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Journalof Asianand African Studies V ol.34 (1999) pp. 1-3 INTRODUCTION: ASCETIC CULTURE: RENUNCIATIONAND WORDLYENGAGEMENT JORDAN PAPER EastAsian, Religious and Women’ s StudiesProgrammes, Y orkUniversity, T oronto,Canada [Noabstract available ]

Journalof Asianand African Studies V ol.34 (1999) pp. 4-18 ZOROASTRIAN PERCEPTION OFASCETIC CULTURE S.A.NIGOSIAN Departmentof Religion, University of T oronto,T oronto,Canada Thispaper is acriticalexamination of theguiding principle in Zoroastrianismon renunciationand worldlyengagement. The religious ideal of anascetic, hermit, mendicant, mystic, monk, and recluse, typicalin otherreligions, has no counterpart in Zoroastrianism. The reason for this difference, I shall argue,derives primarily from the basic ideals and concepts of virtueand righteousness in Zoroas- trianism.In fact, virtue and righteousness is equatedwith pleasure, enjoyment, upholding the Good Principle,and helping the world in its progress towards perfection — notwith self-denial, self- sacriŽce, self-injury, or the abandonment of theworld, all of which assist the Evil Principle.

Journalof Asianand African Studies V ol.34 (1999) pp. 19-32 TRADITION AND MODERNITY INPROTESTANT CHRISTIANITY ALAN DAVIES Departmentof Religion, University of T oronto,T oronto,Canada Protestantism,a relativelylate form of Christianity, accepts the principle of solascriptura as its essence.For the early reformers this was a creativeprinciple, but for subsequent generations it of- tenbecame a sterileorthodoxy, producing theological and moral rigidity. Hence a tensiondeveloped betweenbiblical literalism and the claims of modernity,including the rise of higher criticism. What isthetrue meaning of biblical authority in light of a rapidlychanging world? What are its impli- cationsfor the Christian lifestyle? Calvinism in particularconcerned itself with the latter question, infusinga strainof asceticism into the social order through its distinctive religious ethic. The later puritanextension of Calvinismleft an indelible mark on western society. Sometimes the puritan in- uencedegenerated into a narrowlegalism; sometimes it produced a deepand genuine godliness. Solascriptura canhave both effects — thisis the paradox of Protestantism.At itsmost profound, Protestantismrepresents a creativeiconoclasm. This is its genius and enduring strength.

Journalof Asianand African Studies V ol.34 (1999) pp. 33-45 THERAVADA BUDDHISM AND MODERNIZATION: ANAGARIKA DHAMMAPALA AND B.R.AMBEDKAR BALKRISHNA GOVIND GOKHALE ProfessorEmeritus, Department of Historyand Asian Studies, W akeUniversity, Winston-Salem, NC27106,U.S.A. Thetwentieth century saw a revivalof Buddhismin Sri Lanka and India. Though in bothcountries itwasan instrument of choice it playeddifferent roles. The Buddhist revival in Sri Lanka led by AnagarikaDhammapala (1864-1993) though a “spin-off”from the Theosophical movement, became 450 VOLUME 34 abasisfor the Simhala renaissance involving a restatementof thefaith and reafŽ rmation of its cultural values.In India Dr. B.R. Ambedkar(1891-1956) turned to Buddhism in hissearch for an alternate culturalidentity for millions of untouchables (particularly the Mahar community) in his rebellion againstthe Hindu caste system and its ancialliary social by-product, untouchability. In both cases whatwas once perceived as an ascetical and renunciatory paradigm was turned into an instrument of politicalaction and social activism.

Journalof Asianand African Studies V ol.34 (1999) pp. 46-55 EREMITISM INCHINA JORDAN PAPER EastAsian, Religious and Women’ s StudiesProgrammes, Y orkUniversity, T oronto,Canada Theascetic-eremitic life typical of the elite spirituality of Buddhism and pre-Protestant Christianity wasnot a partof Chinese culture prior to the introduction of Buddhism, and it has been viewed askancefrom the standpoint of normative Chinese values to the present. On the other hand, an unusualnon-ascetic eremitism has a historyin Chinathat precedes Buddhism. The equivalent of the eremiticlife in China into the present, for the elite, of course,was to refuseto holdgovernmental ofŽce or to be forced into retirement. This was a lifestyleunderstood as a religiousone — often relatedto ecstaticreligious experience — aswell as maintaining the highest ethical values. There wasno asceticism involved — indeed,such a lifewas often one devoted to aesthetic pursuits — exceptthe poverty that may follow from being unemployed.

Journalof Asianand African Studies V ol.34 (1999) pp. 56-67 “DEAD MENINSULTRY DARKNESS”: WESTERN THEORY AND THEPROBLEMATICOFABASELINECUL TURAL MOTIF INISLAMIC ASCETIC TRADITION EARLEH. WAUGH Departmentof Modern Languages and Comparative Studies, University of Alberta,Edmonton, Canada Inmy researches on the mystical chanters in Egypt and Morocco, I havehad to grapple with the problemof howto understand the whole culture of theascetic tradition in Islam. I haveconcluded thatthe usual procedures among Western social sciences lead to adistortionof thelived experience of the S. uf¯ ¯isand may not encapsulate Islamic tradition faithfully. This paper is an attempt to sketch a modiŽed approach. Thefocal point of thepaper is theclaim that the potential member is initiatedinto a coherentsocio- spiritualorganization that transcends the normal time/ spaceframework. It deals with issues of learn- ingthe code, with spiritual kin-group relationships and with the content of thespiritual cosmos. It suggeststhat the liturgical dimension of S . uŽ¯ sm is thecentral ingredient of anindependent-minded spiritualmovement; it both holds the disparate social elements together, and connects the ordinary worldwith the supernatural world in anapparentlyseamless manner.