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Royal Power, Law and Justice in Ancient Macedonia Joseph Roisman
Royal Power, Law and Justice in Ancient Macedonia Joseph Roisman In his speech On the Crown Demosthenes often lionizes himself by suggesting that his actions and policy required him to overcome insurmountable obstacles. Thus he contrasts Athens’ weakness around 346 B.C.E. with Macedonia’s strength, and Philip’s II unlimited power with the more constrained and cumbersome decision-making process at home, before asserting that in spite of these difficulties he succeeded in forging later a large Greek coalition to confront Philip in the battle of Chaeronea (Dem.18.234–37). [F]irst, he (Philip) ruled in his own person as full sovereign over subservient people, which is the most important factor of all in waging war . he was flush with money, and he did whatever he wished. He did not announce his intentions in official decrees, did not deliberate in public, was not hauled into the courts by sycophants, was not prosecuted for moving illegal proposals, was not accountable to anyone. In short, he was ruler, commander, in control of everything.1 For his depiction of Philip’s authority Demosthenes looks less to Macedonia than to Athens, because what makes the king powerful in his speech is his freedom from democratic checks. Nevertheless, his observations on the Macedonian royal power is more informative and helpful than Aristotle’s references to it in his Politics, though modern historians tend to privilege the philosopher for what he says or even does not say on the subject. Aristotle’s seldom mentions Macedonian kings, and when he does it is for limited, exemplary purposes, lumping them with other kings who came to power through benefaction and public service, or who were assassinated by men they had insulted.2 Moreover, according to Aristotle, the extreme of tyranny is distinguished from ideal kingship (pambasilea) by the fact that tyranny is a government that is not called to account. -
Domitian's Arae Incendii Neroniani in New Flavian Rome
Rising from the Ashes: Domitian’s Arae Incendii Neroniani in New Flavian Rome Lea K. Cline In the August 1888 edition of the Notizie degli Scavi, profes- on a base of two steps; it is a long, solid rectangle, 6.25 m sors Guliermo Gatti and Rodolfo Lanciani announced the deep, 3.25 m wide, and 1.26 m high (lacking its crown). rediscovery of a Domitianic altar on the Quirinal hill during These dimensions make it the second largest public altar to the construction of the Casa Reale (Figures 1 and 2).1 This survive in the ancient capital. Built of travertine and revet- altar, found in situ on the southeast side of the Alta Semita ted in marble, this altar lacks sculptural decoration. Only its (an important northern thoroughfare) adjacent to the church inscription identifies it as an Ara Incendii Neroniani, an altar of San Andrea al Quirinale, was not unknown to scholars.2 erected in fulfillment of a vow made after the great fire of The site was discovered, but not excavated, in 1644 when Nero (A.D. 64).7 Pope Urban VIII (Maffeo Barberini) and Gianlorenzo Bernini Archaeological evidence attests to two other altars, laid the foundations of San Andrea al Quirinale; at that time, bearing identical inscriptions, excavated in the sixteenth the inscription was removed to the Vatican, and then the and seventeenth centuries; the Ara Incendii Neroniani found altar was essentially forgotten.3 Lanciani’s notes from May on the Quirinal was the last of the three to be discovered.8 22, 1889, describe a fairly intact structure—a travertine block Little is known of the two other altars; one, presumably altar with remnants of a marble base molding on two sides.4 found on the Vatican plain, was reportedly used as building Although the altar’s inscription was not in situ, Lanciani refers material for the basilica of St. -
Citations in Classics and Ancient History
Citations in Classics and Ancient History The most common style in use in the field of Classical Studies is the author-date style, also known as Chicago 2, but MLA is also quite common and perfectly acceptable. Quick guides for each of MLA and Chicago 2 are readily available as PDF downloads. The Chicago Manual of Style Online offers a guide on their web-page: http://www.chicagomanualofstyle.org/tools_citationguide.html The Modern Language Association (MLA) does not, but many educational institutions post an MLA guide for free access. While a specific citation style should be followed carefully, none take into account the specific practices of Classical Studies. They are all (Chicago, MLA and others) perfectly suitable for citing most resources, but should not be followed for citing ancient Greek and Latin primary source material, including primary sources in translation. Citing Primary Sources: Every ancient text has its own unique system for locating content by numbers. For example, Homer's Iliad is divided into 24 Books (what we might now call chapters) and the lines of each Book are numbered from line 1. Herodotus' Histories is divided into nine Books and each of these Books is divided into Chapters and each chapter into line numbers. The purpose of such a system is that the Iliad, or any primary source, can be cited in any language and from any publication and always refer to the same passage. That is why we do not cite Herodotus page 66. Page 66 in what publication, in what edition? Very early in your textbook, Apodexis Historia, a passage from Herodotus is reproduced. -
ROMANS F/ 52 PART L: the KINGS of ROME
ruuLAE rcWAE STORIES OF FAMOLJS ROMANS f/ 52 PART l: THE KINGS OF ROME 1 iam dEdum: "for a long time already.' 2 aegrl ferre, to take badly, resent. Sex. Tarquinil: the youngest son ofTarquinius Superbus; see 11:17 and the note there" 3 ut . , . statuerent: "that they decided," result clause (see the grammar note on page 56). 5 Tarquinius CollEtlnus, -I (m.), Lucius Tarquinius Collatinus (nephew of Tarquinius Superbus and husband oflucretia). sorOre . n6tus: "born from the sister," ablative ofsourcewith nEtus, perfect participle ofthe verb n6scor. 6 contubernium, -i (n.), the sharing of a tent in the army, the status of be- ing messmates. in contuberrrid iuvenum rEgi0rum . erat: "was a messmate of . ." Ardea, -ae (f), Ardea (a town to the south of Rome). 7 *hber, libera, hberum, free, outspoken, unrestricted, unrestrained. frnusquisque, tnaquaeque, tnumquodque, each one. 8 *nutue, -ts (f), daughter-in-1aw. 9 *ltxus, -0.s (m.), luxury, luxurious living, extravagance. *d6prehend6, d6prehendere (3), dEprehendl, d6preh6nsum, to get hold of, surprise, catch in the act. CollEtia, -ae (f), Collatia (a town in Latium). 10 LucrEtia, -ae (f), Lucretia (wife of Collatinus). lanificium, -I (n.), wool-spinning, weaving (a traditional occupation of a Roman housewife). L1 offendO, offendere (3), offeadi, oftnsum, to strike against, find, en- counf,er. pudlcus, -a, -lrm, chase, virtuous. *itrdicd (1), to judge, proclaim, declare, think. 12 *corrump6, corrumpere (3), corrtrpl, corruptum, to break, corrupt, seduce, Ad quan corrumpendam: "To seduce her," gerundive (see the grammar note on page 59). 13 propinquitds, propinquitdtig (f), family relationship. Sextus Tarquinius was admitted to the house because he was a rela- tive. -
Nov 0 1 2005
L E C T U R E S O N T H E HIS T O R Y O F R O MA N R ELIG ION FR OM NUMA T O A UGUSTUS WILLIAM REGINALD HALLIDAY i B A . B .L tt . , Ra tbbone Profemof of A ncient Hiftory i n tbe Universi ty of Li verpo ol LI VERPOOL UN ER Y RE S ER IV SIT P S OF LIV POOL LTD . LONDON H ER AND ODD STOUGHTON LTD . MCMXXII Made and Printed m Grea t B n tam rm treet i er l a nd a t nd n and Pres t m uuc Co LTD . Victo , p , C . T , 5 3 , S L v oo Lo o co WILLIAM FOWLER Q I 3 I Q Q I a t 86 wo va w a 7 80 ve a w 0 n a r ro { 7 9 , y w ’ ‘ ’ ’ ' A 1 e a k do rm /cw)? l8 ; 9 0 6 x vri xeip Ba ei . PREFACE . T m s little book does not aim at maki ng any original contribution to knowledge . It has been no tes o f t ures written out from the a course l , ‘ - which were actually delivered as pub .ic lectures o ur o f in Institute Archaeology, but were primarily designed for students in the first o r second year of study in the Honours School o f Classics in Liverpool University . Their aim was to sum marise very briefly the character and the historical development of Roman reli gion up to the death of Augustus . -
Timaeus' Views on the Past*
Timaeus’ views on the Past* F. W. Walbank 1 The question I should like to try to answer in this paper is whether by the Hellenistic period there existed something that we could call a west Greek view of the past. There is no simple answer to this since, until one gets down as far as Diodorus, who was writing at the time of Julius Caesar, all the western Greek historians exist only in fragments; and indeed, after looking at the fragments,1 I fairly soon reached the conclusion that any discussion of their views about the past would have to centre on Timaeus. For that there is a good reason. Apart from Timaeus, the attested fragments of authors such as Antiochus and Philistus, not to mention lesser figures like Athanis of Syracuse, Timonides of Leucas, Callias and Antander, the brothers of Agathocles, and Alcimus, are so meagre — indeed in some cases we have little more than their names — that they emerge as wholly shadowy person alities. Nor is it simply that the fragments are few in number. In adition there is a strong likelihood that often these writers are being quoted at second hand via Timaeus. Consequently, if the fragments seem to suggest that their authors were interested predominantly in the same kind of things as Timaeus, that may well be because he quoted material from them which happened to fall in with his own interests. For Timaeus himself the situation is a little better, though by no means wholly satisfactory. Jacoby lists over a hundred and fifty attested fraqments of the historian. -
Food and the Philosophy of Empire: Herodotus 9.82
Food and the Philosophy of Empire: Herodotus 9.82 After the Battle of Plataea, Herodotus relates an anecdote about Pausanias’ reaction to Persian wealth. When he comes across Xerxes’ tent, he has the Persian slaves prepare a typical meal of the Persian elite. He then has his own slaves prepare a traditional Spartan meal. Pausanias is amused at the difference and calls the Greeks together, saying “my purpose in asking you all here is to show you how stupid the Persian king is. Look at the way he lives and then consider that he invaded our country to rob us of our meager portions!” (9.82). Scholarly response to this scene has been two-fold. First, Herodotus has Pausanias set up a display that proves one of the main themes of the Histories: that soft countries should not attack hard ones (Bowie 2003, Vasunia 2009). Second, the scene, along with Pausanias’ laughter, serves to foreshadow Pausanias’ eventual Medizing (Fornara 1971; Lateiner 1989). I propose that Herodotus includes this scene in order to highlight cultural difference and to show that Pausanias takes the wrong lesson from the Persian meal. His misinterpretation foreshadows not only his own downfall, but also problems in how Sparta exercises power. Herodotus creates a strong association between food and power in his presentation of the Persians (Munson 2001). When Croesus wants to attack the Persians, his advisor Sandanis warns him against it because the Persians’ “food consists of what they can get, not what they want” (1.71). If Croesus wins, he will gain nothing from it; but if he loses, he will lose everything. -
Archaeological and Literary Etruscans: Constructions of Etruscan Identity in the First Century Bce
ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND LITERARY ETRUSCANS: CONSTRUCTIONS OF ETRUSCAN IDENTITY IN THE FIRST CENTURY BCE John B. Beeby A dissertation submitted to the faculty at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Classics in the College of Arts and Sciences. Chapel Hill 2019 Approved by: James B. Rives Jennifer Gates-Foster Luca Grillo Carrie Murray James O’Hara © 2019 John B. Beeby ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT John B. Beeby: Archaeological and Literary Etruscans: Constructions of Etruscan Identity in the First Century BCE (Under the direction of James B. Rives) This dissertation examines the construction and negotiation of Etruscan ethnic identity in the first century BCE using both archaeological and literary evidence. Earlier scholars maintained that the first century BCE witnessed the final decline of Etruscan civilization, the demise of their language, the end of Etruscan history, and the disappearance of true Etruscan identity. They saw these changes as the result of Romanization, a one-sided and therefore simple process. This dissertation shows that the changes occurring in Etruria during the first century BCE were instead complex and non-linear. Detailed analyses of both literary and archaeological evidence for Etruscans in the first century BCE show that there was a lively, ongoing discourse between and among Etruscans and non-Etruscans about the place of Etruscans in ancient society. My method musters evidence from Late Etruscan family tombs of Perugia, Vergil’s Aeneid, and Books 1-5 of Livy’s history. Chapter 1 introduces the topic of ethnicity in general and as it relates specifically to the study of material remains and literary criticism. -
Rorres-Harris Figs
Symposium on Extraordinary Machines and Structures in Antiquity August 19-24, 2001 - Olympia, Greece A Formidable War Machine: Construction and Operation of Archimedes’ Iron Hand Chris Rorres Department of Mathematics and Computer Science Drexel University Philadelphia, PA 19104 USA [email protected] and Harry G. Harris Department of Civil and Architectural Engineering Drexel University Philadelphia, PA 19104 USA [email protected] - 1 - Summary Twenty-three centuries ago in the Sicilian city of Syracuse, the Greek mathematician Archimedes was called upon by his king to design war machines that could fend off enemies set to invade this Greek city-state. Among the numerous war machines designed by Archimedes was the fearsome Iron Hand, a device so terrifying that it became the primary defense for Syracuse against an invading Roman fleet in 213 BC. According to ancient historians, the Iron Hand (or Claw, as it was also termed) was a grappling hook suspended from a huge lever that caught the bow of a ship as it approached the city wall. It then jerked the bow skyward, shaking the ship while suspended and then suddenly releasing the hook, causing the ship to crash into the water or onto the rocks below the wall. Thus the Roman ship was smashed apart and the crew hurled into the sea. So effective was the Iron Hand that the Romans were forced to abandon their sea invasion plan and to pursue a longterm blockade. Throughout the ages, tales of Archimedes’ defense of Syracuse grew more and more imaginative, and the proposed design of his Iron Hand grew less and less plausible. -
Contesting the Greatness of Alexander the Great: the Representation of Alexander in the Histories of Polybius and Livy
ABSTRACT Title of Document: CONTESTING THE GREATNESS OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT: THE REPRESENTATION OF ALEXANDER IN THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS AND LIVY Nikolaus Leo Overtoom, Master of Arts, 2011 Directed By: Professor Arthur M. Eckstein, Department of History By investigating the works of Polybius and Livy, we can discuss an important aspect of the impact of Alexander upon the reputation and image of Rome. Because of the subject of their histories and the political atmosphere in which they were writing - these authors, despite their generally positive opinions of Alexander, ultimately created scenarios where they portrayed the Romans as superior to the Macedonian king. This study has five primary goals: to produce a commentary on the various Alexander passages found in Polybius’ and Livy’s histories; to establish the generally positive opinion of Alexander held by these two writers; to illustrate that a noticeable theme of their works is the ongoing comparison between Alexander and Rome; to demonstrate Polybius’ and Livy’s belief in Roman superiority, even over Alexander; and finally to create an understanding of how this motif influences their greater narratives and alters our appreciation of their works. CONTESTING THE GREATNESS OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT: THE REPRESENTATION OF ALEXANDER IN THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS AND LIVY By Nikolaus Leo Overtoom Thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Maryland, College Park, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts 2011 Advisory Committee: Professor Arthur M. Eckstein, Chair Professor Judith P. Hallett Professor Kenneth G. Holum © Copyright by Nikolaus Leo Overtoom 2011 Dedication in amorem matris Janet L. -
Epicurus' Kupia L\6~A XVII
Epicurus' "Kyria Doxa" [Greek] XVII Clay, Diskin Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Spring 1972; 13, 1; ProQuest pg. 59 Epicurus' Kupia L\6~a XVII Diskin Clay N 1888 Usener published a collection of sayings Karl Wotke had I discovered in the Vatican with the title 'EmKovpov IIpocc/)(j)VT]CLc the 'Pronouncement of Epicurus'. In all, this new gnomologium contained some 81 pronouncements, twelve of which had been long familiar from Diogenes Laertius. The rest, except those which were already known as the pronouncements of Metrodorus, were new; or new in their Greek originaP The new Vatican collection irritated sores surrounding the ques tion of the genesis and authenticity of the KVpUXL L16gaL which Usener had opened a year before.2 But some of the new sayings were in fact the pronouncements of Epicurus, and they allowed a better apprecia tion of the care Epicurus took in refining the language of his moral teaching to its sharpest point. One of the new sayings (Sententia Vati cana 68) Usener spotted as the reformulation of one of Epicurus' gno mai known in its earlier form from Aelian and Stobaeus.3 The saying they knew as: l' '\1 'f I '\\\ I ,~\ t I CtJ O"LYOV OVx LKavov. al\l\a TOVTCtJ yE OVOEV LKaVOV was apparently not neat enough for Epicurus. If Usener is right, he reduced his thought to the curt and elegant , ~'f , 1" '\' ,~ I OVoEV LKavOV CtJ O"LYOV TO LKavov -"nothing is enough for the man for whom little is enough." Another of the new sayings from the Vatican made it clear that Epicurus not only went to pains to reformulate his own language, but that of others. -
Polybios, the Laws of War, and Philip V of Macedon1
ORE Open Research Exeter TITLE Polybios, the Laws of War, and Philip V of Macedon AUTHORS Nicholson, EL JOURNAL Historia - Zeitschrift fur Alte Geschichte DEPOSITED IN ORE 25 September 2018 This version available at http://hdl.handle.net/10871/34104 COPYRIGHT AND REUSE Open Research Exeter makes this work available in accordance with publisher policies. A NOTE ON VERSIONS The version presented here may differ from the published version. If citing, you are advised to consult the published version for pagination, volume/issue and date of publication Historia 67, 2018/4, 434–453 DOI 10.25162/historia-2018-0017 Emma Nicholson Polybios, the Laws of War, and Philip V of Macedon1 Abstract: In his account of Philip V of Macedon’s attack of Thermos in 218 BC (5.9–12), Poly- bios uses the ‘laws of war’ as a rhetorical device to reinforce his own interpretation of the king and perspective on the situation. While this is not the only place within his work where the laws are referenced in such a way – they are, for instance, similarly used in the defence of Achaian actions after recapturing Mantinea in 226 BC (Plb. 2.58) – the Thermos episode represents the most extensive and explicit application of this motif and therefore offers us an opportunity to investigate the historian’s historiographical aims and literary workings in more detail. This arti- cle sets out to offer fresh perspectives on this well-known episode, exploring how the reference to the ‘laws’ has serious consequences for the development of the king’s character within the narrative, how it engages with wider didactic and political purposes, and what it reveals about Polybios’ historical method and literary workings.