialist state- and nation-building process there, this period is briefly sketched out, with a focus on the role of the Soviet Union. 1. THE SOViet Union and THE Warsaw Pact: IN THE Beginning THere was Moscow In the beginning there was Moscow. Without doubt, this was just as true for foreign policy as for any other policy field in the East German state. After Stalin had given up his hopes for an expansion of its Soviet system over all occupied zones, the full and final integration of the new partial state in the Soviet Occupied Zone (SBZ)1 became Moscow’s new primary objective, including the full control over the city of Berlin. Apart from numerous strategies toward the Western powers, Moscow applied extensive policies to ensure its control over the SBZ, and later on, the GDR. Wentker identifies three central policies: Direct military control, political and economic integration, and the policy of “Sovietization.”2 The policy of “Sovietization” can be subdivided into the “Sovietization” of society and of the “Sovietisation” political system, in which the latter was directed not only by Soviet functionaries but also by Germans on behalf of the Soviets: The new leadership in the SBZ had just returned from political exile in Moscow. -
<B><I>Joint Communiqu of the Soviet Union and the German
Volume 8. Occupation and the Emergence of Two States, 1945-1961 Soviet-German Communiqué (August 23, 1953) After the Soviet Union had failed in its attempts to move the Western powers toward negotiations on a peace treaty and on a neutralized, unified Germany, and after the June 17th workers’ uprising had laid bare the weakness of the Communist regime in the GDR, the Soviet Union and the GDR engaged in direct negotiations in August 1953. The Soviet Union used the opportunity to repeat its offer of a peace conference with the participation of a newly formed unified German government. At the same time, however, it also upgraded the GDR’s value as an independent state through an ambassador exchange. Moreover, it sought to solidify SED rule and to stabilize the regime’s economy by ending East German reparation payments, forgiving its debt, and providing it with shipments of goods and new loans. From August 20 to 22 negotiations took place in Moscow between the Soviet Government and the Governmental Delegation of the German Democratic Republic. On the Soviet side the following took part in the negotiations: The Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the U.S.S.R., G. M. Malenkov; the First Vice-Chairman of the Council of Ministers and Minister of Foreign Affairs of the U.S.S.R., V. M. Molotov; the Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, N. S. Khrushchev; the First Vice- Chairman of the Council of Ministers and Minister of Defense of the U.S.S.R., N. -
Nonviolent Struggle and the Revolution in East Germany
Nonviolent Struggle and the Revolution in East Germany Nonviolent Struggle and the Revolution in East Germany Roland Bleiker Monograph Series Number 6 The Albert Einstein Institution Copyright 01993 by Roland Bleiker Printed in the United States of America. Printed on Recycled Paper. The Albert Einstein Institution 1430 Massachusetts Avenue Cambridge, MA 02138 ISSN 1052-1054 ISBN 1-880813-07-6 CONTENTS Acknowledgments ................... .... ... .. .... ........... .. .. .................. .. .. ... vii Introduction ..............................................................................................1 Chapter 1 A BRIEF HISTORY OF DOMINATION, OPPOSITION, AND REVOLUTION IN EAST GERMANY .............................................. 5 Repression and Dissent before the 1980s...................................... 6 Mass Protests and the Revolution of 1989 .................................... 7 Chapter 2 THE POWER-DEVOLVING POTENTIAL OF NONVIOLENT S"I'RUGGLE................................................................ 10 Draining the System's Energy: The Role of "Exit" ...................... 10 Displaying the Will for Change: The Role of "Voice" ................ 13 Voluntary Servitude and the Power of Agency: Some Theoretical Reflections ..................................................15 Chapter 3 THE MEDIATION OF NONVIOLENT STRUGGLE: COMPLEX POWER RELATIONSHIPS AND THE ENGINEERING OF HEGEMONIC CONSENT ................................21 The Multiple Faces of the SED Power Base ..................................21 Defending Civil -
Reaching out to the Third World: East Germany's Anti-Apartheid and Socialist Human Rights Campaign in 1985, Desmond Tutu Compl
Reaching Out to the Third World: East Germany’s Anti-Apartheid and socialist human rights campaign* In 1985, Desmond Tutu complained in an interview with the West German magazine Der Spiegel that ‘everyone, who is against Apartheid, is labelled a communist in South Africa’.1 The Anglican bishop hoped to dispel Western fears of a communist take-over of South Africa in case the African National Congress (ANC) would overthrow the current regime. To make this point, he argued that the US, UK, France and other European countries had also accepted an alliance with the Soviet Union to defeat Nazi Germany. ‘The West did not turn communist just because it fought together with Russia against National Socialism. Why is it that it is always claimed that our people would turn communist only because it accepts aid from wherever it comes?’ Tutu instead saw the fight against Apartheid as a struggle for human rights. Yet, if the Western world perceived this struggle as a communist endeavour then his people might just have to conclude that ‘the enemy of your enemy is your friend’.2 The ANC had developed strong ties to socialist countries from the 1950s and 60s onwards, among them the German Democratic Republic (GDR). By speaking to a leading West German political magazine, Tutu reached out to a Western audience in advocating the Christian and human rights cause of his personal struggle against Apartheid. Implicitly, he also criticised states such as the Federal Republic, which had left the ANC little choice in choosing its allies by retaining economic ties to the South African regime. -
Complete Report
INTERNATIONAL CO N G RESS OF JURISTS WEST BERLIN 1952 Complete Report Discourses Pro tocols Printed by Rudolf Ofto, 63, Lutzowsfrcsse, Berlin W 35, Germony « The first greatINTERNATIONAL CONGRESS OF JURISTSfor the protection of Right against Systematic Injustice was recently held in West Berlin with the cooperation of Delegates from 43 countries, amongst whom were 31 Ministers and Statesmen, 32 Professors, 35 Presidents, Judges and Counsel in High Courts of Justice. The names of these Delegates warrant that the resolutions were passed by the Congress unprejudiced by political questions of the day and after scrupulous examination of the documentary material and the hearing of witnesses. The publication of this report is being done not for propaganda purposes, but with the object of spreading the truth in order to maintain and defend Law against an im minent danger not yet sufficiently understood by the Free World. Published by the International Commission- of Jurists 47, Buitenhof, The Hague, Netherlands Berlin■ Offices: 5, Lindenthaler Allee, Berlin-Zehlendorf-West, Germany i 1/0t f a k e tin likexhp to inform you that the Collection of Documents often referred to in this report as hearing the title “Injustice as a System” is in the original entitled “Injustice the Regime C ontents Page Page Part One: The Development of Public Law in Latvia, by M. C a k ste............................................................ 26 Preparation Legal Development in Estonia, , and Plenary Meetings of Congress by H. Mark ............................! ...................... ................ 27 FOURTH D A Y ................................................................... 30 IDEA AND PREPARATION ....................................... 1 Discussion and adoption of the Resolution of the Committee FIRST PLENARY MEETING...................................... -
Volume 9. Two Germanies, 1961-1989 Modifying the Hallstein Doctrine (June 4, 1969)
Volume 9. Two Germanies, 1961-1989 Modifying the Hallstein Doctrine (June 4, 1969) After intense debate within the coalition government, the governing parties agreed to modify the Hallstein Doctrine, which had been in effect since 1955. From that point on, international recognition of the GDR by third-party states was still interpreted as an “unfriendly act,” but it no longer led to an automatic severing of diplomatic ties by the Federal Republic. The Government of the Federal Republic Reaches a Declaration of Principle Regarding the Recognition of the GDR by Third-Party States after Discussion of the Hallstein Doctrine owing to the Recognition of the GDR by Cambodia, among others, and Freezes Relations with Cambodia [ . ] On May 20 [1969], according to the Bulletin , he [German foreign minister Willy Brandt] also explained before the Foreign Affairs Association [ Gesellschaft für Auslandskunde ] in Munich that the modus vivendi between the two parts of Germany is something that began with a minimum of harmony and needs to be patiently developed further. He will also not be able to avoid the difficult sphere of international relations, which used to be treated with the surgical scalpel of the so-called Hallstein Doctrine in a supposedly radical, but in any case rather undifferentiated manner. In view of the occasion, a few words on this problem are appropriate. Two countries, Iraq and Cambodia, have seen advantages in initiating diplomatic relations with the GDR. The government of the Federal Republic has responded. At first glance, its responses might seem like an automatic application of an outdated doctrine, but such a view would be wrong.