Cicero As a Source for Epicurus
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Cicero on the Gods and Roman Religious Practices
Studia Antiqua et Archaeologica 23(2): 303–313 Cicero on the gods and Roman religious practices Arina BRAGOVA1 Abstract. The article analyses Cicero’s attitude to gods, religion, divination, and superstition. Cicero follows tradition in acknowledging the existence of the gods, considering them immortal, blissful, animate, and anthropomorphic. He is ambivalent about the interaction between the gods and people. Cicero considers religion important for the Roman people because this was the popular belief — it was not his own viewpoint. Cicero thinks that people obtain divination from the gods. According to Cicero, there are two types of divination: artificial (auspices, haruspices, divination by lightning, stars, and other signs of nature) and natural (predictions in a dream, in a state of ecstasy, before death). In relation to divination, we see how multi- dimensional Cicero’s beliefs were: as a philosopher, he can accept or deny divination; as a Roman politician, he regards divination as an important instrument of the Roman religious rituals. Cicero opposes superstition to religion in his theological works, but in his secular works, he uses superstition and religion as synonyms. Rezumat. În articolul de față este analizată atitudinea lui Cicero față de zei, religie, divinație și superstiție. Cicero urmează tradiția recunoscând existența zeilor și considerându-i nemuritori, cu suflet și antropomorfi. El este ambivalent în ceea ce privește interacțiunea divinitate-oameni. Cicero consideră că religia este importantă pentru romani ca o consecință a unei tradiții populare — nu era propriul său punct de vedre. Divinația, în viziunea lui, se putea obține de la zei. După Cicero, există două tipuri de divinație: artificială (auspicii, haruspicii, divinație prin fulger, stele, alte semne ale naturii) și naturală (preziceri într-un vis, într-o stare de extaz, înainte de moarte). -
Taking Sides and the Prehistory of Impartiality
1. PREHISTORIES OF IMPARTIALITY TAKING SIDES AND THE PREHISTORY OF IMPARTIALITY Anita Traninger 1. Introduction: Taking Sides In his article “Taking Sides in Philosophy”, Gilbert Ryle inveighs against the ‘party-labels’ commonly awarded in philosophy. He impugns in partic- ular the conventional requirement to declare to what school one belongs because ‘[t]here is no place for “isms” in philosophy’.1 In concluding, how- ever, he is prepared to make ‘a few concessions’: Although, as I think, the motive of allegiance to a school or a leader is a non- philosophic and often an anti-philosophic motive, it may have some good results. Partisanship does generate zeal, combativeness, and team-spirit. [. .] Pedagogically, there is some utility in the superstition that philosophers are divided into Whigs and Tories. For we can work on the match-winning propensities of the young, and trick them into philosophizing by encourag- ing them to try to “dish” the Rationalists, or “scupper” the Hedonists.2 Even though Ryle chooses to reduce the value of taking sides to a propae- deutic set-up as a helpmeet for the young to come up with striking argu- ments, what he describes is precisely the modus operandi of dialectics, which had since antiquity been the methodological basis of philosophy. Dialectics conceived of thinking as a dialogue, and an agonistic one at that: it consisted in propounding a thesis and attacking it through questions. Problems were conceived of as being a choice between two positions, whence the name the procedure received in Roman times: in utramque partem disserere, arguing both sides of a question or arguing pro and con- tra. -
Royal Power, Law and Justice in Ancient Macedonia Joseph Roisman
Royal Power, Law and Justice in Ancient Macedonia Joseph Roisman In his speech On the Crown Demosthenes often lionizes himself by suggesting that his actions and policy required him to overcome insurmountable obstacles. Thus he contrasts Athens’ weakness around 346 B.C.E. with Macedonia’s strength, and Philip’s II unlimited power with the more constrained and cumbersome decision-making process at home, before asserting that in spite of these difficulties he succeeded in forging later a large Greek coalition to confront Philip in the battle of Chaeronea (Dem.18.234–37). [F]irst, he (Philip) ruled in his own person as full sovereign over subservient people, which is the most important factor of all in waging war . he was flush with money, and he did whatever he wished. He did not announce his intentions in official decrees, did not deliberate in public, was not hauled into the courts by sycophants, was not prosecuted for moving illegal proposals, was not accountable to anyone. In short, he was ruler, commander, in control of everything.1 For his depiction of Philip’s authority Demosthenes looks less to Macedonia than to Athens, because what makes the king powerful in his speech is his freedom from democratic checks. Nevertheless, his observations on the Macedonian royal power is more informative and helpful than Aristotle’s references to it in his Politics, though modern historians tend to privilege the philosopher for what he says or even does not say on the subject. Aristotle’s seldom mentions Macedonian kings, and when he does it is for limited, exemplary purposes, lumping them with other kings who came to power through benefaction and public service, or who were assassinated by men they had insulted.2 Moreover, according to Aristotle, the extreme of tyranny is distinguished from ideal kingship (pambasilea) by the fact that tyranny is a government that is not called to account. -
Epicurus Epicurus Was Born in February 341 BCE
Epicurus Epicurus was born in February 341 BCE. He earned his basic education in philosophy after four years of tutoring, and at the age of 18, Epicurus served in the military for two years in Athens. After completing his education, Epicurus began teaching around the Aegean, eventually settling back in Athens. There, he purchased some land and founded a school which was given the name of ‘The Garden’, for its construction in the garden of his house. The Garden soon became a notable institute for the progress of philosophical education, and it also held the exclusivity of being the first philosophical Greek institute that allowed women to take part in learning. Epicurus strongly advocated friendship as an important root for a happy and fulfilling life, and thus, his school provided the community with the opportunity to interact and form constructive relationships. Epicurus has played an extremely vital role in the progress of science as a discipline. Epicurus was the first Greek philosopher to attempt to break free society from religious superstitions by preaching that God does not punish or reward humans, and that a man’s sole objective should be to form a self-sufficient and happy life by surrounding oneself with reliable and cherished friends. Epicurus was a strong advocate of free will. The development of a pleasant and comfortable life, in his view, was the core purpose of life, and good and bad consequences could only be evaluated on the principles of pain and pleasure. Epicurus believed that whatever serves to provide pleasure can be termed as good, and whatever leads to discomfort can be termed as bad. -
Citations in Classics and Ancient History
Citations in Classics and Ancient History The most common style in use in the field of Classical Studies is the author-date style, also known as Chicago 2, but MLA is also quite common and perfectly acceptable. Quick guides for each of MLA and Chicago 2 are readily available as PDF downloads. The Chicago Manual of Style Online offers a guide on their web-page: http://www.chicagomanualofstyle.org/tools_citationguide.html The Modern Language Association (MLA) does not, but many educational institutions post an MLA guide for free access. While a specific citation style should be followed carefully, none take into account the specific practices of Classical Studies. They are all (Chicago, MLA and others) perfectly suitable for citing most resources, but should not be followed for citing ancient Greek and Latin primary source material, including primary sources in translation. Citing Primary Sources: Every ancient text has its own unique system for locating content by numbers. For example, Homer's Iliad is divided into 24 Books (what we might now call chapters) and the lines of each Book are numbered from line 1. Herodotus' Histories is divided into nine Books and each of these Books is divided into Chapters and each chapter into line numbers. The purpose of such a system is that the Iliad, or any primary source, can be cited in any language and from any publication and always refer to the same passage. That is why we do not cite Herodotus page 66. Page 66 in what publication, in what edition? Very early in your textbook, Apodexis Historia, a passage from Herodotus is reproduced. -
Roman Literature from Its Earliest Period to the Augustan Age
The Project Gutenberg EBook of History of Roman Literature from its Earliest Period to the Augustan Age. Volume I by John Dunlop This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at http://www.gutenberg.org/license Title: History of Roman Literature from its Earliest Period to the Augustan Age. Volume I Author: John Dunlop Release Date: April 1, 2011 [Ebook 35750] Language: English ***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORY OF ROMAN LITERATURE FROM ITS EARLIEST PERIOD TO THE AUGUSTAN AGE. VOLUME I*** HISTORY OF ROMAN LITERATURE, FROM ITS EARLIEST PERIOD TO THE AUGUSTAN AGE. IN TWO VOLUMES. BY John Dunlop, AUTHOR OF THE HISTORY OF FICTION. ivHistory of Roman Literature from its Earliest Period to the Augustan Age. Volume I FROM THE LAST LONDON EDITION. VOL. I. PUBLISHED BY E. LITTELL, CHESTNUT STREET, PHILADELPHIA. G. & C. CARVILL, BROADWAY, NEW YORK. 1827 James Kay, Jun. Printer, S. E. Corner of Race & Sixth Streets, Philadelphia. Contents. Preface . ix Etruria . 11 Livius Andronicus . 49 Cneius Nævius . 55 Ennius . 63 Plautus . 108 Cæcilius . 202 Afranius . 204 Luscius Lavinius . 206 Trabea . 209 Terence . 211 Pacuvius . 256 Attius . 262 Satire . 286 Lucilius . 294 Titus Lucretius Carus . 311 Caius Valerius Catullus . 340 Valerius Ædituus . 411 Laberius . 418 Publius Syrus . 423 Index . 453 Transcriber's note . 457 [iii] PREFACE. There are few subjects on which a greater number of laborious volumes have been compiled, than the History and Antiquities of ROME. -
Lucan's Natural Questions: Landscape and Geography in the Bellum Civile Laura Zientek a Dissertation Submitted in Partial Fulf
Lucan’s Natural Questions: Landscape and Geography in the Bellum Civile Laura Zientek A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Washington 2014 Reading Committee: Catherine Connors, Chair Alain Gowing Stephen Hinds Program Authorized to Offer Degree: Classics © Copyright 2014 Laura Zientek University of Washington Abstract Lucan’s Natural Questions: Landscape and Geography in the Bellum Civile Laura Zientek Chair of the Supervisory Committee: Professor Catherine Connors Department of Classics This dissertation is an analysis of the role of landscape and the natural world in Lucan’s Bellum Civile. I investigate digressions and excurses on mountains, rivers, and certain myths associated aetiologically with the land, and demonstrate how Stoic physics and cosmology – in particular the concepts of cosmic (dis)order, collapse, and conflagration – play a role in the way Lucan writes about the landscape in the context of a civil war poem. Building on previous analyses of the Bellum Civile that provide background on its literary context (Ahl, 1976), on Lucan’s poetic technique (Masters, 1992), and on landscape in Roman literature (Spencer, 2010), I approach Lucan’s depiction of the natural world by focusing on the mutual effect of humanity and landscape on each other. Thus, hardships posed by the land against characters like Caesar and Cato, gloomy and threatening atmospheres, and dangerous or unusual weather phenomena all have places in my study. I also explore how Lucan’s landscapes engage with the tropes of the locus amoenus or horridus (Schiesaro, 2006) and elements of the sublime (Day, 2013). -
Epicurus and the Epicureans on Socrates and the Socratics
chapter 8 Epicurus and the Epicureans on Socrates and the Socratics F. Javier Campos-Daroca 1 Socrates vs. Epicurus: Ancients and Moderns According to an ancient genre of philosophical historiography, Epicurus and Socrates belonged to distinct traditions or “successions” (diadochai) of philosophers. Diogenes Laertius schematizes this arrangement in the following way: Socrates is placed in the middle of the Ionian tradition, which starts with Thales and Anaximander and subsequently branches out into different schools of thought. The “Italian succession” initiated by Pherecydes and Pythagoras comes to an end with Epicurus.1 Modern views, on the other hand, stress the contrast between Socrates and Epicurus as one between two opposing “ideal types” of philosopher, especially in their ways of teaching and claims about the good life.2 Both ancients and moderns appear to agree on the convenience of keeping Socrates and Epicurus apart, this difference being considered a fundamental lineament of ancient philosophy. As for the ancients, however, we know that other arrangements of philosophical traditions, ones that allowed certain connections between Epicureanism and Socratism, circulated in Hellenistic times.3 Modern outlooks on the issue are also becoming more nuanced. 1 DL 1.13 (Dorandi 2013). An overview of ancient genres of philosophical history can be seen in Mansfeld 1999, 16–25. On Diogenes’ scheme of successions and other late antique versions of it, see Kienle 1961, 3–39. 2 According to Riley 1980, 56, “there was a fundamental difference of opinion concerning the role of the philosopher and his behavior towards his students.” In Riley’s view, “Epicurean criticism was concerned mainly with philosophical style,” not with doctrines (which would explain why Plato was not as heavily attacked as Socrates). -
ABSTRACT the Conversion and Therapy of Desire in Augustine's
ABSTRACT The Conversion and Therapy of Desire in Augustine’s Cassiciacum Dialogues Mark J. Boone, Ph.D. Directors: Thomas S. Hibbs, Ph.D., and Michael P. Foley, Ph.D. The philosophical schools of late antiquity commonly diagnosed human unhappiness as rooted in some fundamental disorder in our desires, and offered various therapies or prescriptions for the healing of desire. Among these only the neo-Platonic treatment for desire requires redirecting desire towards an immaterial world. Although Augustine agrees with the neo-Platonists on the need to redirect our desires to an immaterial world, he does not adopt their therapy for desire. Instead he adopts a thoroughly Christian approach to the healing of desire. The conversion of desire results from the Trinitarian God’s gracious actions taken to heal our desires. Augustine does not recommend fleeing from the influence of the body, as neo-Platonism encourages, but fleeing to Christ, immersing ourselves in the life of the Church, and practicing the theological virtues. In this dissertation I examine Augustine’s Cassiciacum dialogues. In Contra Academicos (Against the Academics), Augustine argues that we must vigorously desire wisdom in order to attain it; that we must have hope in the possibility of attaining wisdom; and that our desire for wisdom must be bound in faith to Christ. In De beata vita (On the Happy Life), Augustine argues that the Trinitarian God is the only perennially satisfying object of desire and shows that the pursuit of God is the activity of a prayerful community of believers who are practicing faith, hope, and charity. In De ordine (On Order), Augustine recommends that the reordering of our desires be pursued through a liberal arts education and through Christian morals. -
The Polemical Practice in Ancient Epicureanism* M
UDK 101.1;141.5 Вестник СПбГУ. Философия и конфликтология. 2019. Т. 35. Вып. 3 The polemical practice in ancient Epicureanism* M. M. Shakhnovich St. Petersburg State University, 7–9, Universitetskaya nab., St. Petersburg, 199034, Russian Federation For citation: Shakhnovich M. M. The polemical practice in ancient Epicureanism. Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Philosophy and Conflict Studies, 2019, vol. 35, issue 3, pp. 461–471. https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu17.2019.306 The article explores the presentation methods of a philosophical doctrine in Greek and Ro- man Epicureanism; it is shown that for the ancient, middle, and Roman Epicureans a con- troversy with representatives of other philosophical schools was a typical way of present- ing their own views. The polemical practice, in which the basic principles of Epicureanism were expounded through the criticism of other philosophical systems, first of all, Academics and Stoics, was considered not only as the preferred way of presenting the own doctrine, but also as the most convenient rhetorical device, which had, among other things, didac- tic significance. The founder of the school, Epicurus, often included in his texts the terms used in other philosophical schools, giving them a different, often opposite, content. While presenting his teaching in the treatise “On Nature” or in letters to his followers, Epicurus pushed off the opinions of Democritus, Plato, and the Stoics, but resorted mainly to implicit criticism of his opponents, often without naming them by name. His closest students and later followers — Metrodorus, Hermarchus, Colotes, Philodemus, Lucretius, Diogenes of Oenoanda — continuing the controversy with the Academics and the Stoics, more frank- ly expressed their indignation about the “falsely understood Epicureanism” or erroneous opinions. -
Polybius: the Histories Translated by W
Polybius: The Histories Translated by W. R. Paton From BOOK ONE own existence. The Lacedaemonians, after AD previous chroniclers neglected to having for many years disputed the hegemony speak in praise of History in general, of Greece, at length attained it but to hold it H it might perhaps have been necessary uncontested for scarce twelve years. The for me to recommend everyone to choose for Macedonian rule in Europe extended but from study and welcome such treatises as the the Adriatic to the Danube, which would present, since there is no more ready appear a quite insignificant portion of the corrective of conduct than knowledge of the continent. Subsequently, by overthrowing the past. But all historians, one may say without Persian empire they became supreme in Asia exception, and in no half-hearted manner, but also. But though their empire was now making this the beginning and end of their regarded as the greatest in extent and power labor, have impressed on us that the soundest that had ever existed, they left the larger part education and training for a life of active of the inhabited world as yet outside it. For politics is the study of History, and that the they never even made a single attempt on surest and indeed the only method of learning Sicily, Sardinia, or Africa, and the most how to bear bravely the vicissitudes of warlike nations of Western Europe were, to fortune, is to recall the calamities of others. speak the simple truth, unknown to them. But Evidently therefore one, and least of all the Romans have subjected to their rule not myself, would think it his duty at this day to portions, but nearly the whole of the world, repeat what has been so well and so often said. -
The Self-Sufficiency of the Good Man Against the Need for Friendship
THE SELF-SUFFICIENCY OF THE GOOD MAN AGAINST THE NEED FOR FRIENDSHIP. A DISCUSSION CONCERNING THE IMPORTANCE OF FRIENDSHIP FOR THE GOOD MAN IN CICERO. CORY SLOAN SUBMITTED WITH A VIEW TO OBTAIN THE DEGREE OF M.LITT. NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF IRELAND, MAYNOOTH DEPARTMENT OF PHILOSOPHY, FACULTY OR ARTS, CELTIC STUDIES, AND PHILOSOPHY AUGUST 2012 HEAD OF DEPARTMENT DR. MICHAEL DUNNE SUPERVISED BY DR. AMOS EDELHEIT 1 Summary Cicero wrote in Book Three of On Duties, that the Stoic sage being absolutely good and and perfect was the only one that could be truly happy. For his happiness was based in his virtue and as he had perfect virtue, he had perfect and lasting happiness. Yet the Peripatetics saw that happiness was not a self-sufficient idea and was instead an amalgamation of external goods. Virtue for them was a factor that contributed to happiness, for the Stoics it was essential for happiness. It would appear on inital observation that the life of the Stoic sage was a solitary one, aloof from the rest of humanity. Yet the Stoics maintained that this was the best and happiest form of life, a life lived in accordance with Nature. However, the Peripatetics maintained that nature loves nothing solitary and man is not a solitary animal. In order for him to fullfill his natural end and achieve eudaimonia he would natually be drawn towards the company of others. Cicero highlights the tension between Stoic idealism and Peripatetic pragmatism in his discussion on happiness. When he essentially he askes in Book Five of the Tusculan Disputations.