Rhotic Production in the Spanish of Bluefields, Nicaragua, a Language Contact Situation

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Rhotic Production in the Spanish of Bluefields, Nicaragua, a Language Contact Situation Rhotic production in the Spanish of Bluefields, Nicaragua, a language contact situation DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Karen Lopez Alonzo Graduate Program in Spanish and Portuguese The Ohio State University 2016 Dissertation Committee: Dr. Terrell A. Morgan, Co-Advisor Dr. Rebeka Campos-Astorkiza, Co-advisor Dr. Anna Babel Copyrighted by Karen Lopez Alonzo 2016 Abstract This dissertation researches the production of rhotics in the Spanish of Bluefields, Nicaragua. This is a unique language contact situation between Spanish, the most recent language in the region, English/Kriol, Miskitu, and Sumo/Ulwa. Realizations of non- canonic rhotics have been reported in the Spanish of Bluefields speakers whose first language is not Spanish, and tap and retroflex realizations have been observed instead of the standard trill. The tap and the trill are recognized as normative in Spanish, and they are contrastive intervocalically. The rhotic observations in Bluefields are based on impressionistic descriptions (Lipski 2007; Rosales Solis 2008). Thus, to confirm and expand these earlier reports, I present a detailed sociophonetic study and explore the effect of different factors on rhotic production. I analyze linguistic factors (stress and phonological context) and sociolinguistic factors (first language, age and education level) that may influence the variation of these sounds. I study the distribution of the types of rhotics in four different positions: 1) Intervocalic (e.g. caro ‘expensive’ [ˈka.ɾo] vs. carro ‘car’ [ˈka.ro]); 2) The beginning of the word (e.g. ramo ‘bunch’ [ˈra.mo]); 3) Complex onsets (e.g. trato ‘I try’ [ˈtɾa.to]; and 4) Word final (e.g. mar ‘sea’ [maɾ]). I base my analysis on the data obtained during my 2013 summer fieldwork in Bluefields. I interviewed 30 participants, who completed a survey and an audio-recorded sociolinguistic interview. Each one of the interviews was acoustically analyzed by using ii Praat, in order to categorize each rhotic production. Based on 3,953 tokens, results show variation in all contexts, but stress is not significant. At the beginning of the word, speakers produce a trill [r], a tap [ɾ], an approximated tap [ɾ̞ ] or a fricative [ř]. In intervocalic position, speakers maintain the contrast by producing a trill and a fricative when a trill would be expected, while producing some degree of neutralization with the approximated tap. I conclude that the fricative functions as an articulatory strategy to establish the contrast between rhotics in intervocalic position. In word-final position, participants present four variants: the tap [ɾ], the approximated tap [ɾ̞ ], the trill [r] and the fricative [ř]. All three sociolinguistic factors are significant. Participants with L1 English/Kriol are the only speakers producing retroflex realizations in all contexts. The presence of the fricative happens among speakers with L1 English/Kriol and an indigenous language, suggesting that speakers who originally do not have the trill in their L1 present articulatory alternatives to approximate this sound. Spanish monolingual speakers tend to follow the normative rhotic production. Age results demonstrate that older participants produce fewer trills than the younger population. Finally, participants with a lower education level produce more trills than those with higher education, and these results are explained through the concept of linguistic insecurity. To conclude, this study offers an example of a thorough acoustic analysis of a community with multiple layers and overcomes the challenge of determining the sociolinguistic factors that influence variation of rhotics. Thus, this dissertation provides a model for future studies in complex communities such as the blufileña. iii Resumen La presente tesis investiga la producción de las róticas en el español de los hablantes de Bluefields, Nicaragua, una comunidad con contacto de lenguas. La situación de contacto multilingüe es única y se da mayormente entre el español, que es la lengua más reciente en la región, el inglés/kriol, el miskitu, y el sumo/ulwa. Se han observado realizaciones de róticas no canónicas del español en hablantes cuya primera lengua no es el español (Lipski 2007), y se han reportado realizaciones como la simple y la retrofleja en sustitución a la producción de la múltiple. En español se reconoce normativamente que hay dos róticas, la simple y la múltiple, que constrastan fonémicamente únicamente en posición intervocálica. Las observaciones de la producción de las róticas en Buefields se basan en descripciones impresionisticas (Lipski 2007; Rosales Solís 2008) y para confirmar y expandir estas, este estudio presenta un análisis acústico detalllado y explora el efecto de diferentes factores en la produccion de estos sonidos. Por lo tanto, esta tesis analiza factores lingüísticos (el acento y el contexto fonológico) y factores sociolingüísticos (la primera lengua de los hablantes, edad y nivel educativo) que pueden influenciar la variación de estos sonidos. Primeramente, se observa la distribución de los tipos de róticas en las distintas posiciones: 1) intervocálica, en el interior de palabra, la cual es el único contexto donde hay contraste en español (ej. caro [ˈka.ɾo] vs. carro [ˈka.ro]); 2) en posición inicial de palabra donde la múltiple es la iv rótica esperada (ej. ramo [ˈra.mo]); 3) en ataques complejos, donde esta rótica tiende a ser una vibrante simple (ej. trato [ˈtɾa.to]; 4) a final de donde la simple es la rótica más común, aunque existe variabilidad en este contexto (ej. mar [maɾ]). Para responder estas preguntas me baso en los datos obtenidos durante mi trabajo de campo en el verano de 2013 en Bluefields. En este período de investigación entrevisté a 30 participantes con diferentes orígenes étnicos y repertorio lingüístico, quienes completaron una encuesta y una entrevista sociolingüística. Cada una de las entrevistas se analizó acústicamente usando Praat a través del cual se segmentó la palabra con el sonido de interés. Como resultado se obtuvo un total de 3,953 observaciones de róticas en las cuatro posiciones planteadas. Los resultados muestran que hay variación en todos los contextos en la producción de las róticas de los blufileños, y que el acento léxico no es significativo en estas realizaciones. Se descubrió que al inicio de la palabra además de una múltiple [r], los hablantes producen una simple [ɾ], simple aproximada [ɾ̞ ] o una fricativa [ř]. En posición intervocálica, donde hay contraste fonémico, los hablantes lo mantienen con la múltiple y la fricativa, mientras producen un bajo porcentaje de neutralización con la simple y la simple aproximada. Por lo tanto, se propone que la fricativa funciona como una estrategia articulatoria para establecer el contraste entre las vibrantes en posición intervocálico, que típicamente es descrita entre la simple y la múltiple. En adición, a final de palabra los participantes realizan cuatro variantes: la simple [ɾ], la simple aproximada [ɾ̞ ], la múltiple [r] y la fricativa [ř]. v Los tres factores sociolingüísticos fueron significativos. La primera lengua mostró gran significancia en las producciones róticas en todas las posiciones. Los participantes de inglés/kriol como primera lengua son los únicos hablantes que producen realizaciones retroflejas en todos los contextos, a pesar de que estas observaciones son pocas. La presencia de la fricativa, se da en los hablantes de L1 inglés/kriol y una lengua indígena, estableciendo que los hablantes que originalmente no tienen esas realizaciones múltiples en su L1 presentan alternativas articulatorias para alcanzar la producción de esa rótica. En contraste, el grupo de hablantes monolingües de español tienden a seguir la producción normativa de las róticas. La edad fue también significativa y los resultados demuestran que los hablantes mayores son los que menos múltiples producen frente a los participantes más jóvenes. El nivel educativo también resultó ser relevante en la producción de las róticas. Los participantes con menos nivel educativo producen más múltiples que aquellos que tienen un muy alto nivel. Este resultado se explica haciendo uso del concepto de inseguridad lingüística Este estudio es una muestra de un análisis acústico de una comunidad con una estructura compleja étnica y lingüísticamente. El estudio de la población retrata las múltiples capas de esta comunidad y el primer reto ha sido determinar los factores sociolingüísticos que influencian la variación rótica, dando así un modelo a seguir para futuros estudios en comunidades tan complejas como la blufileña. vi Dedicatoria A mis queridos profesores Ángel Sánchez, Rebeka Campos-Astorkiza y Terrell A. Morgan, quienes a lo largo de estos años han transformado mi vida, compartiendo sus conocimientos y humanismo, dejándome las mejores enseñanzas. He llegado a este punto de mi carrera académica gracias a todo su apoyo y cariño con el que me han guiado. vii Reconocimientos Quiero agradecer inmensamente a mis mentores y asesores Dra. Rebeka Campos- Astorkiza y Dr. Terrell A. Morgan por todo su apoyo y dedicación durante mi formación académica en OSU. A través de este proyecto y de los años que he sido su estudiante me han apoyado y dirigido paciente e incondicionalmente. Gracias a la Dra. Campos- Astorkiza que durante el proceso de la tesis me guió paso a paso para culminar exitosamente este gran proyecto, desde la cuidadosa revisión de cada línea hasta los consejos y sugerencias para continuar mi trabajo académico. Agradezco infinitamente el tiempo que dedicó desde distintas partes del mundo para guiar mi trabajo. Ha sido un verdadero honor ser su estudiante. ¡Infinitas gracias Dra. Campos-Astorkiza! Quiero agradecerle al Dr. Morgan su especial dedicación a mi formación desde que llegué a OSU, con él he aprendido a escuchar al mundo con oídos de fonetista. Gracias por incentivar mi curiosidad lingüística, además de apoyar cada idea y proyecto. Su apoyo en estos años ha sido clave para alcanzar este logro. Gracias por ayudarme a resolver y organizar los complejos datos en esta tesis. ¡Un millón de gracias Dr.
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