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Abstracts Eleni Agathopoulou (→Papadopoulou) A A Evangelia Achladi (→Douri) Abstracts Eleni Agathopoulou (→Papadopoulou) A Yoryia Agouraki: Accommodating the ‘recalcitrant’ data of Cypriot Greek clitic placement The starting point for the paper is the general theory for clitic placement and the specific theory for clitic placement in Cypriot Greek proposed in Agouraki (1997, 2001). Namely, that pronominal clitics always fill the head position of a dedicated functional category in the inflectional layer, and that clitic position with respect to the verb does nothing more than mark verb placement, which is independently set for each language. If the verb is in C, there is enclisis, while if the verb is in I there is proclisis. Arguably, in Cypriot Greek the verb is in C unless the C-position is occupied by a complementizer, negation or a null complementizer in wh-questions (How the system works with wh-questions will be briefly addressed). If one adopts a clitic placement theory along these lines, there appear to be some ‘recalcitrant’ data, namely cases where exponents of the C category do not behave as predicted. The paper addresses these data. The problem The ‘recalcitrant’ data fall into one of two categories: (a) Negation (en or men) and a subset of complementizers (i.e. ama ‘when’, andan ‘when’, epidhis ‘because’, perki ‘lest’, amba/memba ‘lest’, mandes/pandes/sandes ‘as if’) yield enclisis when sentence particle ʤe is encliticized to them. In the ab- sence of the particle, proclisis obtains. In addition, there is otit∫e/osonʤe ‘as soon as’, which also yield enclisis, but there is no oti/oson in a temporal meaning. It should be noted that oti and oson on their own are neuter relative pronouns. (b) A subset of complementizers (i.e.oti ‘that’, afu ‘since’, epidhi ‘since’, yati ‘since’) yield either proclisis or enclisis. The working hypothesis For the ‘recalcitrant’ data I will explore the minimal working hypothesis compatible with the clitic placement theory I adopt. Namely, that the functional morphemes in question have either shifted semantically (with the addition of particle ʤe/t∫e), 34 35 and are now markers of some distinct functional category that is not hosted in C (cf. χρωμάτων είναι το κατά πόσο τα χρώματα επιδέχονται διαβάθμιση. Όπως (a)), or are in the process of changing or ambiguous, hence the double behaviour έχουν διαπιστώσει πολλοί ερευνητές (μεταξύ άλλων: Kleiber 2007, Whitta- (cf. (b)). ker 1994, 2002, Noailly 2005, Molinier 2006), είναι δύσκολο να συναντήσουμε With respect to category (a) the semantics/distribution of functional items enʤe/ ονοματικές φράσεις στις οποίες το επίθετο που δηλώνει χρώμα να τροποποιείται menʤe, amanʤe/andanʤe/epidhist∫e, perkit∫e, ambat∫e/membat∫e is juxta- από επίρρημα διαβάθμισης ή επίτασης: ? Η Μαρία αγόρασε ένα πολύ γαλάζιο posed to the semantics/ distribution of en/men, ama/andan/epidhis, perki and φόρεμα. Η διαβάθμιση στη βιβλιογραφία είθισται να συνδέεται με την κλιμάκωση amba/memba, respectively. In all cases there are shown to be systematic differenc- (βλ. Lyons 1977). Αντίθετα, η Demonte (1999: 174) υποστηρίζει ότι δεν μπορούμε es. In addition, the semantic extension of mandest∫e/ pandest∫e/ sandest∫e from να αναγνωρίσουμε μια συγκεκριμένη σειρά μεταξύ των διαφορετικών τιμών A a simile marker to a modality marker is investigated. It is claimed that in most cas- της ιδιότητας του χρώματος. Επισημαίνει ότι οι ταξινομήσεις που προτείνονται es the particle ʤe/t∫e relates not to the homophnous coordinating conjunction, στη βιβλιογραφία δεν στηρίζονται σε γλωσσικές μαρτυρίες αλλά στη σειρά των but to the Ancient Greek particle ge, and, to a lesser degree, to the Ancient Greek χρωμάτων ως φυσικών οντοτήτων μέσα στο φάσμα του φωτός. Δεν υπάρχει, particle kai. Semantic differences are proposed also with respect to the double be- λοιπόν, γλωσσικό κριτήριο για να αποφασίσουμε αν το κόκκινο προηγείται του haviour of the items in (b). πράσινου ή αντίστροφα. Οπότε, δεν υπάρχει κάποια συγκεκριμένη αλληλουχία αυτών των τιμών. Ο Kleiber (2007: 10-12) για το ίδιο φαινόμενο υπογραμμίζει ότι, references ενώ η κατηγορία των χρωματικών επιθέτων παρουσιάζει οντολογική διαβάθμιση Agouraki, Yoryia, 1997. On the enclisis/proclisis alternation. In Drachman, G., Ma- (βλ. χρωματικό φάσμα), δεν δέχεται εύκολα τη γλωσσική διαβάθμιση. likouti-Drachman, A., Fykias, J., Klidi, C. (Eds.), Proceedings of the Second Interna- Ωστόσο, η ικανότητα των χρωματικών επιθέτων να δέχονται μορφολογικούς και tional Conference on Greek Linguistics, vol. II. University of Salzburg, Salzburg pp. συντακτικούς τροποποιητές διαβάθμισης (προθήματα, επιθήματα, επιρρήματα, 393-404. παγιωμένες εκφράσεις, στερεότυπες παρομοιώσεις, ειδικά επίθετα ή/και Agouraki, Yoryia, 2001. The position of clitics in Cypriot Greek. In: Ralli, A., Joseph, διπλασιασμός τους, επιτονισμός κ.ά.) αντιτίθεται σθεναρά στη δήλωση ότι αυτά B., Janse, M. Eds.), Proceedings of the First International Conference of Modern τα επίθετα δεν είναι σημασιολογικά διαβαθμιζόμενα (βλ. Cruse 1986, Demon- Greek Dialects and Linguistic Theory. University of Patras, Patras, pp. 1-18. te 1999). Εξάλλου, μια ιδιότητα είναι διαβαθμίσιμη στο βαθμό που μπορούν να Chatzikyriakidis, Stergios, 2012. A Dynamic Account of the Cypriot Greek Clitic γίνουν αντιληπτά διάφορα επίπεδά της είτε σε σχέση με άλλες οντότητες είτε σε Positioning system. Lingua 122, 642-672. σχέση με την ίδια σε διαφορετικές στιγμές. Το παράδοξο της κατάστασης αυτής Terzi, Arhonto, 1999. Cypriot Greek Clitics and their positioning restrictions. In φαίνεται από το ότι ενώ από οντολογικής σκοπιάς τα επίθετα που δηλώνουν Alexiadou, A., Horrocks, G., Stavrou, M. (Eds.), Studies in Greek Syntax. Kluwer, χρώμα φαίνεται να αποτελούν οντότητες που υποδηλώνουν ένα φάσμα που Dordrecht, pp. 227-240. επιτρέπει τη διαβάθμιση, από την πλευρά των συνδυασμών με εκφράσεις που Terzi, Arhonto, 1999. Clitic Combinations, Their Hosts and Their Ordering. Natural δηλώνουν διαβάθμιση ή επίταση συμβαίνει ακριβώς το αντίθετο, καθώς μόνο Language and Linguistic Theory 17:1, 85-121. σε πολύ συγκεκριμένες περιπτώσεις τα επίθετα αυτά δέχονται εκφράσεις που Revithiadou, Anthi, 2006. Prosodic Filters in Syntax: An Interface Account of Second δηλώνουν τον βαθμό. Position Clitics. Lingua 116, 79-111. Όλα τα παραπάνω θεωρητικά ζητήματα που αφορούν τη διαβάθμιση των χρωματικών επιθέτων σε επίπεδο μορφολογίας και σημασιολογίας, παρουσιάζονται, αναλύονται και ερμηνεύονται στην παρούσα εργασία, με στόχο Katerina Alexandri: να καλυφθεί το κενό που υπάρχει στη βιβλιογραφία αναφορικά με τη μελέτη των Η μορφή και η σημασία της διαβάθμισης στα επίθετα που δηλώνουν χρώμα χρωματικών όρων της νέας ελληνικής. Η παρούσα ανακοίνωση έχει ως αντικείμενο την εξέταση του φαινομένου της Ενδεικτική βιβλιογραφία διαβάθμισης των επιθέτων που δηλώνουν χρώμα της νέας ελληνικής, τόσο σε Cruse, D.A. (1986). Lexical semantics. Cambridge, England: University Press. μορφολογικό όσο και σε σημασιολογικό επίπεδο. Γαβριηλίδου, Ζ. (2013). Όψεις Επίτασης στη Νέα Ελληνική. Εκδ. Κυριακίδη. Ένα ζήτημα που έχει απασχολήσει ιδιαίτερα τους ερευνητές του πεδίου των Θεσσαλονίκη, σσ. 166. 36 37 Demonte, V. (1999). El adjetivo. Clases y usos. La posición del adjetivo en el sintag- tepeultimate syllable, as an accented vowel /e/ or as the affix /ik/ (Spyropoulos & ma nominal. Στο I. Bosque & V. Demonte (eds.), Gramática descriptiva de la lengua Revithiadou, 2009). The endings express person and number agreement. española, Chapter 3, Vol I. Madrid: Espasa Calpe / RAE, 129-215. Several verb classes are formed due to particularities that are mostly inherited from Gross, G. (1986). Sur un emploi particulier de certains adjectifs de couleur. Studia Ancient Greek. For example the formation of the active and passive imperfective Romanica Posnaniensia 12, 3-10. stem with the adjunction of a /t/, kop-kopto «cut» ; the formation of certain past Kleiber, G. (2007). Adjectifs de couleur et gradation : une énigme... « très » colorée. forms with an accented /i/, elpizo-ilpiza-ilpissa «hope» ; the suppletion of the ac- Travaux de linguistique, 2, 55, p. 9-44. DOI: 10.3917/tl.055.0009. tive and passive perfective stem vlepo-ida-idothika «see» ; the suppletion of forms, Lyons, J. 1977. Semantics 1 & 2. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. beno-bes «enter». Moreover, the pragmatic distinction [±learned] has been applied A Molinier, Ch. (2006). Les termes de couleur en français. Essai de classification sé- to account for stem variations such as kopto/kovo «cut», kriftho/krifto «hide» or mantico-syntaxique. In Cahiers de Grammaire N° 30, Toulouse: ERSS-Université de paizome/paizume «play». Toulouse- Le Mirail. Finally, we have created automatically, by means of a Perl script, a dictionary of all Noailly, M. (2005). L’intensité de la couleur. Remarques sur l’emploi de très devant the inflectional forms of approximately 30.000 verbs from the Reverse Dictionary bleu, rouge, vert, jaune. Στο Choi-Jonin I., Bras M., Dagnac A. & Rouquier M. (éds), of Modern Greek of Anna Anastassiadis-Simeonidis, 2002. Furthermore, we have Questions de classification en linguistique: méthodes et descriptions, Berne, Peter created an electronic platform for its interrogation. Lang, p. 263-273. Whittaker, S. (2002). La notion de gradation. Application aux adjectifs, Berne, Peter bibliography Lang. Αναστασιάδη-Συμεωνίδη, Άννα. 2002. Αντίστροφο λεξικό της νέας ελληνικής. Whittaker, S. (1994). L’emploi scalaire des adjectifs de couleur. In Boysen G. (éd.), Θεσσαλονίκη: Ινστιτούτο Νεοελληνικών Σπουδών. Actes du XIIIe Congrès des Romanistes Scandinaves, Aalborg, Aalborg
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