Argument Relations in Abawiri How Abawiri Works Without Them
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Arguments in Abawiri (Foau) Does Abawiri have subjects? BRENDON YODER SIL International and University of California Santa Barbara WLP5, 17 JULY 2019 Outline ➢The Lakes Plain languages ➢Grammatical relations ➢Structures related to grammatical relations in Abawiri ➢Conclusion 2 The Lakes Plain Languages 3 https://www.ethnologue.com/map/ID_pnz The Lakes Plain languages ❑Reconstruction by Duane Clouse (1997) 5 Lakes Plain typological features ❑Phonology ➢ Very small consonant inventories, no nasals ➢ Extra-high “fricativized” vowels ➢ Complex tone, e.g. Iau (Bateman 1990), Doutai (Donohue et al. 2006), Edopi (Kim 1996), Sikaritai (Liem 2007), Abawiri (Yoder 2018) ❑Verbal morphology ➢ No person marking on the verb ➢ TAM marking via suffixes (tone in Iau) 6 Lakes Plain typological features ❑Syntax ➢ Verb-final ❑Discourse ➢ Topic-comment structure predominates 7 Grammatical relations 8 Grammatical relations ❑The syntactic relation between an argument and the clause it is in (Comrie 1989; Bickel 2010; inter alia) ❑Evidence found in alignment patterns Nominative/Accusative Ergative/Absolutive Semantic Alignment S S A P A P A P 9 Where evidence is found ❑Coding properties ➢ Flagging on nominals (case and adpositions) ➢ Indexing on verbs (bound pronominal forms, switch-reference) ➢ Word order ❑Behavioral properties ➢ Relativization ➢ Ellipsis in coordinated clauses ➢ Valency changing devices (applicatives, causatives, etc.) ➢ Etc. 10 Coding: Ergative case marking in Enga S a) akáli dóko p-é-á man DET go-PST -3SG ‘The man went.’ A P b) akáli dokó-mé mená dóko p-i-́á man DET-ERG pig DET hit-PST -3SG ‘The man hit (killed) the pig.’ ❑(from Li & Lang 1979: 314) 11 Behavior: Relativization on subjects in Indonesian c) orang yang ∅ duduk dekat jendela S person REL sit near window ‘The person who is sitting near the window’ d) orang yang ∅ me-lihat Umar itu A girl REL AF-see Umar that ‘The person who saw Umar’ e) *gadis yang Umar me-lihat ∅ itu *P girl REL Umar AF-see that ‘The girl that Umar saw’ f) gadis yang ∅ di-lihat Umar itu P → A girl REL PF-see Umar that ‘The girl that was seen by Umar’ (adapted from Sneddon 1996) 12 Arguments in Abawiri GRAMMAR, SEMANTICS, DISCOURSE 13 Arguments in Abawiri ❑Coding properties ➢ Word order ➢ Nominal marking ➢ (no person markers on the verb) ❑Behavioral properties ➢ Relative clauses ➢ Clause chaining ➢ Reflexives and reciprocals ➢ Complement clauses 14 Arguments in Abawiri ❑Coding properties ➢ Word order ➢ Nominal marking ❑Behavioral properties ➢ Relative clauses ➢ Clause chaining ➢ Reflexives and reciprocals ➢ Complement clauses 15 Word order ❑Strongly verb-final 16 Word order ❑Antitopic constructions (Chafe 1976; Lambrecht 1994) 17 Word order ❑Ubiquitous zero anaphora 18 19 Word order ❑The relative ordering of A and P arguments is determined by a variety of semantic and pragmatic factors ➢ Semantic factors • Person/animacy • Semantic integration of an argument (usually P) with verb ➢ Pragmatic (information structure) factors • Topicality • Activation status 20 Word order: frequency ❑229 examples where A and P were both overtly expressed in the same (simple) clause Order Number Percent APV 139 61% PAV 84 37% AVP 4 2% PVA 2 1% 21 Word order ❑Multiple reference ➢ More than one overt referential device ➢ Pointing to the same discourse referent ➢ With the same semantic relationship to the verb ➢ In the same clause ❑Usually because a long clausal element intervenes between first mention of the referent and the verb ➢ (e.g. A – long P – A – V) 22 Word order ❑Multiple reference 23 Word order ❑Both A and P can be repeated if things get too long 24 Arguments in Abawiri ❑Coding properties ➢ Word order ➢ Nominal marking ❑Behavioral properties ➢ Reflexives and reciprocals ➢ Relative clauses ➢ Complement clauses ➢ Clause chaining 25 Nominal marking: topics ❑Topics nearly obligatorily marked ➢ Subject-prominent vs. topic-prominent languages (Li & Thompson 1976) ➢ “Thematization” in Papuan languages (Heeschen 1998, de Vries 2006) ➢ Iau analyzed as primarily “topic-comment” (Bateman 1982) 26 Nominal marking: topics ❑NP topics: S, A, P 27 Nominal marking: topics ❑Clausal topics and Tail-Head Linkage 28 Nominal marking: topics ❑Multiple topics: NPs 29 Nominal marking: topics ❑Multiple topics: clauses 30 Nominal marking: topics ❑Both A and P can be marked with bo 31 Nominal marking: ɡi ❑Intransitive S ❑Transitive A 32 Nominal marking: ɡi ❑Transitive P ❑Instrument 33 Nominal marking: ɡi ❑Both A and P can be marked with ɡi 34 35 Nominal marking: ɡi 36 Nominal marking: ɡi ❑ɡi occurs more frequently: ➢ With discourse-new referents ➢ When there is high referential density leading to higher probability of referential conflict ➢ With instruments ➢ With A in second position because of an inverse animacy relationship between A and P 37 Arguments in Abawiri ❑Coding properties ➢ Word order ➢ Nominal marking ❑Behavioral properties ➢ Relative clauses ➢ Clause chaining ➢ Reflexives and reciprocals ➢ Complement clauses 38 Relative clauses 39 Relative clauses ❑Intransitive S ❑Transitive A 40 Relative clauses ❑Transitive P 41 Relative clauses ❑Location 42 Arguments in Abawiri ❑Coding properties ➢ Word order ➢ Nominal marking ❑Behavioral properties ➢ Relative clauses ➢ Clause chaining ➢ Reflexives and reciprocals ➢ Complement clauses 43 Clause chaining ❑No switch-reference marking ❑Zero anaphora between chained clauses based on activation status (Chafe 1976; 1994; Givón 2001) ➢ Higher activation → greater chance of zero • Main protagonist most commonly gets zero • Speech with low referential density has more zeros • Semantic agents and pragmatic topics are more frequently zero 44 45 Conclusion FORMAL CATEGORY VARIATION BASED ON ❑Coding properties ➢ Word order ➢ Animacy and information structure ➢ Nominal marking ➢ Topic-comment ❑Behavioral properties ➢ Relative clauses ➢ Complex, not correlated with GRs ➢ Clause chaining ➢ Activation status ➢ Complement clauses ➢ Valency of individual verbs (cognition) ➢ Reflexives and reciprocals ➢ Coreferential with A or S: Subject 46 Conclusion ❑How relevant are grammatical relations among Papuan languages more generally? ➢ No discernible grammatical relations • Abawiri • Iau ➢ Minimal grammatical relations • Haruai (Comrie 1991) 47 [email protected] This research was funded in part by grants from the Endangered Language Fundand the UCSB Graduate Division. 48 References Bateman, Janet. 1982. 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Donohue, Mark, Rismawaty L. Gaol, Lenice Harms & Philina Ng. 2006. Doutai Phonology. (July). 30. Givón, T. 2001. Syntax: An introduction (Vol I). Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Kim, Eui-Jung. 1996. Edopi phonology. Jayapura, Indonesia: SIL International. Lambrecht, Knud. 1994. Information structure and sentence form: Topic, focus, and the mental representation of discourse referents. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Li, Charles N. & Sandra A. Thompson. 1976. Subject and topic: A new typology of language. In Charles N. Li (ed.), Subject and topic, 458–489. New York: Academic Press. Liem, Joseph Kristianto. 2007. Phonological Sketch of Sikaritai. Unpublished ms. Jayapura, Indonesia, ms. Yoder, Brendon. 2018. The Abawiri tone system in typological perspective. Language (Phonological Analysis) 94(4). e266– e292. doi:10.1353/lan.2018.0067. 49 Arguments in Abawiri ❑Coding properties ➢ Word order ➢ Nominal marking ❑Behavioral properties ➢ Relative clauses ➢ Clause chaining ➢ Reflexives and reciprocals ➢ Complement clauses 50 Reflexives ❑Two-argument clause with reflexive-suffixed pronoun ➢ A and coreferential P ➢ A and coreferential possessor of P 51 Reciprocals ❑Two-argument clauses with lexical reciprocal are ➢ A and coreferential P ➢ A and coreferential benefactive 52 Arguments in Abawiri ❑Coding properties ➢ Word order ➢ Nominal marking ❑Behavioral properties ➢ Relative clauses ➢ Clause chaining ➢ Reflexives and reciprocals ➢ Complement clauses 53 Complement clauses ❑Verbs of cognition and perception 54 Complement clauses ❑Rarely, verbs of speaking also have clausal complements 55 Complementation: other strategies ❑More commonly, the topic construction can have a complementation-like function: 56.