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Kenny A. J. Macco

Donec Auferatur Luna Exploring Early Modern Terrorism in the Low Countries (1566-84) and the Plausibility of a Nexus with Exile.

By Kenny A. J. Macco Prof. Dr. Geert Janssen Second reader: Dr. Samuel Kruizinga University of Amsterdam August 2019 19,509 words

Cover: Blurred adaptation and excerpt of Maarten van Heemskerck’s (1539-43), St. Lawrence Altarpiece. Permanent Collection of Linköping Cathedral, Denmark.

‘Mijn Schilt ende betrouwen, Sijt Ghy, o Godt mijn Heer; Op U soo wil ick bouwen, Verlaet my nemmermeer. Dat ick doch vroom mach blijven, U dienaer taller stondt, Die tyranny verdrijven, Die my mijn hert doorwondt. (...) Als David moeste vluchten, Voor Saul den tyran, Soo heb ick moeten suchten, Met menich edelman; Maer Godt heeft hem verheven, Verlost uut alder noot, Een Coninckrijck ghegheven, In Israel seer groot.’ The Wilhelmus (Geuzenliedboek 1581)

Abstract

The following question was explored in this thesis: ‘Can terrorism be traced in the Early Modern Low Countries (1566-1584), and did exile experience play a role in this?’ This central question was divided into four subquestions. The first asked is whether violence – a fundamental precondition for terrorism – was legitimized. Four influential writers with a history of exile and a selection of propaganda material were studied. Violence was barely legitimized by the selected writers, except for Aldegonde, but it was in propaganda. The religious, political, and economic grievances were similar in these sources and align with the literature about the contextual background of the Dutch Revolt. The second question asked whether cases of terrorism can be found between 1566 and 1584. Following the conceptual definition of Alex Schmid, an open approach became possible (similar to Marc Juergensmeyer’s approach) and cases of terrorism were indeed found. The third question referred to Habsburg policies in order to counter and/ or prevent violence (terrorism). These policies were often repressive and harsh. Consequently, instead of countering terrorism, this approach only deepened grievances and legitimized the rebel cause. The final question referred to the role of exile in violent radicalization. The question whether exile experience played a role in the violent radicalization of terrorists has been nuanced by applying four arguments. The first argument questioned the proposed causality. Different Beggars are exemplary for the fact that violent radicalization happened before their flight. The second argument nuanced the assumption of violent radicalization. The majority of exiles did not radicalize violently. Thirdly, focusing on the elite increases the plausibility of an alternative explanation: many elitist rebels had to flee in order to prevent persecution. Furthermore, those fleeing were often the most active, enterprising, radical, and were part of a social network and material means enabling their flight. A final argument diversified the influence of exile temporally. In the 1570s, the Protestant organization in exile came under the influence of other radicalized exiles. From then on, new refugees arrived among aggrieved individuals, some of them readying themselves for violent revenge. It is plausible that the influence of exile increased from then on. Furthermore, a connection between exile experience and violent radicalization of Catholic refugees is more plausible due to the circumstances and the role of the Jesuits. The endeavor to drive evil and darkness out and establish a just social, political and economic order fell within a religious framework. How the circumstances were interpreted and coped with depended on the positionality of the actors involved. To conclude then, this thesis shows that Early Modern terrorism in the Low Countries was ultimately influenced by a religious framework (macro), while economic and political (meso and micro) factors played important proximate roles among terrorists. The terrorists and the Habsburg regime were similar in their approach in that both fought against their perception of evil, summarized by the emblem Philip II got in his cradle: Donec Auferatur Luna.

Table of Contents

Introduction ...... 1

I) Theory and Concepts ...... 4

A) Defining Terrorism ...... 6

B) Counterterrorism and Violent Radicalization ...... 7

C) Debating Violent Radicalization in Exile ...... 9

D) Overview Thesis ...... 13

II) Justifying Violence ...... 14

A) The Road to Rebellion ...... 14

B) Justifying Violence and Rebellion ...... 22

C) The Role of Violence in Propaganda ...... 31

III) Terrorism and Counterterrorism in the Low Countries ...... 36

A) Iconoclasm (1566) as Terrorism ...... 36

B) The Beggars and the Spread of Violent Rebellion ...... 39

C) Terrorism during the Counter-Reformation...... 49

D) Habsburg Policies of Counterterrorism ...... 55

IV) Discussing Exile Influence on Violent Radicalization/ Terrorism ...... 60

A) The Assumption of Causality ...... 61

B) The Assumption of Violent Radicalization ...... 67

C) Elitist Myopia in Relation to the Beggars ...... 73

D) Temporal Nuance ...... 75

Conclusion and Discussion ...... 77

Sources ...... 81

III

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Introduction

Until recently there was a consensus among terrorism researchers that this sort of violence is typically modern.1 Different contemporary terrorism scholars pushed the frontier of terrorism research by exploring its application before the revolutionary Jacobin La Terreur-regime, on which the term ‘terrorism’ is inspired.2 These contemporary scholars perceive terrorism as a universal phenomenon and limit the influence of La Terreur to the term alone.3 A necessary though insufficient precondition for terrorism is violent radicalization.4 Different scholars argued that exile had a generally radicalizing influence on those who helped organize the Dutch Revolt.5 However, a nexus between exile and ‘violent’ radicalization has barely been studied. In this thesis, both terrorism and the plausibility of a nexus between exile and terrorism will be explored among Protestants and Catholics in the Early Modern Low Countries (1566-1584). Both the monopolization of terrorism by modernity and the plausibility of a nexus with exile is questioned critically in this thesis. Terrorism and exile are important in contemporary western societies so that this study might be valuable input for contemporary challenges. The exploration starts by asking the following research question: ‘Can terrorism be traced in the Early Modern Low Countries (1566-1584), and did exile experience play a role in this?’ The different chapters in this thesis serve as building blocks and four subquestions are discussed chronologically. The first chapter serves as the foundation for this thesis. It discusses and proposes a universal definition for terrorism in section A, while counterterrorism and violent radicalization are discussed and defined in section B. A separate and extended discussion of the definition is necessary, due to the contested nature of terrorism and in order to anticipate on expected objections that studying pre-modern terrorism is anachronistic. Section C describes different theoretical positions in relation to exile experience and its

1 Standard narrative according to Carola Dietze, Die Erfindung des Terrorismus in Europa, Russland und den USA 1858-1866 (Hamburg 2016). 2 Timothy Tackett, The Coming of the Terror in the French Revolution (Cambridge 2015). 3 David Rapoport’s longue durée study is one example. Other examples are Robert Appelbaum’s 4 Alex P. Schmid, ‘Chapter 2: The Definition of Terrorism.’ In The Routledge Handbook of Terrorism Research, edited by Alex P. Schmid (New York 2011), 86. 5 Among them are Heiko Oberman, Andrew Pettegree, Alastair Duke, Judith Pollmann, Geert Janssen.

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supposed nexus with the (violent) radicalization of Dutch Protestants and Catholics at the onset and during the first decades of the Dutch Revolt (1566-1584). Chapters two, three, and four chronologically treat the four subquestions. In the second chapter determines how violence was justified in the context leading to the Dutch Revolt because violence is a necessary precondition for terrorism.6 In section A the context is described, and in section B four Early Modern influential writers are analyzed to assess whether and how they legitimized violence against the Habsburg government. These writers are Philips of Marnix of Saint-Aldegonde (1540-1598), Adrianus Haemstedius (ca. 1525-1562), Dirck Volkertsz. Coornhert (1522-1590), and Justus Lipsius (1547–1606). In section C, a sample of Dutch cultural expressions is analyzed. Together they provide the answer on the first subquestion, namely whether and how violence was legitimized in the Dutch context. In chapter three a selection of different actors and cases are analyzed in order to establish whether Early Modern Terrorism can be found in the Low Countries. This helps to answer the second subquestion which is done in section A: ‘Are there cases that can be labeled Early Modern terrorism in the Low Countries (1566-1584)?’ In chapter three the type of policies the Habsburg government applied to counter this violence is assessed. This is the input necessary to answer subquestion three which is done in section B: ‘If there are cases of terrorism in the Early Modern Low Countries (1566-1584), what type of counter-terrorist policies were applied by the Habsburg government?’ The fourth subquestion is the following: ‘Did exile experience play a role in violent radicalization, and if so, what was this role?’ Violent radicalization is important because it is a necessary though on itself insufficient precondition before an individual perpetrates a violent/ terrorist act.7 The plausibility of exile experience playing a role in violent radicalization is discussed in chapter four by discussing four arguments divided into separate sections. These arguments are related to the assumption of causality, the assumption of violent radicalization, an elitist approach, and a temporal differentiation.

6 It corresponds with the social identity of terrorists as proposed by Marc Sageman, or understanding what Juergensmeyer labeled the symbolic aspects of terrorism and the audience terrorists wished to reach in their selected theatre. 7 Schmid, ‘Chapter 2’, 86.

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The sources studied to help answer these questions are varied. Firstly, secondary literature of different fundamental themes was studied.8 Secondly, primary works and letters of different writers and philosophers who went into exile were analyzed, both on their approach to violence and on the influence of exile. Thirdly, a sample of pamphlets, songs, and administrative accounts in the period 1566-1584 was analyzed. Because rebellion and exile are highly stressful situations, a psychological approach helped deepen the analyses.9 Coping Mechanism is qualitatively analyzed by interpreting the context in relation to violent acts/ terrorism. Coping mechanism presupposes that individuals seek significance and wish to make meaning out of stressful situations.10 According to Paul Wong, Lilian Wong, and Carolyn Scott, dealing with stress is universal, but the way individuals cope with stressful situations (like war and repression), is structurally influenced by culture and context. This is something other foundational scholars in relation to the psychology of stress (like Lazarus, Folkman, and Charles Snyder) did not take into account.11 Stress and coping mechanism are interpreted from the primary sources in relation to the context in the Low Countries (1566-1584). According to Eleftheriadou, violent radicalization contains different layers, namely micro (personal victimization and/ or grievances, possibly leading to exile), meso (violent/ radical groups connected to the refugees, level of political organization, presence of militants), and macro (political, religious, ethnic, socioeconomic societal rifts).12 Micro-analyses help to give the actors their agency back. Other influences are socioeconomic indicators (living conditions, crime and safety, discrimination), settlement patterns (whether one lives urban and

8 Namely (counter-) terrorism, Protestant and Catholic exile, the Inquisition (Black Legend), martyrdom, tyrannicide, the Iconoclasm (1566), pamphlet culture and satire, Early Modern justification of rebellion, the Beggars, and the policies of the Habsburg government. 9 Richard S. Lazarus and Susan Folkman, Stress, Appraisal, and Coping (New York 1984), 21. 10 Paul T. P. Wong and Lilian C. J. Wong, Handbook of Multicultural Perspectives on Stress and Coping (New York 2006), 16, 20. 11 Wong and Wong, Handbook of Multicultural Perspectives, 5, 20; C. R. Snyder, Coping. The Psychology of What Works (New York 1999), 331: Snyder did give a hint on cultural influences when asking ‘To what extent are our coping ideas a by-product of our Western society?’ 12 Marina Eleftheriadou, ‘Refugee Radicalization/Militarization in the Age of the European Refugee Crisis: A Composite Model.’ In Terrorism and Political Violence (2018).

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central or rural and isolated), and external actors (states or leaders who try to influence the refugees).13 Eleftheriadou’s helpful framework is applied in the analyses. Different considerations increase the importance and relevance of this thesis. Firstly, investigating pre-modern terrorism can deepen and widen terrorism research. It can serve as input for contemporary research questions in terrorism, possibly even enriching the field with new questions. Secondly, to understand how far the specific influence of exile went, assessing violent radicalization/ terrorism might be fruitful. The Protestant exiles, especially those who went to London and Emden, are known for their organizational influence, helping to establish the Reformed Church in the Low Countries. However, a nexus between exile and violent radicalization has barely been studied. The Catholics who fled the Low Countries when the Protestant refugees returned were important for the Counter-Reformation.14 This thesis asks whether exile was related to the cases of violent radicalization/ terrorism as part of this Catholic response. Finally, this study might also give clues on whether David Rapoport’s perception of pre-modern terrorism as religious is plausible.

I) Theory and Concepts

The consensus that terrorism is an exclusively modern form of violence can be labeled the ‘monopolization of terrorism by modernity’. Carola Dietze rightly argued that the ‘standard narrative’ of terrorism connects terrorism to modernity and that after the French Revolution typically modern developments15 informed the Russian Marxist Berufsrevolutionӓren.16 The origins of this standard narrative can be traced back to different transnational judicial institutions who were in need of precise definitions in order to sentence individuals questioning the state’s monopoly on violence by applying terrorism. This way, terrorism was drifting away

13 Eleftheriadou, ‘Refugee Radicalization/Militarization’, 4. 14 Judith Pollmann and Geert Janssen argue this. 15 Communication technology, modern means of transportation, new weapons, new strategies and means for violence. 16 Dietze, Die Erfindung des Terrorismus, 61, 76-77, 82, 630: ‘‘Terrorismus muss deshalb – genau wie die Eisenbahn oder der Kunstdϋnger – als eine Erfindung des 19. Jahrhunderts angesehen werden, nur dass es sich hierbei nicht um eine technische oder wissenschaftliche Erfinding handelt, sondern um die Erfindung einer Handlungslogik im Bereich von Politik, Gesellschaft und Medien.’

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from the Irish and Russian Marxist revolutionaries who perceived it abstractly as a fear- generating form of violence similar to the Jacobin Terreur.17 Dietze introduced this standard narrative as an argument to denounce the study of pre- modern terrorism, but this is not convincing. Indeed, sticking to a definition of terrorism within the standard narrative would make this study a priori anachronistic. Randall Law extended the work of Rapoport and argued that terrorism is as old as humanity. Roger Griffin agreed, but distinguished pre-modern and modern terrorists, because modern terrorists have different goals and tactics.18 Although Griffin’s argument seems plausible, comparing contemporary with Early Modern terrorism is not part of this thesis. Furthermore, Robert Appelbaum argued that pre-modern terrorism was diverse, manifesting itself in the form of tyrannicide/ assassinations, mass killings, destruction of property, and massacres.19 While these studies are all evenly interesting, a clear scientific definition is missing. The following section proposes a conceptual definition, thereby opening the way for structural analyses into pre-modern terrorism. This enhances the transparency, comparability, and falsifiability of this study.

17 Bruce Hoffman, Inside Terrorism (New York 2006), 29-32. 18 Roger D. Griffin, ‘Modernity and Terrorism’. In Randall D. Law, The Routledge History of Terrorism (New York 2015), 370-372. 19 Robert Appelbaum, ‘Chapter 2: Early Modern Terrorism.’ In Peter C. Herman, Terrorism and Literature (Cambridge 2018), 38-39: ‘All these murders were cases of political violence, undertaken asymmetrically, and aimed at communicating political messages that were at once disruptive, theatrical, and hortatory, with strong measures of intimidation thrown in; they were all aimed at changing government policy, and for that matter the structure of government itself. They were, in a word, acts of terror.’; 41: ‘So there was assassination; there was mass killing; there was violence against property; and there was a kind of collective violence that combined all three elements. And there was at least one more type of early modern terrorism that needs to be taken into account: the massacre, especially as it broke out sporadically in France.’ Gérard Chaliand and Arnaud Blin also argued that tyrannicide can be seen as pre-modern terrorism. La Terreur and Robespierre inspired their regime on the prevention of tyrannicide while their revolutionary was still in its infancy, and Lenin often referred to tyrants that stand in the way of a just society. See Histoire du Terrorisme de l’Antiquité á Daech (2015), 86-102, on pages 92-93: ‘L’exécution du tyran est symbolique car elle permet une purification du système politique et la possibilité d’un nouveau départ, l’objectif n’étant plus seulement de changer de régime politique mais aussi de transformer la société. (…) Mais, comme nous le verrons plus tard, le tyrannicide sert aussi de justificatif au terrorisme d’État, c’est-à-dire à la terreur employée par l’appareil d’État contre le peuple, et qui trouve son origine moderne dans la Révolution de 1789, celle précisément qui construisit son mythe autour de l’assassinat du souverain.’

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A) Defining Terrorism

Leonard Weinberg, Ami Pedahzur, and Sivan Hirsch-Hoefler defined terrorism as ‘a politically motivated tactic involving the threat or use of force or violence in which the pursuit of publicity plays a significant role’.20 This inclusive definition does not monopolize the study of terrorism for modernity and stays close to definitions applied by other scholars in the past.21 Giovanni Sartori, an Italian political scientist, rightly argued that scientific transparency, comparability, and falsifiability of scientific studies increase with the application of conceptual definitions when they are standardized and systematized.22 The concepts related to terrorism are manifold, but some elements are perceived as part of the core of this concept. Alex P. Schmid empirically studied which elements of terrorism are most often found in scientific definitions, and concluded that violence is part of 83 percent of the definitions, political motives/ goals 65 percent, causing fear 51 percent, and consolidating this fear 47 percent.23 Schmid proposed a positive and negative conceptual definition and nuanced it by arguing that not all conceptual elements need to be manifest in every case of terrorism.24 The conceptual definition he proposed is adopted in this thesis: ‘Terrorism refers on the one hand to a doctrine about the presumed effectiveness of a special form or tactic of fear-generating, coercive political violence and, on the other hand, to a conspiratorial practice of calculated, demonstrative, direct violent action without legal or moral restraints, targeting mainly civilians and noncombatants, performed for its propagandistic and psychological effects on various

20 Leonard Weinberg et al, ‘The Challenges of Conceptualizing Terrorism’. In Terrorism and Political Violence 16:4 (2004), 777-794, on page 786. 21 By applying a definition applied by other scholars the scholarly community studying pre-modern terrorism does not discuss and debate alongside each other. 22 Giovanni Sartori, ‘Concept Misinformation in Comparative Politics.’ In The American Political Science Review LXIV: 4 (1970), 1033-1053. 23 Schmid, ‘Chapter 2’, 74: Schmid’s definition brings terrorism back to its more abstract origins. This aligns with definitions applied by other prominent terrorism researchers. Martha Crenshaw. ‘The Concept of Revolutionary Terrorism’. In David C. Rapoport, ed., Terrorism. Critical Concepts in Political Science, vol. II: The Second or Anti-Colonial Wave (London & New York 2006), 70-87; Brigitte L. Nacos, Terrorism and Counterterrorism (London 2016), 37: ‘Terrorism is political violence of the threat of violence by groups or individuals who deliberately target civilians or noncombatants in order to influence the behavior and actions of targeted publics and governments.’ 24 Schmid, ‘Chapter 2’, 74.

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audiences and conflict parties.’25 Marc Juergensmeyer, theologian and sociologist, emphasized the symbolic aspect of terrorism: ‘like religious ritual or street theater, they are dramas designed to have an impact on the several audiences that they affect.’26 Juergensmeyer added that ‘By calling acts of religious terrorism "symbolic," I mean that they are intended to illustrate or refer to something beyond their immediate target: a grander conquest, for instance, or a struggle more awesome than meets the eye’.27 Terrorism is a medium to cause fear, which is also seen in this thesis as a core component of terrorism.28 Schmid also helped to delineate terrorism by arguing what it is not. Firstly, terrorism is not the single deed of damaging public property. Secondly, side-effects caused by the single deed of damaging public property are not terrorism either. Thirdly, assassinations aimed at the victim alone cannot be labeled terrorism. Fourthly, spontaneous political violence, like a rebellion or a demonstration is not part of terrorism. Finally, the legal use of violence in order to consolidate or recover public order and the rule of law is not terrorism, because it falls under the authority and monopoly of violence of the state. Schmid also argued that violence cannot be terrorism when it is perpetrated during wartime. However, this exclusion is problematic, especially in pre-modern contexts where it is often unclear if it was a war situation.29 Therefore, this element will be left out of the negative demarcation of terrorism. Lastly, terrorism is often applied as a discursive frame to delegitimize acts of violence. In order to solve this, contextual, positional, and normative reflections will be applied.

B) Counterterrorism and Violent Radicalization

If acts of terrorism can be found in the Early Modern Low Countries, the second subquestion aims to explore what type of policies were formulated and applied by the Habsburg regime, making that an Early Modern equivalent of counterterrorism. Counterterrorism aims to counter

25 Schmid, ‘Chapter 2’, 86. 26 Marc Juergensmeyer, Terror in the Mind of God (Berkeley 2003), 124. 27 Juergensmeyer, Terror in the Mind, 123. 28 Thus, under the umbrella of terrorism the elements diverse tactics, diverse violence, medium for fear, diverse actors, ultimately aimed at political consequences are included. 29 Charles Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution (New York 1978), 190-194; Tilly describes many different types of violence, like revolution, coup d’etat, civil war, revolutionary situation and great revolution.

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the threat of violence and delegitimize the political consequences terrorists aim for.30 Counterterrorism should prevent terrorist methods because state terrorism gives terrorists the legitimacy they strive for.31 Terrorists question the state’s monopoly of violence. When the majority of the people support the ‘terrorists’, social contract theorists argued that the state loses its legitimacy. Consequently, not just the monopoly on violence shifts, but the territory and the subjects actually wish to enter a new social contract.32 Counterterrorism is invented to prevent this scenario. States will take all necessary steps to abolish the threat of terrorism in order to consolidate their legitimacy. The legitimacy of a state is essentially to consolidate the physical and psychological safety of its subjects. Therefore, terrorism threatens the legitimacy of a state, even when the values and goals of the terrorists are perceived to be inferior or against dominant values.33 However, understanding counterterrorism through social contract theory would be anachronistic for the period studied in this thesis. Therefore, the analyses are limited to a short discussion of the effectiveness of Habsburg (counter-terrorist) policies.34 One necessary though insufficient precondition for terrorism is violent radicalization. Violent radicalization is the development of deviant and dogmatic cultural, ideological, religious, and/ or political beliefs. When an individual radicalizes in a violent manner, this radicalization leads to the conviction that certain beliefs can and must be implemented, thereby legitimizing violence if deemed necessary.35 According to Marc Sageman in Turning to Political Violence, the development of deviant beliefs is largely informed by the individual’s social identity. However, Sageman’s approach structures the individual deterministically, leaving less space for individual

30 Olivier Lewis, ‘Conceptualizing State Counterterrorism’. In Scott Nicholas Romaniuk, Francis Grice, Daniela Irrera, Stewart Webb (eds.), The Palgrave Handbook of Global Counterterrorism Policy (London 2017), 20: ‘the countering (1) of deliberately indiscriminate violence, (2) of threats of indiscriminate violence, and (3) of political demands made via threats of indiscriminate violence.’ 31 Lewis, ‘Conceptualizing State Counterterrorism’, 21. 32 Timothy Poirson, ‘Assessing Terrorist Threats and Counterterrorism Responses in Post-Gaddafi Libya’. In Scott Nicholas Romaniuk, Francis Grice, Daniela Irrera, Stewart Webb (eds.), The Palgrave Handbook of Global Counterterrorism Policy (London 2017), 948. 33 Lewis, ‘Conceptualizing State Counterterrorism’, 26. 34 Ibidem, 20: ‘the countering (1) of deliberately indiscriminate violence, (2) of threats of indiscriminate violence, and (3) of political demands made via threats of indiscriminate violence.’ 35 Eleftheriadou, ‘Refugee Radicalization/Militarization’, 2.

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agency.36 The deep analyses in relation to violent radicalization by Juergensmeyer in Terror in the Mind of God can only be reached through a more open method.37 Coping Mechanism, Eleftheriadou’s framework, and a conceptual definition of terrorism help are beneficial for the openness of this thesis. The theoretical background of a nexus between violent radicalization and exile will be discussed in the following section.

C) Debating Violent Radicalization in Exile

In his article for The Oxford Handbook of the History of Terrorism, David Teegarden framed the classical act of tyrannicide as an act of terrorism, referring to ‘Harmodius blow’ killing the brother of the tyrant Hippias. According to Teegarden’s reading of Thucydides, Herodotus, and Aristotle, some of those exiled to Attica kept harassing Hippias’ regime and finally succeeded in toppling his tyranny with the help of a legion of Spartans.38 Teegarden saw, in this case, an early form of terrorism and connected exile with violent radicalization/ terrorism. However, it stays unclear whether these refugees violently radicalized during their exile, or that they were already radicalized before leaving Athens. In relation to the period and topic of this thesis, Heiko Oberman described in Europa Afflicta (1992) how Calvinist refugees spread and organized the Reformation.39 According to Oberman, John Calvin gave the Reformation a new stimulus halfway the sixteenth century and felt part of a transnational Protestant people’s army, while not legitimizing violence.40 Even though the Calvinist people’s army was not under his direct leadership, and even though Calvin felt he merely prophesied God’s truth, Calvin indirectly

36 Marc Sageman, Turning to Political Violence. The Emergence of Terrorism (Philadelphia 2017), 362. 37 Juergensmeyer, Terror in the Mind. Another example of these deep analyses is Clark McCauley and Sophia Moskalenko, Friction. How Radicalization Happens (Oxford 2011). 38 David A. Teegarden, ‘Acting like Harmodius and Aristogeiton: Tyrannicide in Ancient Greek Political Culture.’ In The Oxford Handbook of the History of Terrorism (Oxford 2014), 1-6; David A. Teegarden, Death to Tyrants! Ancient Greek Democracy and the Struggle against Tyranny (Oxford 2014): These refugees were led by the aristocratic Alcmaeonidae family. 39 Heiko A. Oberman, ‘Europa Afflicta: The Reformation of the Refugees’. In Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte, 83 (1992), 91–111, on pages 102-103, 108: Europa Afflicta means ‘Tormented Europe’. 40 Heiko A. Oberman, The Two Reformations. The Journey from the Last Days to the New World (Yale 2003), 112-113, 115, 145.

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inspired initiatives to organize and govern Protestant resistance. Together with their belief in predestination, Calvin’s thought served as a coping mechanism for aggrieved Protestants.41 Andrew Pettegree took up Oberman’s theory that a specific Exulantentheologie was established in exile, but extends and connects this to the Dutch Revolt.42 Pettegree argued that exile experience bred rebels, assassins, and helped organize the militants.43 He asserted that exile can explain why so many leaders of the revolt (Beggars) were former exiles.44 According to Pettegree, the second wave of exile was a result of the Iconoclasm of 1566 and established the influence of Calvinism on the Dutch Revolt.45 Recently, Jesse Spohnholz and Mirjam van Veen criticized this supposed consensus about a nexus between exile and radicalization. They argued that a coherent exile experience cannot be found, because ‘displacement in many cases encouraged Reformed to temper, not harden, confessional commitments’, for example in relation to Dirck Volkertsz. Coornhert.46 Secondly, exile Churches were relatively open with all types of Protestants visiting the services and leaving space for individuals to participate in Reformed rituals.47 Lastly, primary sources of individuals who went into exile mostly do not place any significant meaning to their exile experience.48

41 Many exiled lost their house, family, and social status. Predestination insured Calvinists that they would endure their misery with Gods’ assistance, and that it was all part of God’s larger plan. 42 Andrew Pettegree, Emden and the Dutch Revolt (Oxford 1992), 56. 43 Pettegree, Emden and the Dutch Revolt, 113, 116, 126. 44 Ibidem, 229-230. Some scholars doubt that, arguing that Heinrich Bullinger was more influential in the Low Countries than Calvin. 45 Ibidem, 244. 46 Jesse Spohnholz and Mirjam G. K. van Veen, ‘The Disputed Origins of Dutch Calvinism: Religious Refugees in the Historiography of the Dutch Reformation’. In Church History 86:2 (June 2017), 398–426, on pages 400-402; Veen, M. (n.d.). ‘Dirck Volckertz Coornhert: Exile and Religious Coexistence’. In J. Spohnholz & G. Waite (Eds.), Exile and Religious Identity, 1500–1800 (pp. 67-80), on page 79. 47 Spohnholz and Van Veen, ‘The Disputed Origins’, 398–426, on page 406. 48 Ibidem, 398–426, on page 409. Spohnholz and Van Veen argued that the dominant role of exiled Calvinists in freeing the Low Countries from religious and political suppression was a discourse initiated in the nineteenth century by Abraham Kuyper and others. They concluded that constitutive scholarly works helped to consolidate this over- estimated role of the refugees, as the works of Aart van Schelven and Heiko Oberman’s catchy phrase ‘Reformation by the Refugees’ show. However, according to Spohnholz and Van Veen, the sources these works base their arguments on are questionable or incomplete, on page 425 and A. A. van Schelven, De Nederduitsche vluchtelingenkerken der XVIe eeuw in Engeland en Duitschland in hun betekenis voor de Reformatie in de Nederlanden (‘s Gravenhage 1907); Heiko Augustinus Oberman, The Two Reformations. The Journey from the Last Days to the New World (London 2003).

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The role of exile on (violent) radicalization is also proposed by Geert Janssen in relation to Catholic refugees. Janssen explained how Protestant refugees returning from exile after 157249 influenced the Catholic community. Some Catholics decided to flee, fearing revengeful radical Protestants. The Catholic exile community was smaller in size but played a central role in the Counter-Reformation because of their exile experience.50 According to Janssen, the intense solidarity among Protestant refugees in exile was similar among Catholic exiles.51 Catholics mainly came together in Amsterdam, Utrecht, and Groningen in the Northern provinces, or Douai and St. Omer in the South. Many refugees fled to Cologne, Emmerich, and Liѐge.52 Catholics developed a legitimation of flight, ensuring their salvation by escaping a polluted Corpus Christi while pointing at Biblical precedents. On the other hand, staying meant legitimizing rebel rule.53 Janssen expanded what Judith Pollmann had started. Pollmann argued that Catholics returning from exile were strong in their confessional commitments, often militant, and enjoyed a higher status within the Catholic community.54 Other prominent scholars of Dutch history also emphasize the importance of exile and relate this to the establishment of the Netherlands as a distinct political and even cultural entity. Jonathan Israel argued that a difference manifested itself over time between the northern and the southern Low Countries. During the Dutch Revolt, north and south drifted further apart. Janssen outlined the role of exiles and religion in the deepening north-south divide and described how Protestant refugees went to the northern Low Countries due to the religious and political status quo there, while Catholic refugees fled to the southern provinces from Calvinist persecution beginning in the 1580s.55 The historiographical background discussed thus far informs the expectation that experience of exile led to violent radicalization and might have inspired some of these

49 After Brill was conquered by the Beggars. 50 Geert H. Janssen, The Dutch Revolt and Catholic Exile in Reformation Europe (Cambridge 2014), 6. 51 Geert H. Janssen, ‘Quo Vadis? Catholic Perceptions of Flight and the Revolt of the Low Countries, 1566– 1609.’ In Renaissance Quarterly, 64: 2 (2011), 472-499, on pages 475-476. 52 Ibidem, on page 476. 53 Ibidem, on pages 484-487. 54 Judith Pollmann, ‘Being a Catholic in Early Modern Europe’. In Alexandra Bamji, Geert H. Janssen, and Mary Laven, The Ashgate Research Companion to the Counter-Reformation (Farnham 2013), 174, 176. 55 Janssen, The Dutch Revolt, 61-63, 131-132.

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individuals to perpetrate acts of terrorism in the Early Modern Low Countries from the Wonderyear 1566 until 1584, the year of the assassination of William of Orange. The theoretical background shows that exile experience is proposed as an important push factor, leading to a radical, uncompromising, and/ or hardened attitude among many, a violent attitude amongst some. Besides assessing Early Modern terrorism, the specific influence of exile on those that radicalized violently is explored in this thesis. An important aspect for rebels and terrorists is their legitimacy. Therefore, in the next chapter important contextual factors that led to the Iconoclasm (1566) and the Dutch Revolt is described, because this is an important step in understanding how possible terrorists justified violence.

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D) Overview Thesis

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II) Justifying Violence

Acts of violence, terrorism being one manifestation of it, needed to be legitimized. This chapter starts with a description of important contextual developments in justifying violence against the Habsburg regime in section A. Four writers are analyzed in section B in relation to the justification of this violence. These are the written works and letters of Adrianus Haemstedius (ca. 1525-1562), Dirck Volkertszoon Coornhert (1522-1590), Justus Lipsius (1547–1606), and Philips of Marnix of Saint-Aldegonde (1540-1598). These authors are selected because of their own exile experience, making an analysis of the influence of exile possible in chapter four. Section C analyzes a selection of pamphlets and songs to explore if and how violence was justified in the context of the Dutch Revolt. In these analyses the influence of the Inquisition in legitimizing the Dutch revolt and acts of terrorism is noticeable. This chapter explores how the religious, political, and economic context influenced thinking about violence and rebellion at the onset and during the first decades of the Dutch Revolt.

A) The Road to Rebellion

In order to understand important grievances of rebels/ terrorists in the Low Countries, a selective historical background is of fundamental importance. This section aims to explain the intricate relations between religious, political, and economic developments that served as a breeding ground for the Iconoclasm (1566) and the Revolt. The perceived injustices in the Low Countries led to frames of Madrid and Rome in an evil alliance. Grievances of Catholics developed especially after 1566 when Protestant rebels took matters into their own hands. Abuse of power by the Church – like selling indulgences, the monopoly on scriptural interpretation, and increasing worldly power exemplified by the placards – became the prerequisite for religious schisms and violence in sixteenth-century Europe. These practices bred the necessity of a Reformation.56 Catholics and clergymen became increasingly dissatisfied

56 Reformation has later been summed up by the five solas: sola fide (by faith alone), sola gratia (by mercy alone, sola scriptura (by scripture alone), solus Christus (Christ alone), soli Deo gloria (all honor for God alone); Alec Ryrie, Protestants. The Faith that Made the Modern World (New York 2017), 20-21, 32, 62-63,

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because of the harsh and repressive measures in the Low Countries, sometimes leading to sporadic outbursts of Iconoclasm and violence against Church officials.57 Reformed clergymen often went into exile to flee persecution, because they were perceived to diabolically infect the unity of the Christian body. Between conservative Catholics and Protestants was a large majority of moderates or protestantizing Catholics.58 Reformative ideas were denied at the Council of Trent (1545-1563), whereby in more than a decade of gatherings, all Protestant points were denied and the Church came out restored and better organized/ centralized than before.59 Calvin did not dispute the right of the Church to execute heretics, nor did he a priori deny the legitimacy of violence in some situations.60 Calvin quoted the Biblical passage in the Second Epistle to Timothy: ‘Once [false doctrines] are allowed they spread till they completely destroy the church. Since the contagion is so destructive we must attack it early and not wait till it has gathered strength, for then there will be no time to give assistance.’61 Calvin proposed theories that legitimized violence, not by advocating violence against the Church but against the devil, which he perceived to have penetrated the Church.62 While reformed ideas spread, the Habsburg King and Lord of the Netherlands Charles V (1500-1558)63 increased its repressive policies against the expansion of Protestantism in order to safeguard Catholics from what they

78-79; James B. Collings and Karen L. Taylor, Early Modern Europe. Issues and Interpretations (Oxford 2006), 12; Jonathan Israel, The Dutch Republic: Its Rise, Greatness and Fall, 1477-1806 (Oxford 1995), 79; John Merriman, A History of Modern Europe. From the Renaissance to the Present (London 2010), 93, 99. 57 M. Backhouse, Beeldenstorm en Bosgeuzen in het Westkwartier (1566-1568). Bijdrage tot de geschiedenis van de godsdiensttroebelen der Zuidelijke Nederlanden in de XVIe eeuw (Middelburg 2008), 42. 58 Israel, The Dutch Republic, 79; Jan Juliaan Woltjer, Tussen vrijheidsstrijd en burgeroorlog (Amsterdam 1994), 13-14, 90-104; Andrew Pettegree, Reformation and the Culture of Persuasion (Cambridge 2005), 31. 59 Merriman, A History of Modern Europe, 117; Israel, The Dutch Republic, 100; Jan Juliaan Woltjer, Tussen vrijheidsstrijd en burgeroorlog (Amsterdam 1994), 17, 104; Robert Fruin, Het voorspel van de Tachtigjarige Oorlog (Utrecht, second print from the original printed in 1865), 103. 60 Michael C. Thomsett, The Inquisition. A History (London 2010), 201-203. 61 Oberman, The Two Reformations, 153. 62 Ibidem, 105. 63 Until 1555 as lord of the Low Countries

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perceived to be infectious heresies in the Low Countries.64 Charles V consolidated his rule by implementing new laws against the threatening ideas of Calvin.65 Local developments were monitored closely, for example by exchanging noble rulers for lay administrators to increase monarchical control over the Low Countries and centralizing local offices to the Provincial States.66 Already in his cradle, Charles’s son Philip II had received an emblem with the text Donec auferatur Luna, which translates to ‘until darkness [the moon] disappears’. Darkness, represented by all kinds of heresies and infidels (above all Islam), should be replaced by the light of a united social order based on Catholic Christian principles.67 On October 25, 1555, Charles V abdicated and leaned on the shoulders of William of Orange.68 Orange knew that religious tolerance due to German particularism since the Peace of Augsburg (September 1555) under Charles V led to relative stability and peace.69 During the rule of Philip II, repression and persecution of heretics increased, even when local governments in the Low Countries often denied the de facto implementation of top-down policies that went against freedom of conscience.70 Philip’s endeavor to control individual conscience only added fuel to the fire, deepening existing grievances.71 Philips’ ideology of unity might have been a

64 Petrus Johannes Blok, Geschiedenis van het Nederlandsche Volk, Deel 2 (Leiden 1924), 141; L.C.J.J. Bogaers, ‘9. Politieke en Religieuze Radicalisering.’ In Geschiedenis van de Provincie Utrecht; 65 Fruin, Het voorspel, 20. 66 Woltjer, Tussen vrijheidsstrijd, 61; Israel, The Dutch Republic, 38-39: ‘Here again, there was a marked tendency, under Charles V, for non-nobles to replace nobles’. 67 Merriman, A History of Modern Europe, 171-172; Geoffrey Parker, Imprudent King. A New Life of Philip II (Cornwall 2014), 40, 62, 137. 68 Israel, The Dutch Republic, 135. 69 Merriman, A History of Modern Europe, 103; Philip S. Gorski, The Disciplinary Revolution. Calvinism and the Rise of the State in Early Modern Europe (Chicago and London 2003), 15-16; R. Po-Chia Hsia, A Companion to the Reformation World (Cambridge 2004), 274; Judith Pollman, ‘Countering the Reformation in France and the Netherlands: Clerical Leadership and Catholic Violence 1560-1585.’ In Past & Present 190 (February 2006), 83-120, 91: ‘the repressive policies of the crown had become a European anomaly’. 70 Israel, The Dutch Republic, 143; Woltjer, Tussen vrijheidsstrijd, 10, 18: ‘De regionale en vooral de lokale overheden konden de druk van de repressie enigermate beperken door zoveel mogelijk door de vingers te zien.’ 71 Gorski, The Disciplinary Revolution, 44; Israel, The Dutch Republic:, 132; Blok, Geschiedenis van het Nederlandsche Volk, Deel 2, 20, 51; Fruin, Het voorspel v, 88; A. Th. van Deursen, De last van veel geluk. De geschiedenis van Nederland 1555-1702 (Amsterdam 2004), 38; Pollman, ‘Countering the Reformation’, 83-120, 88-89: ‘The Netherlands had by far the most repressive anti-heresy legislation in Europe -

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product of his Iberian context, where continuous interreligious tensions developed a deeply intolerant mentality in relation to religious dissidence.72 The Iberian region had been dominated by tensions for centuries between the three Abrahamic religions, while the expansive Ottoman Empire reconfirmed the necessity of Philips’ efforts against all infidels. This context might have influenced Philips’ specific coping mechanism with heresies and can explain why religious dissidence distressed him so deeply. The rebellious Dutch subjects (both Protestants and Catholics) became more active in their resistance. Renewed religious and political vitality led to a largescale Iconoclasm, starting in the Flemish town Steenvoorde on August 10, 1566, and quickly spread north to the rest of the Low Countries.73 In the Low Countries, the opinion spread that the industrious Dutch had to give up all their economic surplus and that their religious freedoms and political privileges were suppressed (going against Dutch tolerance). The dominant narrative among the rebellious part of the Dutch population was one where the Habsburg regime was comparable to the Jacobin La Terreur (September 1793-July 1794). The Jacobin terrorists also spread fear among political enemies, large-scale persecutions, dictatorial rule and centralization of power.74 The Inquisition represented this diabolic union in the perception of the aggrieved subjects in the Low Countries.75 Emperor Charles V had introduced the Inquisition, thereby initiating largescale persecutions and book burnings in order to consolidate the Corpus Christi.76 The Inquisition was perceived as an important instrument of the diabolic alliance between Rome and Madrid. Propaganda and transnational developments seemed to have informed public opinion about a ‘Spanish’ Inquisition that likely did not exist. The dominant narrative about the Spanish Inquisition in the Low Countries possessed all components of a state institution serving a regime

between 1523 and 1566 at least 1,300 people had been executed, and thousands more had been indicted, fined or banished.’ 72 Parker, Imprudent King, 137; Janssen, The Dutch Revolt, 17-19, 23. 73 Van Deursen, De last van veel geluk, 51. 74 Tackett, The Coming of the Terror, 340-349. 75 The Inquisition falls with the meso-sphere in Eleftheriadou’s scheme, the Habsburg regime in the macro-sphere. 76 James D. Tracy, The Founding of the Republic. War, finance and politics in Holland, 1572-1588 (Oxford 2008), 20; Merriman, A History of Modern Europe, 95; Martin van Gelderen, The Political Thought of the Dutch Revolt 1555-1590 (Cambridge 1992), 169, 179, 221; Pieter Geyl, Geschiedenis van de Nederlandse stam (Amsterdam 1948-59), 197, 255; Fruin, Het voorspel, 33.

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of terror. In this narrative, reiterated in pamphlets (analyzed in chapter two) and by the rebel Protestant faction, the Inquisitorial grip was portrayed as tyrannical. Orange’s Apology is one example, but also Marcus van Vaernewijck who complained about the Inquisition by placing himself in the position of Inquisitor Pieter Titelmans in De Clage vanden Inquisiteur is exemplary.77 Even when accused heretics denounced their heresies they would hardly survive. The tortured heretics, often with limbs decapitated, beheaded, and various body parts put on sticks at every gate of the town or city where the execution took place served to frighten heretics. These cruel punishments were meant to save the innocent from damnation, an example for a wider public in order to consolidate the Corpus Christi by preventing the spread of this Protestant disease.78 The Inquisition helped consolidate the political and religious status quo by applying different tactics and different means of violence, not just to punish the victim, but a larger audience. In this narrative, the (Spanish) Inquisition is a form of (state) terrorism within the conceptual definition of Schmid. This dominant narrative about the Inquisition in the Low Countries has been criticized and labeled the Black Legend by a number of revisionists because this is how the Spanish were portrayed to have treated the Indians in their American colonies.79 The revisionists argued that the dominant narrative about the Spanish Inquisition is a frame, whereby some aspects of the Inquisition were selected, some were made more salient, and some elements even invented out of thin air with the purpose to delegitimize and frame the immorality of Habsburg rule over the Low Countries.80 When the Inquisition is stripped from these frames, stereotypes, and myths, the Inquisition comes to the fore as far less evil or even as an organization that did not exist at

77 Herbert H. Rowen, ‘The Dutch Revolt: What Kind of Revolution?’ In Renaissance Quarterly 43:3 (1990), 570-590, 570; Willem van Oranje, Apologie, ofte Verantwoordinghe (C.A. Mees, Santpoort / De Sikkel Antwerpen 1923), 11: M. van Vaernewyck, De Clage vanden inquisiteur, meester Pieter Titelmanus (omstreeks oktober 1566), A3r-A4v: ‘Adieu Souvereins dienaers/ groet ende cleene Die om schandelic gewin/ brochten in desolatie de uutvercoren kinderen/ in grooten weene die ick ghebrant hebbe/ tot den naecten beene Waer duer gods toren/ sal op my haest welven Hebbic gheen deel/ met Christum van Nazareene Wien wil ic dat wyten/ anders dan my zelven’. 78 Werner Thomas, In de klauwen van de Inquisitie. Protestanten in Spanje, 1517-1648 (Amsterdam 2003), 9; F.E. Beemon, ‘The Myth of the Spanish Inquisition and the Preconditions for the Dutch Revolt’, 254. 79 B.A. Vermaseren, ‘Who was Reginaldus Gonsalvius Montanus?’ In Bibliothèque d'Humanisme et Renaissance 47: 1 (1985), on page 47. 80 Robert Entman, ‘Framing: Toward clarification of a fractured paradigm.’ In Journal of Communication 43 (1993), 51-58, especially on page 52.

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all.81 Especially Kamen argued that the Inquisition did not exist in the Low Countries, but was a generalization made by Reginaldus Gonsalvius Montanus from the Spanish context and made popular due to the shocking practices of inquisitorial practices during the French Guerre de Religion.82 Debunking the Black Legend only became possible after the death of the Spanish ruler Francisco Franco in 1975, which gave scholars the opportunity to dig in Inquisitorial archives formerly hidden for scholars.83 According to Henry Kamen, first among the revisionists, the Protestants framed the Inquisition as Spanish in order to differentiate the Inquisition ethnically and picture the institution as evil. The revisionists also argued that the Dutch depicted themselves as more peaceful and tolerant by nature, while the Spanish were depicted as inherently repressive, violent, and profane.84 Kamen and other revisionists did not deny that the

81 Vermaseren, ‘Who was Reginaldus’, on page 52; Henry Kamen, The Spanish Inquisition. A Historical Revision (Yale 2014), 139, 443; Werner Thomas, ‘De mythe van de Spaanse inquisitie in de Nederlanden van de zestiende Eeuw’. In BMGN 105: 3 (1990), 325-353, 326; Werner Thomas, In de klauwen van de Inquisitie. Protestanten in Spanje, 1517-1648 (Amsterdam 2003), 111, 138; Beemon, ‘The Myth of the Spanish Inquisition’, 246-248, 254. Some revisionists argued that there was no Inquisition in the Low Countries at all. The proof for this argument is thin but valid. Firstly, Philip II himself denied in different letters he wanted to set up the ‘Spanish’ Inquisition in the Low Countries because these provinces already had their own organization and practice to deal with local heretics. Kamen argued that it was not in Philip’s interest to spend resources on an institution while the Low Countries already had a system for the persecution of heresies operating.81 Thus, under the umbrella of ‘the Inquisition’ internal differences were present. According to Beemon, the myth of the Spanish Inquisition resulted from a reorganization of dioceses in the Low Countries, thereby catalyzing existing suspicions. Secondly, there is no physical proof like there is in Spain or France. The headquarters of the Spanish Inquisition, the Castillo de San Jorge in Seville or the Dominican Monastery in Toulouse (used to exterminate the Cathar heretics), serve as proof of the existence of a hierarchical and functioning organization. Thirdly, no Grand Inquisitor for the Low Countries was appointed, while this did happen for instance in Portugal during this time. Pieter Titelmans (1501-72) was an inquisitor until 1566, but never gained the official position of Grand Inquisitor by the Habsburg regime. 82 Vermaseren, ‘Who was Reginaldus’, 47-77, on pages 47-49, 54, 61. For one sixteenth century eyewitness the Spanish Inqusition surely existed: in W. Bergsma and E. H. Waterbolk, Kroniekje van een Ommelander boer in de zestiende eeuw (Groningen 1986), 38; ‘maekte het veele droefnis, noot, vreese end verschrickinge onder het gemeene volck, beijde onder edell end onedell. Want elck dese tijrannie verschrickte end groote verbitteringe onder ’t volck maeckte. Want ’t liet hem aensien (ja, des conincx mandaten bevolent) dat men de inquisitie naer Spansche wijse int land solde invoren, datter dan noch een vele grooter tijranije end moort solde vollenbracht worden end niemandt sijn lijff end goet seker blijven’. 83 Following Franco’s death in 1975 the archives containing documents about the Inquisition was opened. However, it is unknown whether the Franco-regime made a selection of the archival material. 84 Read the Batavian Myth. Kamen, The Spanish Inquisition, 316; Thomsett, The Inquisition.

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Inquisition tortured and executed heretics. However, they nuance the dominant narrative about the Inquisition in the Low Countries.

Figure 1: Eugenio Lucas Velázquez (ca. 1860), Condemned by the Inquisition. Permanent Collection of Prado Museum, Madrid, Spain85

Kamen radically denied the existence of a Spanish Inquisition in the Low Countries, but some aspects remain undiscussed. Firstly, the Franco-regime might have made a selection of the

85 In the engravings of Francisco de Goya (1746-1828), and the Romantic painter Eugenio Lucas Velázquez (1817-1870), the Black Legend manifested itself. This image depicts the expressionist painting of Velázquez (ca. 1860) named Condemned by the Inquisition. Two condemned heretics are led to the scaffold on horseback, completely dishonored because they seem even not worthy enough to wear their sanbenito (sacred cloth), while the furious masses around them despise and strike the convicted. The convicts are on their way to be burned, thereby ritually cleansing and curing the Corpus Christi from diabolic heresies. Helen Rawlings, ‘Goya’s Inquisition: from black legend to liberal legend’. In Vida Hispanica 46 (2012), 15-21;

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archive, since it was in their interest to destroy evidence of the less uplifting parts of Spanish history. Kamen took the archives for granted. Secondly, historian and revisionist Helen Rawlings studied Early Modern Spanish religious culture and concluded that it was an existing organization throughout the Habsburg Empire, including the Low Countries.86 Revisionist Michael C. Thomsett also revised the Black Legend but anyway believed the Dutch rebels fought an existing institution.87 Finally, Dutch historian Jan Juliaan Woltjer argued that the Inquisition was not ethnically ‘Spanish’. On the contrary, the Holy Office was filled with dutiful local (i.e. Dutch) Catholics, so that ‘Spanish’ was a myth, but the Inquisition itself was not.88 The debate concerning the Inquisition shows that it can be confidently established that the Dutch generally perceived the Inquisition as an existing organization, responsible for treating dissident voices in an illegitimately harsh manner, sharply in contrast with the Erasmian spirit dominant in the Low Countries.89 Kamen argued that the inquisitorial practices were less harsh and less random because the conviction always took place within religious prescriptions.90 The [Spanish] Inquisition was anyway perceived as tyrannical in the Low Countries. In their perception, it applied diverse and violent tactics to unify the Corpus Christi and setting examples to warn or fear other souls to stay on the straight path.91 In this narrative the Inquisition contains what Schmidt termed ‘a special form or tactic of fear-generating, coercive political violence and, on the other hand, a conspiratorial practice of calculated, demonstrative, direct violent action without legal or moral restraints, targeting mainly civilians and noncombatants, performed for its propagandistic and psychological effects on various audiences and conflict parties’, and can thus be labeled state terrorism.92

86 Helen Rawlings, The Spanish Inquisition (Oxford 2006). 87 Thomsett, The Inquisition, 204. 88 Woltjer, Tussen vrijheidsstrijd, 20. 89 Johannes Cornelis Alexander de Meij, De Watergeuzen. Piraten en bevrijders (Bussum 1980), 9. 90 Kamen, The Spanish Inquisition, 285, 288, 290. 91 Ibidem, 171. 92 Alex P. Schmid, ‘Chapter 2’, 86; Pettegree, Emden and the Dutch Revolt, 110. A poem written halve a century later by Pieter Christiaenszoon Bor describes the religious, political, and economic grievances in relation to the Inqusition: in Den oorspronck, begin ende aenvanck der Nederlandtscher oorlogen. Geduyrende de regeringe vande Hertoginne van Parma, de Hertoge van Alba ende eensdeels vanden groot Commandeur (Leiden 1617), 4, 7, 10:

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B) Justifying Violence and Rebellion

Did the religious, political, and economic grievances established so far and represented largely by the Inquisition play a role in justifying violence against the Habsburg regime? And if so, how was this done? In order to answer this question, which is fundamental because violence is part of the definition of terrorism, this section discusses the work of four influential writers who went into exile.93 The first individual discussed is Adrianus Haemstedius. He converted to Calvinism and witnessed firsthand how other reformed priests and individuals were being executed in Antwerp. He fled to Emden in 1558, where he had lived in exile some years before as well. Here Haemstedius worked on his theological-historical book on Christian martyrs, while also laboriously writing letters to high officials, complaining about Habsburg repression. Haemstedius went to Aachen on February 1559, and became a preacher in London later that year, when the Protestant Queen Elizabeth was inaugurated. Because he believed in the Incarnation of Christ, he was excommunicated from London as well, but his coreligionists in Emden kept supporting him.94 The Christian martyrs described in his book served as examples for contemporary coreligionists to mimic. Placing God in the center of one’s life and help

‘Des Conincx sin, en vast besluyt hiel in, Om int begin, al waert sonder gewin, De straffe placcaten t'executeren, En d'Inquisiteuren te assisteren: Datmen oock 't Concili van Trenten sou Onderhouden, al quamer om in rou Mer dit vangen, hangen, branden met vier, En holp niet, noch de straffe placcaten: Brandemen een, daer quamer hondert schier In die plaetse, dies mocht dit al niet baten, Want het gestorte bloet der martelaren Is 'tsaet der kercken (so Ciprianus seyt) Dus condemense daermet niet vervaren, Want de religy wert te meer verbreyt. D'Inquisiti, daermen wel voor mocht vreesen, Is een ondersoeckinge so wy lesen, Van het geloof, 'twelck te werck wert gestelt, Deur personen, diem' onder wrede telt. Inquisiteurs, so werdense geheten, Haer daden sijn-vol listige secreten, Die niemant hoe wijs, cloeck off eel van aert, En can ontgaen als hy daer wert beswaert. De voorsmaeck hadmen hier alree beproevet, Want daer deur warender al veel bedroevet, Om lijf, goet, bloet ende 'tleven gebracht, Die gecomen waren onder haer macht.’ 93 The influence of exile on these authors is analyzed in chapter four. 94 Petrus Johannes Blok and Philipp Christiaan Molhuysen, Nieuw Nederlandsch biografisch woordenboek. Deel 1 (1911), 1013-1016; Jan Pieter de Bie, Jakob Loosjes, Biographisch woordenboek van protestantsche godgeleerden in Nederland. Deel 3 (1919-1931), 439-446; Abraham Jacob van der Aa, Biographisch woordenboek der Nederlanden. Deel 8. Eerste stuk (1867), 50-52.

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establish His kingdom on earth with the possibility of being martyred was venerated by Haemstedius throughout the book, and a popular theme already for a longer time among the French Huguenots. Preaching the truth to those who satanically exchanged justice for injustice is portrayed as an obligation for any true believer.95 Haemstedius’ book essentially inspired right-minded coreligionists to – if necessary – die for the sake of truth against the blind and idolatrous (Papists), just like the brave martyrs and persecuted had done in the past against other unbelievers, infidels, and tyrants.96 For Haemstedius, going through hardships for your beliefs would increase the probability of being allowed into heaven, so his book offers input to cope with the stress of religious persecution.97 One example was the story of St. Lawrence (225-258 CE), born in Valencia as a child of two martyrs, he became a deacon in Rome and was martyred as well during the persecution of Christians. He was roasted to death, but his horrific pains were bearable because of his unquestioned belief in God.98 The cover of this essay contains a blurred adaptation of Lawrence’s death painted by the Renaissance painter Maarten van Heemskerck (1498-1574), a contemporary of Haemstedius. This painting was made for the St-Lawrence Church in Alkmaar, which became Protestant during Heemskerck’s life in the first years of the Dutch Revolt (1573). Whether Van Heemskerck became Protestant is unknown, though it is easy to understand the significance of St. Lawrence, who was also repressed for his religious beliefs.99 Haemstedius took the risk of becoming martyred himself with all his brave hedge preaching in the region around Antwerp.100 Haemstedius’ book is an encyclopedia of those who did not compromise, but he never justifies the application of violence.101 In his letter from

95 Adriaan van Haemstede, Geschiedenis der Martelaren (Arnhem 1868, Originally published 1559), vii; Ulrich Niggemann, ‘Chapter Four: Inventing Immigrant Traditions in Seventeenth- and Eighteenth- Century Germany The Huguenots in Context.’ In Jason Coy, Jared Poley, and Alexander Schunka, Migrations in the German Lands, 1500-2000 (New York/ Oxford 2016), 91. 96 Van Haemstede, Geschiedenis der Martelaren, vi. 97 A Catholic pendant was a book by Christiaen van Adrichem, Martyrologium (ca. 1575–1581). 98 Van Haemstede, Geschiedenis der Martelaren, 55. 99 Backhouse, Beeldenstorm en Bosgeuzen, 54. 100 W.G. Goeters, ‘Dokumenten van Adriaan van Haemstede, waaronder eene gereformeerde geloofsbelijdenis van 1559’. In Nederlands Archief voor Kerkgeschiedenis / Dutch Review of Church History 5:1 (1912), 27. 101 Pettegree, Emden and the Dutch Revolt, 60-64.

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Emden to Mayken in February 1561, he argued that the persecuted are blessed, exemplifying how he passively underwent the hardships of being poor and was sensitive for events that would serve as proof that God was on his side.102 When he wrote about arms, he referred to spiritual arms in order to defend the Corpus Christi against the work of the devil103, exemplified by his newborn son Emanuel who was born with a helmet.104 His deepened religiousness helped him to cope with the troubles. He lost his connection to anything earthly so that when he was in exile he found his spiritual home in God.105 The humanist Dirck Volkertszoon Coornhert went into exile to Cologne in 1567 in fear of Habsburg revenge for the Iconoclasm. After a short return, he went back to Cologne in 1568 and went on to Xanten.106 Coornhert suffered a great deal at the onset and during the Dutch revolt. A contemporary of Coornhert described him as ‘’born to contradiction’’.107 According to the literature, he was a pacifist who tried to unite Catholics and Calvinists by showing the failures of both. Coornhert argued that violence breeds more violence: ‘D’een moorderije baart dander ende deen bloedstortinghe roept d'ander.’108 Jaap Gruppelaar argued that the following dialogue between a Catholic, a Reformed, and a Pacifist (Coornhert) is exemplary:

‘Catholic: That is due to the rebelling and Iconoclast Beggars! Reformed: Well, what about the Papists with their bloodthirsty

massacres! Pacifist: Calm down men. So flinthearted, that is not Christian. You want to be a Christian right? Then stop this hateful swearing. Show

102 Joannes Henricus Hessels, Epistulae et Tractatus Ecclesiae Londino-Batavae Historiam (London/ Amsterdam 1889), 145-146: Haemstedius saw proof of God’s intervention on many occasions: ‘Wij betrouwent hem wel toe. Daerom heeft de zee ons schadeloos te lande gebracht.’ 103 Like the diabolic murder of his friend Gilles Verdicht about which he complained in a letter to Fredrick III of the Palatinate. 104 Hessels, ‘Epistulae’, 146. 105 Especially noticeable in his letter to Jacobus Acontius: Hessels, ‘Epistulae’, 165. 106 In ‘Brief aan koning Filips II’ (1576). In Jaap Gruppelaar (red.), D. V. Coornhert. Politieke geschriften. Opstand en Religievrede (Amsterdam 2009), 55. 107 Marianne Roobol, Disputation by Decree. The Public Disputations between Reformed Ministers and Dirck Volckertszoon Coornhert as Instruments of Religious Policy during the Dutch Revolt (1577–1583) (Leiden 2010), 14: “Ad contradicendum natus.” 108 Coornhert, Zedekunst, 429.

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mercy. There is no better way to show the nature of the true pupils of Christ.’109

There is also a consensus in the literature that Coornhert argued for religious toleration and freedom of conscience in principle, not out of mere pragmatism.110 He aligned these convictions with his philosophy of perfectibility.111 Coornhert’s critiques aimed at more than Catholic abuse of power alone. His critiques also went against Calvin, for example when it came to his view on predestination. Coornhert argued that predestination makes sinning God’s responsibility so that one can legitimize any type of violence or immorality by pointing at His will.112 Coornhert blamed Calvin for doing exactly that what he despised in heretics (i.e. Miguel Servetus) and pagans.113 He also criticized the Calvinist Church in the Low Countries, who did not allow him to debate in Leiden (1578) with Calvinist theologians and respond critically on Calvin and Theodore Bѐza. Coornhert’s old friend and government official Nicolaes van der Laen argued that these

109 Gruppelaar, D. V. Coornhert. Politieke geschriften, 116-117: ‘katholiek: Dat ligt aan de geuzen met hun oproer en beeldenstorm! gereformeerde: Nee, dan de papisten met hun bloeddorstige moordpartijen! pacifiek: Rustig, rustig mannen. Zo hardvochtig, dat is toch niet christelijk. U wilt toch voor christenen doorgaan? Houd dan op met dat hatelijke schelden. Toon naastenliefde! Er is geen betere manier om duidelijk te maken wie de ware leerlingen van Christus zijn.’ 110 Roobol, Disputation by Decree, 46-48. 111 Jaap Gruppelaar en Gerlof Verwey, D.V. Coornhert (1522-1590): polemist en vredezoeker. Bijdragen tot plaatsbepaling en herwaardering (Amsterdam 2010), 169-170. 112 D. V. Coornhert, Corte berispinge. Vande leere Calvini vande voorsienigheyt Godes (Amsterdam 1630), Ccc lxivv; Indien Godt de zonde wil, so is hy arger dan vele menschen: want vele menschen en willen de zonde niet: Immers hoe yemandt meer ghenaeckt de nature Godes, hoe hy die zonde minder wil. Waeromme seydt dan Paulus: Het goede dat ick wil en doe ick niet: maer 't quade dat ick niet en wil doe ick? Waeromme en wil Paulus niet 'tghene dat God wil? Waerom wil Paulus 'tghene dat Godt niet en wil? Ccc lxvv; Also heeft hy van eeuwigheydt besloten, ende hy wil ende maeckt dat sy sondighen nootsakelijck, so dat sy noch diefte, noch overspel, noch dootslach en bedrijven, dan na zijnen wille ende in geven, want hy gheeft inne die quade ende oneerlijcke affecten of begeerlijckheyden, niet alleen toelatelijck, maer werckelijc: ende verhertse so, dat sy als godloselijck levende, meer doen Gods dan haer eygen werck, ende en moghen niet anders 113 Ryrie, Protestants, 83; D.V. Coornhert, Waarachtighe aflaat van zonden (Amsterdam 1632), 253v; ‘Dat Calvijn onwijslijck ende opentlijck strijdet jeghen de H. Schrifture, ende dat hy en Heydenen van zotheyt bespottende om hen luyder Ideam, oock bespot hem self, d'Apostelen, ja oock Christum selve, also hy self met d'Apostelen ende Christo self, het selfde (elck int sijne) doen t'ghene Calvijn in den Heydenen bespot.’

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differences could catalyze the conflict again.114 Coornhert now felt the tentacles of authoritarianism and repression coming from the side of the Calvinists, motivating him to flee to Emden multiple times.115 However, even the pacifist Coornhert left some space for legitimate acts of violence for self-defense, but only when all other options were impossible.116 Thus, there is a consensus among scholars that Coornhert was a pacifist. This finding is largely reconfirmed by studying a database of primary sources with Early Modern Dutch words related to ‘violence’, like ‘gewelt’, ‘gewellet’, ‘geweld’, ‘kracht’, ‘macht’.117 Violence is mostly framed as something immoral, un-Christian, and reserved for tyrants and not a proper way to cope with the troubles.118 Over time his critiques changed from attacking idolatry and repression from the Catholic Church to the authoritarianism of the Calvinists. While Coornhert was the philosopher of perfectibility, of which religious tolerance would be a necessary by-product and thus left no space for violence to be legitimate, Lipsius was the philosopher of constancy.119 In his book De Constantia, Lipsius offered a coping mechanism for the stressful context of Habsburg repression and the Revolt. It was written to teach people how to develop one’s character in a stoic and Christian manner120 so that they

114 Gruppelaar, D. V. Coornhert. Politieke geschriften, 33-34, 69, 72; Gruppelaar en Verwey, D.V. Coornhert (1522-1590): polemist en vredezoeker. 76-78. 115 Gruppelaar, D. V. Coornhert. Politieke geschriften, 25-26. 116 Coornhert, Zedekunst, 101: ‘Zo magh iemand inden nood ghestelt wezende wanden afgoden te offeren of van ghedood te worden, een van beyden willigh doen of lyden, doch niet vrywilligh, zo datter een merckelyck onderscheyd is tusschen iet wat willigh of vrywilligh te doen, an 'troel verstaan van welck onderscheyd uyter maten veel is gheleghen, daarom ick hier af breder ghehandelt hebbe int derde boeck wande dueghde, zo de lezer zal moghen zien.’ 117 Retrieved from: https://ivdnt.org/zoeken-in-woordenboeken?w=geweld 118 A database of primary sources by Coornhert was scanned in order to see whether the secondary literature and the sources correspond. Retrieved from: http://coornhert.dpc.uba.uva.nl/c/coo/ 119 Justus Lipsius, Twee boecken vande stantvasticheyt. Vertaald door J. Mourentorf (Antwerpen 1948), 20: ‘Als ghy dien eens ingheswolgen ende inghedroncken hebt, soo sult ghy, met opgherechten hoofde, teghen allen ghevallen effen staende blyven, als in een weechschale noch aen d'een noch aen d'ander sijde uutslaen, ende sult u moghen toe eygenen dat heerlijck, ende Godt soo naerkomende: Niet beweecht te worden.’ 120 I.e. in Justus Lipsius, Politica, dat is regeeringe van landen en steden. Waerin alle Vorsten ofte andere inde Regeringe synde claerlyck worden onderwesen hoe de gemeene sake behoorlick salbedient worden (Translated from the original 1589 in Delft 1623), 11: ‘Het is een quaet crijghsman die zijnen velt-heere al suchtende volgt’. In other words, one should undergo what happens, because God is all-knowing and wants you to undergo it. Christian stoicism is thereby virtuous.

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would accept the rule of the state and no longer revolt and fight.121 Lipsius travelled to Vienna in order to contemplate the turmoil in the Low Countries and became a refugee in 1572 because the situation had decreased so badly.122 In Cologne, he became a professor at a Lutheran university.123 After his return to Antwerp in 1575, he fled to Leiden in January 1578 when Don Juan started to reconquer cities in the Southern Low Countries.124 Lipsius applied his view on constancy also to rulers in his practical guidebook125 for rulers in Politica and argued that revolt should and can be cured by a virtuous and prudent king while citing classical philosophers in a typically humanist fashion. A virtuous king is one that aims at the betterment of the people, while a tyrant aims at its own betterment.126 The state should uphold religious unity and Lipsius believed it was permissible for a state to control individual liberties to a large degree, if necessary by force.127 However, as long as unity and stability were not in danger, the state should not intervene with specific religious practices when religious dissidents silently and peacefully practice them.128 He ended up living in Leuven, and Philip II forgave him for living in a

121 Explained on Biography on Stanford Encyclopedia of Philiosophy (August 23, 2004). Retrieved from: https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/justus-lipsius/#Poli and reconfirmed in Lipsius, stantvasticheyt, vii, 8-9: ‘Want wie isser doch, o Langi (seyde ick tot hem) soo versteent ende verstaelt van herten, die alle dese quellinghe langher soude konnen verdraghen? Wy hebben nu soo menighe iaren, soo ghy siet, met dese inlantsche oorloghe gheplaecht ghewest; ende ghelijck in een verbolgen zee, so worden wy meer als met éénen wint der beroerten ende tweedracht bestormt. Beghere ick my selven in ruste ende stilte te stellen? de trompetten ende het ghecletter der wapenen belettent my.’ 122 Lipsius, stantvasticheyt, ix, 7-8: ‘Daerom, goeden vrint Langi, heb ick besloten (het VVaderlandt verghevet my) dit onberust ende rampsalich Nederlandt te verlaten ende, ghelijck men seyt, van landt te landt te loopen, so verre dat ick van de daet oft vanden naem deser boose crijchsluyden niet meer en hoore.’ 123 Ibidem, Ix. 124 Ibidem, X. 125 Lipsius, Politica, 12: ‘’Ick segghe met Pacuvius: Ick hate de menschen die traech int werck zijn ende wyse redenen spreken.’ 126 On Lipsius, Biography on Stanford Encyclopedia of Philiosophy (August 23, 2004). Retrieved from: https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/justus-lipsius/#Poli and reconfirmed in: Lipsius, Politica, 2-3: ‘Dese deucht deyle ick als in twee tacken in Godtvruchticheyt ende Eerbaerheyt’; 32: ‘Dat een Tyran zijn eygen profijt aensiet ende soeckt maer een Coninck tprofijt van zijn ondersaten.’ 127 Lipsius, Politica, 82: ‘Want het is beter datter een sterve dan die eenicheyt soude te niete gaen (...) Ghenade en heeft hier geen stede, brandt snijdt op dat liever eenich vande Lidtmaten dan ‘tgeheel Lichaem te niete gae’. 128 On Lipsius, Biography on Stanford Encyclopedia of Philiosophy (August 23, 2004). Retrieved from: https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/justus-lipsius/#Poli and reconfirmed in Lipsius, Politica, 78: ‘Want de vorst en heeft geen vry recht op heylighe saken’; 82;

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rebellious country for such a long time.129 Philips’ forgiveness was probably fostered by Lipsius’ return to Catholicism and developing view that legitimate violence was in the hands of the monarch, that the monarchy is the best political order comparable to a captain who is best capable of steering a ship130, and that revolt and rebellion were not the right ways to establish a virtuous (stable) political order.131 To conclude, violence and war were only allowed insofar as it was in the hands of the ruler and aimed at peace and stability.132 Philips of Marnix of Saint-Aldegonde133, political advisor of William of Orange and probably the author of the Wilhelmus134, is mainly known for his satirical Roman Bee-hive, written in exile in Friesland (1569).135 The influence of satire in the Early Modern Low Countries was already noticeable in the act of Reynert Meinertsz who dressed up as a ghost to ridicule the participants in a Catholic procession. In his Roman Bee-hive, Aldegonde satirically criticized the Inquisition, the Pope, and the Roman institutions and clergymen who together collected the wealth for the Vatican similar to bees with their own function and role in a beehive.136 Aldegonde became a Calvinist but was seen as a betrayer when he wanted to stop the revolt

129 Petrus Johannes Blok and Philipp Christiaan Molhuysen, Nieuw Nederlandsch biografisch woordenboek. Deel 3 (1914), 780: ‘Te Luik wachtte hij tot het zijn vrienden gelukte een akte van vergiffenis voor hem te erlangen bij den spaanschen koning. L. wilde het weliswaar laten voorkomen nooit protestant geweest te zijn, maar dat De Constantia en andere werken op den index kwamen, bewijst ook dat hij uit roomsch oogpunt van kettersche smetten niet vrij was, gelijk dit trouwens uit tal van andere uitlatingen in zijn leidschen tijd blijkt. Thans werd hij zuiver roomsch.’ 130 Lipsius, Politica, 24-26: ‘gelijc een schip, van eenen stierman’. 131 J. Kluyskens, ‘Justus Lipsius' levenskeuze: het irenisme’. In BMGN 88:1 (1973), 19-37, on page 34. 132 Lipsius, Politica, 181: ‘By de oprechte Gods-dienaers en zijn oock d’oorlogen gheen sonde die niet en worden ghevoert uyt giericheyt of wreetheyt maer om vrede te hebben: ten eynde dat de boose soude bedwongen ende die goede gheholpen worden. Ander oorsaken veracht ick (...) De wapenen en moeten nerghens elwaerts gheschickt worden dan tot gherusticheyt ende bescherminge.’ 133 More writers can be named, i.e. Godevaert van Haecht, De kroniek van Godevaert van Haecht over de troebelen van 1565 tot 1574 te Antwerpen en elders (ed. Rob van Roosbroeck) (Antwerpen 1930). 134 Anthem of the Netherlands. 135 Philips van Marnix van Sint Aldegonde, De bijenkorf der H. Roomsche Kerke (Brussels 1858). 136 Sint Aldegonde, De bijenkorf, II, 178, 199: Example the role of the Catholic clergymen most often found in the Low Countries: ‘De tweede specie oft soorte, is den wespen, horselen ende bremmen seer ghelijck. Sy en maken soo veel honichs niet als de eerste, om dat sy van soo goeden aert niet en zijn. Doch arbeyden sy seer neerstelijck, ende brengen oock veel honichs in den corf. Sy zijn bynae van aert ende natuere den peertsvliegen ende bremmen gelijck, behalven dat sy niet soo seer op de peerden ende koeyen, als op de schapen gheerne vlieghen: waer in sy een contrarie aert hebben van de ghemeyne honich byen, welcke de schapen seer vermijden, van vreese dat sy in de wolle verwert mochten blijven.’

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after Antwerp was sacked by Alexander Farnese (1545-1592) in (1585).137 His position to violence in the period studied (1566-1584) remained one of necessity: he saw no other way but to revolt against the injustices coming from Madrid and Rome. In the Wilhelmus, which he wrote in exile between 1567 and 1572, revolt is clearly venerated and legitimized.138 However, there seemed to have been a difference in the extent of the violence. Aldegonde and Orange disputed whether a largescale and open revolt was the right way to go. Orange had instigated a defense with the sword in his pamphlet against Alva139 and his mutinous soldiers in 1572, only to expand his violence to the Habsburg monarchy as a whole in 1581 with the Act of Abjuration.140 In Aldegonde’s letters, his position to violence is negative, but he did legitimize the resistance in his letters between 1566 and 1584. About the Iconoclasm of 1566 he wrote for

137 John Lothrop Motley, History of the United Netherlands Volume 1, 229. 138 For example in the following passages of the Wilhelmus: ‘Edel en hooggeboren, van keizerlijken stam, een vorst des rijks verkoren, als een vroom christenman, voor Godes woord geprezen, heb ik, vrij onversaagd, als een held zonder vrezen, mijn edel bloed gewaagd.’ Mijn schild ende betrouwen zijt Gij, o God mijn Heer, op U zo wil ik bouwen, Verlaat mij nimmermeer. Dat ik doch vroom mag blijven, uw dienaar t'aller stond, de tirannie verdrijven die mij mijn hart doorwondt. (...) Als een prins opgezeten met mijner heireskracht, van den tiran vermeten heb ik den slag verwacht, die, bij Maastricht begraven, bevreesde mijn geweld; mijn ruiters zag men draven zeer moedig in dat veld.’ 139 Fernando Álvarez de Toledo y Pimentel (1507-1582), Spanish general and governor of the Low Countries (r. 1567-1537), also known as the Ijzeren Hertog. 140 Fernando Gonzáles de Léon, The Road to Rocroi. Class, Culture, and Command in the Spanish Army of Flanders, 1567-1659 (Leiden 2009), 109; Parker, The Army of Flanders, 185; Act of Abjuration (July 26th, 1581). Retrieved from: https://dutchrevolt.leiden.edu/dutch/bronnen/Pages/1581%2007%2026%20ned.aspx Orange wanted to get rid of Alva and his mutinous armies. In Huub de Kruif and Anton van der Lem, ‘Willem van Oranje roept op tot verzet.’ Retrieved from https://dutchrevolt.leiden.edu/dutch/bronnen/Pages/1572-04-14-hedned.aspx ‘inwoners van de Nederlanden, van welke stand hij ook is, zaligheid, vrijheid en verlossing uit de tegenwoordige slavernij van de wrede, buitenlandse en bloeddorstige onderdrukkers. (...) Wij hebben onze uiterste best gedaan, om u en elk van u, met het lieve vaderland in zijn oude vrijheid, voorspoed en rijkdom te herstellen en van de vreemde tirannen en verdrukkers te verlossen. (...) Moge God u daarvoor met Zijn genade behoeden en ons met u Zijn zegen, kracht en voorspoed geven, zodat, als de tirannieke verdrukkers verjaagd zijn, wij samen de Nederlanden mogen zien in hun oude vrijheid, zonder enig geweld, in passende gehoorzaamheid aan de koning, in gerustheid van geweten, en geregeerd met inspraak van de Staten-Generaal. Daartoe willen wij u helpen met al onze macht, als u helpt door onze kant te kiezen. Als u anders optreedt, en daardoor schade, geweld of verdriet overkomt, wijzen wij alle schuld van de hand.’

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example that he wished those who blamed the leaders of the ‘New Religion’ for their violence would think longer about the deeper causes, even when ‘breaking and cutting images is the most enormous and capital crime to be committed or imagined’.141 He added that God had initiated it because He ‘wanted to show how much He detests and abhors the abominable idolatry committed around these images to the disgrace of the name of Christ and the whole of Christendom.’142 In a reply on a pamphlet by Don Juan in 1578, Aldegonde kept legitimizing the position of the States-General to consolidate their resistance. He argued for example that Don Juan wished to uphold the Catholic religion, but that he would do this by applying ‘a greater tyranny than ever before’.143 In 1583 Aldegonde defended Orange who had, according to him, shown great affection for the Low Countries by continuously supporting the struggle against tyranny.144 Thus, in his letters, Aldegonde showed how the religious, political, and economic grievances discussed in section A influenced his deliberations about violence. To conclude, the four writers heavily criticized the Habsburg regime and the Catholic Church, adding ideological fuel to the fire of existing grievances. Direct instigations for violence are not made. However, legitimizing violence in the form of Augustine’s necessary war against evil (jus ad bellum) can only be found in the letters of Aldegonde.145 The primary sources contain many discussions of what Thomas of Aquinas termed ‘just means of war’ (jus in bello), whereby both the Iconoclasm and violence by the Madrid and Rome are indiscriminately evaluated negatively, but always the latter seen as the cause for the first. Furthermore, the authors did provide input for justifying violence in a time and place highly affected by humanist thought. An Erasmian approach to war, namely to recover what has been lost or protect against an attack, was especially noticeable in the letters of Aldegonde.146

141 E.H. Kossman and A.F. Mellink, Texts Concerning the Revolt of the Netherlands (Cambridge 1974), 79. 142 Ibidem, 80. 143 Ibidem, 149. 144 Ibidem, 240; Also in a letter from 1584 when was mayor of Antwerp, on pages 264-265: ‘We know that the only reason why this war was started was to ensure that the liberties of the country would be respected so that no one might in violation of law and justice be oppressed on the pretext of religion’. 145 Frederic J. Baumgartner, Declaring War in Early Modern Europe (New York 2011), 16, 27. 146 Baumgartner, Declaring War, 57-59: ‘only to recover what has been unlawfully seized, or gain reparations for injuries inflicted on the prince or his subjects, or to aid friends and allies who have been unjustly attacked. “Then it is permissible to declare war by divine and human law.” Of course, to defend oneself against an attack is always legal and does not require a declaration of war.’

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C) The Role of Violence in Propaganda

What role did violence play in propaganda and cultural expressions like pamphlets and songs? A popular way to frame pamphlets and songs was through satire, which was a popular way to indirectly encapsulate critique in an Erasmian spirit.147 Aldegonde’s Beehive can be read as exemplary for how grievances led to increasingly serious satire in the period between Erasmus and the start of the Revolt.148 At the onset of the Revolt, Godevaert van Haecht recalls how ‘briefkens’ (letters/ pamphlets) were spread around in which the Inquisition and the government were criticized.149 The number of pamphlets increased and seemed unstoppable, often with the purpose to activate the population for resistance.150 Many pamphlets described

147 Satire can already be traced in the influential work of the Biblical Humanist Desiderius Erasmus of Rotterdam (ca. 1466-1536), who wrote his Praise of Folly (Lof der Zotheid (1511)): Desiderius Erasmus, The Praise of Folly. Translated from the Latin, with an Essay & Commentary, by Hoyt Hopewell Hudson With a new foreword by Anthony Grafton (Oxford and Princeton 2015), 63, 100-101; Another striking example is the Church that instigates violence: ‘Now the Christian church was founded on blood, strengthened by blood, and augmented by blood; yet nowadays they carry on Christ's cause by the sword just as if He who defends His own by His own means had perished. And although war is so cruel a business that it befits beasts and not men, so frantic that poets feign it is sent with evil purpose by the Furies, so pestilential that it brings with it a general blight upon morals, so iniquitous that it is usually conducted by the worst bandits, so impious that it has no accord with Christ, yet our popes, neglecting all their other concerns, make it their only task.’ Reinder P. Meijer, Literature of the Low Countries. A short history of Dutch literature in the Netherlands and Belgium (The Hague/ Boston 1978), 92. 148 Robert van Roosbroeck, Emigranten. Nederlandse vluchtelingen in Duitsland (1550-1600) (Leuven 1968), 301; ‘Met brieven en boekjes hebben wij de gemoederen der burgers zoveel wij konden, in vlam gezet!’ See also Henk van Nierop, ‘The Beggars´ Banquet: The Compromise of the Nobility and the Politics of Inversion.’ In European History Quarterly 21 (London 1991), 419-443; Reinder P. Meijer, Literature of the Low Countries. A short history of Dutch literature in the Netherlands and Belgium (The Hague / Boston 1978), 77-79. 149 Backhouse, Beeldenstorm en Bosgeuzen, 63-64; Godevaert van Haecht, De kroniek van Godevaert van Haecht over de troebelen van 1565 tot 1574 te Antwerpen en elders (ed. Rob van Roosbroeck) (Antwerp 1930), 44: ‘Item op den 25 dach van Meye in der nacht, so werden wederom in die vier hooftsteden van Brabant briefkens gesaeyt, die gedruckt waeren om elck de waerschuwen teghen het inbreken van der inquisitien ende men en wist wederom niet wie 't gedaen oft doen doen hadde, waeraf in 't corte de copye hier volcht. Vermaen aen de regierders van den lande van Brabant teghen die calumnien van den cardinael Granvelle, nieuw bisschoppen, Viglius, Morillon, teologuen van Loven, dekens ende prochianen, monicken en Allonso del Canto en meer andere inquisitueren. 1566.’ 150 Alastair Duke, ‘Posters, Pamphlets and Prints: The Ways and Means of Disseminating Dissident Opinions on the Eve of the Dutch Revolt’. In Dutch Crossing 27:1 (2003), 23-44, on pages 36-38; M. Backhouse, Beeldenstorm en Bosgeuzen in het Westkwartier (1566-1568). Bijdrage tot de geschiedenis van de godsdiensttroebelen der Zuidelijke Nederlanden in de XVIe eeuw (Middelburg 2008), 47.

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the war efforts in beleaguered cities like Leiden, Haarlem, and Alkmaar.151 Orange wrote a pamphlet in which he pointed at the tyranny of the Duke of Alva on July 20, 1568.152 In relation to legitimizing tyrannicide, a pamphlet written by Philippe du Plessis-Mornay (1549-1623) is exemplary. Plessis-Mornay was a French Huguenot and theologian who survived the Parisian St. Bartholomew's Day massacre (1572). In Vindiciae contra tyrannos (1579) Plessis-Mornay153 rhetorically asked whether ‘subjects are bound and ought to obey princes if they command that which is against the law of God’, legitimizing resistance when divine law is broken by a ruler.154 In Orange’s Apology, a similar logic is applied.155 These ideas stand in a philosophical tradition concerned with legitimizing revolt against a ruler, or even legitimizing the assassination of a tyrant (tyrannicide), although Plessis-Mornay would later renounce these ideas.156 This originally Ancient Greek philosophical topic (going back to Harmodius157) became especially popular among French Huguenots inspired by the French Guerre de Religion (1562-1598) and the harsh repression of religious dissidents (known as Monarchomachs).158 Margareth of Parma (r. 1559-1567) and her counselor Cardinal Antoine Perrenot de Granvelle witnessed how social unrest increased due to the Habsburg policies.159 It led to a pamphlet war, especially against the Inquisition, whereby it should be emphasized that the highly literate Low Countries and the developed printing press made propaganda an efficient

151 P.A.M. Geurts, De Nederlandse Opstand in de pamfletten 1566-1584 (Nijmegen 1956); Dutch Pamphlets Online, Dutch Pamphlets 1486-1853: The Knuttel Collection, Retrieved from: https://primarysources-brillonline-com.proxy.uba.uva.nl:2443/browse/dutch-pamphlets-online 152 Dutch Pamphlets Online, Dutch Pamphlets 1486-1853: The Knuttel Collection, Retrieved from: https://primarysources-brillonline-com.proxy.uba.uva.nl:2443/browse/dutch-pamphlets-online I.e.: ‘Verklaeringhe ende wtschrifft des duerluchtighsten, hoochgeborenen vorsten ende heeren, heer Willem, Prince van Oranien, etc. ende zijner excellentien nootsakelicken defensie teghen den duca de Alba, ende zijne grouwelicke tyranni’ (July 20, 1568) 153 Signed with his pseudonym ‘Junius Brutus’. 154 Junius Brutus, A Defence of Liberty Against Tyrants. A Translation of the Vindiciae Contra Tyrannos by Junius Brutus (London 1924). Retrieved from http://www.constitution.org/vct/vind.htm 155 In 1581 Orange broke with Philip II: Martin van Gelderen, The Political Thought of the Dutch Revolt 1555-1590 (Cambridge 1992), 151-152. 156 Van Gelderen, The Political Thought, 275. 157 As discussed in chapter one. 158 Van Gelderen, The Political Thought, 133; Merriman, A History of Modern Europe, 129-137; Pettegree, Emden and the Dutch Revolt, 243-244; Van Gelderen, The Political Thought, 133, 269-276. 159 Van Deursen, De last van veel geluk, 38-42.

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tool.160 Violence and rebellion was also legitimized in songs and plays. In the Geuzenliedboek (1581) one can read many songs praising the violent acts of the Beggars, who chased and sometimes murdered Catholic clergymen.161 In the famous song ‘Slaet op den trommele’ (beat the drums) a text praising revenge against years of Papist repression is accompanied by a military rhythm.162 In some songs, God is directly called upon to support the rebels in their cause against the Godless.163 In the Wilhelmus, Orange is depicted as a God-fearing man willing to go through the misery of violence and exile in order to free Dutch subjects from tyranny.164 Many songs praised the heroes who defended their cities against the march of the Habsburg regime in order to reconquer lost territories under Alva, for example in a song memorizing the moment Leiden was relieved.165 Some songs actively motivated rebellion, like the song ‘Help nu u self’:

‘Help the Shepherd, for you he fights, Or help the Wolf, though it is you he bites, No longer stay Neutralists, Destroy the Tyrant, it is about time, With all its Tyranists.’166

160 Blok, Geschiedenis van het Nederlandsche Volk, Deel 2, 27; Duke, ‘Posters, Pamphlets and Prints’, on pages 25-26, 36-37. 161 E.T. Kuiper and P. Leendertz Jr. (ed.), Het Geuzenliedboek (Zutphen 1924), 33: ‘U leering en is niet Gods woort puere, Die ghy dus lang hebt voortghestelt; Daerom wortse nu na de schriftuere, Uutgheroeyt al met ghewelt;’ 162 Kuiper and Leendertz, Het Geuzenliedboek, 35-36: Arent Dircxz. Vos, Slaet op den trommele: ‘Tonschuldich bloet dat ghy hebt verghoten, Tonschuldich bloet roept over u wraeck; Tonschuldich bloet te storten heeft u niet verdrooten, Tonschuldich bloet dat dronct ghy met den draeck.’ 163 Ibidem, 49: Jooris Silvanus, ‘Verlost ons Heer, tis meer dan tijt; Van der wolven tanden ons bevrijdt. Grijpt selve inde handt die wapen.’ 164 Philip of Marnix of St. Aldegonde, Wilhelmus: ‘Mijn Schilt ende betrouwen, Sijt Ghy, o Godt mijn Heer; Op U soo wil ick bouwen, Verlaet my nemmermeer. Dat ick doch vroom mach blijven, U dienaer taller stondt, Die tyranny verdrijven, Die my mijn hert doorwondt. (...) Als David moeste vluchten, Voor Saul den tyran, Soo heb ick moeten suchten, Met menich edelman; Maer Godt heeft hem verheven, Verlost uut alder noot, Een Coninckrijck ghegheven, In Israel seer groot.’ 165 Kuiper and Leendertz, Het Geuzenliedboek, 233: ‘Een yeghelick is wel bekent, Wat de Paus voor een Instrument, Sandt in de Nederlanden: Na dat Duckdalba is gheruymt, Als hy de selfde had gheschuymt, Na Moort, Roof, ende Branden’ 166 Ibidem, 99-101: ‘Helpt den Herder, die voor u strijt, Of helpt den Wolf die u verbijt, Weest niet meer Neutralisten, Vernielt den Tyran, t'is nu meer dan tijt, Met al sijn Tyranisten’

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In plays, similar themes became popular. Dutch drama (the rederijkerskamers) was especially popular among the Reformed.167 Andrew Pettegree showed that morally just Biblical figures, like Mordechai in the Biblical Book of Esther, came to represent Orange who also did not bow down to a bad ruler.168 Philip II was depicted as a tyrant comparable to Solomon.169 Besides all these texts, oral culture (rumor) was still the most important source of information in the highly literate Low Countries in the period 1566-1584 because the majority was still illiterate.170 We can read pamphlets, songs, and plays, but symbolism also fed the rumor and helped spread the influence of a specific discourse. Specific symbolic elements can help understand the popular approach towards violence. ‘Vossestaarten’ (foxtails) on the hats of some Beggars resembled one’s allegiance to Beggar leader Lumey, a militant group that did not refrain from violence as will become clear in the next section.171 ‘Rather Turkish than Papist’ was a known phrase, symbolized by a crescent many Beggars wore. Framing the other as worth less than Turks had dehumanizing consequences. Because ‘the Turk’ came with connotations

167 Pettegree, Reformation and the Culture, 96; ‘Throughout Europe, drama would make its most effective contribution to the evangelical cause in places where the Reformation had already been introduced, articulating shared values in a communal setting. It could contribute to this process even when theatregoers looked for less ostensibly religious subject material than the satires and biblical plays of the first Lutheran generation.’ 168 Ibidem, 96; ‘The threat is averted only by the just and faithful actions of Esther and Mordecai, the king’s Jewish councillor. This was a tale of great significance for the Dutch, adopted as an allegorical origin myth during their years of rebellion against Spain. Hamon was seen as the prefiguration of the Spanish Duke of Alva, and Mordecai was an allegorized version of William of Orange. The scene of Mordecai’s vindication and Hamon’s condemnation was frequently represented in seventeenth-century Dutch art.’ 169 Beemon, F. E., ‘Images of Philip II in the Dutch Revolt: Solomon, Shepherd or Tyrant’. In Dutch Crossing 23:2 (1999), 56-79, on page 66. 170 Judith Pollman and Andrew Spicer, Public Opinion and Changing Identities in the Early Modern Netherlands (Leiden/ Boston 2007), 71: ‘Striking is not only the scrupulousness with which Van Haecht recorded the nature of his sources (tiding, hearing, rumour), but also that these were in all cases oral sources. Word of mouth remained, even in the highly literate Low Countries, the most important of the sources of information.’ 171 Willem Janszoon Verwer, Memoriaelbouck. Dag boek van gebeurtenissen te Haarlem van 1572-1581 (editie J.J. Temminck, Haarlem 1973), 12: ‘[4 Augustus] Den 4e is tzavonts omtrent vier uuren ingecomen dat vaendel van den Graeff van der Marck genoempt die Brill ende waren Walen ende mackent niet wel binnen der stadt. [5 Augustus] Den 5e en 6e dach zijn alle cloosteren zoe vrouwen als mannen cloosteren, uuijtgenomen die Groote Kerck, Sint Jans Kercke ende tgrote Baghijn hoff, gedestrueert ende geplondert. Item zijn dese voors. gaesten weder vertrocken.’

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like unbelievers, idolaters, materialists, hypocrites, and a desire for a godless lifestyle, it was a discursive frame against Rome. Protestants also increased civil disobedience in a symbolic manner. For example by not participating in Catholic processions, not taking one’s hat off, and/ or deny to make a cross during Eucharist.172 The case of Reynert Meinertsz is exemplary, who in 1546 received corporal punishments because he had dressed up as a ghost in a white garment combined with ‘heretical expressions’, aimed to frighten the participants in a Catholic procession.173 On April 5, 1566, more than two hundred Dutch nobles offered Van Parma a letter intended for King Philip, in which they begged for the ongoing and intensifying persecutions of heretics to stop in order to prevent the aggravating social unrest. Even though Van Parma agreed with the relaxation of persecutions, the massive Calvinist open-air sermons were both unstoppable and intolerable.174 To conclude, civil disobedience and legitimizing violence against a tyrannical regime increased and was visible in propaganda and symbolism. This section showed that the Erasmian spirit was anything but pacifist. Erasmus himself deemed a war against the Turks legitimate.175 The Early Modern Low Countries at the onset of the Dutch Revolt was one where the preconditions for Juergensmeyer’s theatre of symbolic violence were present. Print media made communication faster so that dehumanizing ‘the other’ (the tyrant) and romanticizing martyrdom through propaganda became an efficient tool. Propaganda often came in the

172 Thereby implicitly denying and disrespecting transubstantiation and other Church rituals: R. Po-Chia Hsia, A Companion to the Reformation World (Cambridge 2004), 45; John Merriman, A History of Modern Europe. From the Renaissance to the Present (London 2010), 104. 173 Hof van Holland: Criminele Sententies, Naam: Reynert Meinertsz. NL-HaNA, Hof van Holland, 3.03.01.01, inv.nr. 5654, folio nr: 194: ‘Misdrijf als hebbende in een wit laken gekleed op het Kerkhof aldaar in schijn van een geest, de processie van schrik doen verstuiven en zich kettersche uitdrukkingen veroorloofd.’ Retrieved from: https://www.nationaalarchief.nl/onderzoeken/index/nt00331?searchTerm=processie&sort_column=ond _datum&sort_type=asc&resultsPerPage=50&page=&activeTab=nt_sub_list_legacy 174 Van Nierop, ‘The Beggars´ Banquet’, 419-443, on page 419; Van Deursen, De last van veel geluk, 49; Brill, Dutch Pamphlets Online, ‘Copye vande Requeste ghepresenteert aan de Hertoghinne van Parma’; Smeekschrift der Edelen (April 5, 1566). Retrieved from: https://dutchrevolt.leiden.edu/dutch/bronnen/Pages/1566-04-05-ned.aspx 175 Baumgartner, Declaring War, 59-61; ‘Liever Turks dan Paaps’. Retrieved from: http://web.archive.org/web/20111005115648/http://dutchrevolt.leiden.edu/dutch/spreuken/Pages/ liever%20turks.aspx Silver moons. Retrieved from: https://dutchrevolt.leiden.edu/dutch/symbolen/Pages/zilveren%20manen.aspx

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vernacular and went together with an increased lay (political) assertiveness.176 Whether all the satirical propaganda, polemical works, symbolic civil disobedience, and transnational influences also led to terrorism is discussed in the next chapter.

III) Terrorism and Counterterrorism in the Low Countries

In this chapter, different events are analyzed to assess whether they can be labeled Early Modern manifestations of terrorism in the Low Countries between 1566 and 1584. This is done in section A. Section B describes Habsburg policies and their effectiveness. Widespread dissatisfaction with the Habsburg regime, the (Spanish) Inquisition, the (satirical) critiques in pamphlets, books, plays and the critique in the works of influential thinkers together helped establish the meso- and macro-influences on rebels in the Low Countries.177 The aggrieved Dutch identified themselves as freedom-loving, pious, and laborious who were victim of religious and political suppression and economic exploitation. But did the manner in which some of those aggrieved individuals cope with all their personal grievances also result in acts of terrorism? The following three sections discuss different actors/ movements by applying the conceptual definition of terrorism as proposed by Schmid to assess whether terrorism can be found in the Early Modern Low Countries between 1566 and 1584.

A) Iconoclasm (1566) as Terrorism

On August 10, 1566, the first Catholic statues were smashed from their pedestals in the Flemish town of Steenvoorde, following a procession in honor of the martyr Saint Lawrence.178 Bishop Sonnius of Den Bosch stated that even the Turks would step away from the type of violence perpetrated by the iconoclasts.179 While the rebels argued they would rather be Papist than

176 Daniel Boyarin, Dying for God. Martyrdom and the Making of Christianity and Judaism (California 1999), 93-94; G.W. Bowersock, Martyrdom and Rome (Cambridge 1995), 1-6, 16. 177 Referring to Eleftheriadou’s framework 178 Backhouse, Beeldenstorm en Bosgeuzen, 115. 179 Iconoclasm in ’s-Hertogenbosch. Retrieved from: https://dutchrevolt.leiden.edu/dutch/bronnen/Pages/1566_10_10_ned.aspx

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Turkish, Sonnius argued he would rather undergo Turkish than rebel violence.180 According to Israel, the iconoclasts mainly aimed their violence on the old Church. He based this inference on the fact that the economic recession did not lead to largescale robbing of tax collectors, looting of markets or attacks on civil servants. ‘In form the beeldenstorm [Iconoclasm] was purely and simply an attack on the Church and not anything else’, Israel concluded.181 The iconoclastic violence was part of a larger campaign, exemplified by Philips Moreel who shouted ‘Vivent les Gueux!’ after breaking the first statues.182 The iconoclasts destroyed statues and paintings, which were for the rebels an expression of the Church’s love for earthly matters they came to despise so deeply.183 It was an attack on the Church according to Israel but aimed at political changes as well. In Early Modern Europe, religion and politics were intertwined.184 The statues, paintings, and ornaments destroyed symbolized a goal that transcended the destruction of the immediate objects. Israel simplified the cause to religion, while economic motives behind the theft of Papist possessions are also likely on a more proximate level, especially because in this time and place people suffered from material hardships and the iconoclasts were often from the proletariat or lower-middle classes.185 The Iconoclasm again followed from a combination of religious, political, and economic grievances.186 However, the

180 Van Vaernewyck, Van die beroerlicke tyden, Cap. Xv/ page 73: ‘De ghues zeijden: de gheestelicheijt es eenen moor die niet ghewit en can zijn, eenen lupaert die zijn sprinckelen1 niet veranderen en mach, eenen adamant die men niet en can weecken; want zij als meesters willende zijn, slachtende de phariseen, en willen haer onghelijck niet kennen noch laten ghezegghen.’ 181 Israel, The Dutch Republic, 145-148. Backhouse disagrees, and frames the problem as mix with economic and political trouble as well. 182 Peter Arnade, Beggars, Iconoclasts, and Civic Patriots of the Dutch Revolt (New York 2008), 94; According to Godevaert van Haecht it was organized and orchestrated by the Calvinists. Van Haecht, De kroniek, 99: ‘Alle dit voorstellen der beeldenafsmytinghe was by de calvinisten geordineert, maer quam eer te passe, dan sy 't meynden: dies 't maer te ongescickter en gesciede’. 183 Van Vaernewyck, Van die beroerlicke tyden, cap. Xv/ page 74: ‘Dese zijn gheghaen met rotten XVIIJ of XX, tseffens in de keercken, ende hebben alle de beelden, ghesneden ende gheschildert, in sticken ghesmeten’. 184 Jo Spaans, ‘Catholicism and Resistance to the Reformation in the Netherlands’. In Philip Benedict, Guido Marnef, Henk van Nierop, Marc Venard (eds.), Reformation, Revolution and Civil War in France and the Netherlands 1555-1585 (Amsterdam 1999), 149-163, on page 12. 185 Backhouse, Beeldenstorm en Bosgeuzen, 61, 73-75. 186 Wayne P. Brake, te, Religious War and Religious Peace in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge 2017), 5: ‘For our present purposes, we can regard as religious any warfare or ongoing conflict in which (1) the forces in conflict identify their enemies in terms of religious beliefs, practices, or affiliations; (2)

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victims were symbolic for deeper and wider dissatisfaction and served as a medium.187 In terms of Juergensmeyer: the objects were simultaneously real and symbolic.188 Historian Jan Woltjer argued that many noncombatant priests lost their lives as well, who represented an immoral status quo in the perception of the iconoclasts.189 There was not a clearly defined organization that initiated systematic violence, so whether it was orchestrated top-down is unsure.190 Contemporary eye-witness Godevaert van Haecht believed it was planned and organized, and negatively evaluated the rebels and Calvinists.191 When it spread to the northern provinces, the iconoclastic fervor became increasingly systematic. Van Haecht framed the Iconoclasm as Calvinist violence because they had always been more prone to violence and disobedience than the Lutherans.192 However, Calvin did not legitimize Iconoclasm, even though he also believed that honoring God through a worldly object was an error. He perceived this erroneous idolatry in a subtly different way. According to him, God was omnipresent so that honoring a statue or a painting meant reducing God these objects alone.193 Secondly, the violence was aimed at Chapels, Churches, Monasteries, Cathedrals, and everything else Catholic.194 Van Haecht described that the iconoclasts were often foreign to the people in the towns plundered, inspiring inhabitants to stand at the doorsteps, armed and

mobilization for the conflict invokes broader networks of support and solidarity based on religious identities.’ 187 Backhouse, Beeldenstorm en Bosgeuzen, 59. 188 Juergensmeyer, Terror in the Mind, 123-124. 189 Woltjer, Tussen vrijheidsstrijd, 36. 190 Backhouse, Beeldenstorm en Bosgeuzen, 66-68, 116. According to Backhouse Capitalist merchants paid the Iconoclasm, though religious motives are not excluded within his thesis. 191 Van Haecht was a Lutheran: Van Haecht, De kroniek, 98: ‘Alle dit voorstellen der beeldenafsmytinghe was by de calvinisten geordineert, maer quam eer te passe, dan sy 't meynden: dies 't maer te ongescickter en gesciede’ 192 Van Haecht, De kroniek, 91: ‘En de bisschoppen sochten 't hem seer te verbieden, maer en conden: ende desen wilden de calvinisten straffen, omdat sy 't sweerdt en gewelt gebruyckten om haer leeringhe te beschermen’; 97: ‘en de mertinisten syn der overheyt meer ghehoorsaem, want de calvinisten gebruycken gewelt, als 't niet na haeren sin en mach gescien: en dat dicwils gebleken is overal.’ 193 Oberman, The Two Reformations, 112-113, 115, 145. 194 Van Haecht, De kroniek, 97: ‘en de calvinisten leerden, dat men geen beelden oft santen in den tempel en behoorde te hebben, maer die behoorde uyt te roeyen; den mertinist en wilde so rigorues niet syn, en den simpelen verargeren, maer dat men se sou laten staen als steenen oft blocken en niet sireren, noch licht voer setten, noch niet eeren oft aenbidden’.

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ready to defend their homes.195 The armed civilians stayed passive as long as the violence directed itself to the Church.196 The iconoclasts always preached after another successful destruction of idolatrous material.197 After years of open sermons, preaching within the walls of a purified Church must have felt like a great victory and luxury.198 It is important to note that Van Haecht did not mention the killings of clergymen during the Iconoclasm, even though he was against Iconoclasm.199 Whether or not clergymen were killed remains an open question, but the Iconoclasm (1566) was a wave of terrorism throughout the Early Modern Low Countries.200

B) The Beggars and the Spread of Violent Rebellion

The Beggars were radicalized individuals who saw no other way but to organize violently against Madrid, Rome, and their loyalists. In this chapter, it will be discussed whether those loosely

195 Backhouse, Beeldenstorm en Bosgeuzen, 65-66; Van Haecht, De kroniek, 100: ‘Ende de borgeren, die overal met de wapen in de doeren stonden, en begeerden den quayen hoop niet te roeren, so langhe sy geen borgershuysen en ruerden, ende en hadden oock geen bevel om daer teghen te syn van eenighe overheyt, bewarende alleen de stat; want anders hadden de calvinisten haer mogen daerteghen stellen, en so soude d'een borger teghen den anderen geweest hebben’ 196 Even though Van Parma had ordered the civilians to defend the possessions of the Church late August 1566. Van Haecht, De kroniek, 104: ‘Item deestyt is er een mandaet uytgegaen van weghen de hertoginne van Parma, als regente van den Nederlande, en oock met wille van de heeren van der oerden, die nou gesceyden waeren uyt Brusel, om de steden in stilte te stellen: ende het inhout op 't corste was ditte, sonderlinghe voer die van Artoys, dat alle borgeren en ingesetenen van den lande, dat sy voortaen sullen beletten eenige beelden te breken oft kercken te laten scenden, op arbitrale corrextie, ende met wapenen en gewelt 't self sullen bescermen; en indien eenighen raet der steden daerin consenteren oft laten gescieden (sou), sullen verliesen alle haere previlegien; en dit is meest over (al) afgelesen geworden, sonder tot Antwerpen, mits dat daer niet iet meer te breken en was’ 197 Van Haecht, De kroniek, 101: ‘Ende de calvinisten predickten in de Nieuwstat en oock in de Borchtkercke, welcke haer niet al met consent, maer half duer dreygen geopent was’. 198 Van Haecht, De kroniek, 108: ‘Maer in Sint Joris kercke en deden sy geen reparatie, want sy niet en wisten, hoe langhe sy daerin souden mogen preken. De calvinisten en hadden noch geen besloten plaetse, dan onder den blauwen hemel; sy en hadden noch geen erve’. 199 Ibidem, 99: ‘Maer de gemeynte loech meest, want de papen, de levende beelden en werden niet gesocht om iet te misdoen.’ 200 Schmid, ‘Chapter 2’, 86: ‘Terrorism refers on the one hand to a doctrine about the presumed effectiveness of a special form or tactic of fear-generating, coercive political violence and, on the other hand, to a conspiratorial practice of calculated, demonstrative, direct violent action without legal or moral restraints, targeting mainly civilians and noncombatants, performed for its propagandistic and psychological effects on various audiences and conflict parties.’

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aligned under the umbrella-term ‘Beggars’ can be labeled terrorists.201 Johannes de Meij graduated on the marine of the Beggars and argued in his study that the Sea Beggars were a group of Dutch rebelling pirates, above all Protestant (Calvinist), often led by nobles who went into exile, and an organization collectively striving for change.202 De Meij framed the Sea Beggars as revolutionaries due to the relative class equality on Beggar ships.203 The Sea Beggars hijacked ships in order to provide for themselves, often commissioned by Orange in the period 1568-72.204 De Meij argued that hijacking ships by the Sea Beggars were not random. Neutral Dutch, English, and German ships were also hijacked in order to damage trade which would weaken the economy and catalyze unhappiness with the Habsburg regime because they would no longer be able to uphold their monopoly on violence.205 Dutch ships trading with towns in Holland were also seen by the Sea Beggars as indirectly cooperating with the Habsburg regime.206 The Sea Beggars also applied systematic tactics on land. In March 1571 on the island Texel, a group of Sea Beggars headed by Lancelot van Brederode (d. 1573), pillaged churches.207 Pillaging Catholic buildings, like churches, monasteries, and chapels, was a popular tactic according to De Meij. His descriptions make the Sea Beggars a loosely aligned terrorist organization because their tactics were aimed to spread fear among Catholics, aimed at political consequences, sometimes leading to civilian and/ or non-combative casualties, and moral or legal restraints were often absent.208

201 The possible influence of exile experience on the violence perpetrated is discussed in chapter three. In this chapter, whether or not the actor went into exile is only mentioned shortly. 202 De Meij, De Watergeuzen, 100-112, 159, 170, 190, 307. 203 Ibidem, 94, 179; Research into different and earlier forms of social revolutions were popular in the 1960s and 70s; De Meij compares the Sea Beggars with the Revolutionary Jacobins and Russian revolutionaries. 204 Ibidem, 82, 142, 203. 205 De Meij, De Watergeuzen, 169. 206 De Meij, De Watergeuzen, 127; Johannes Cornelis Alexander de Meij, De Watergeuzen. Piraten en bevrijders (Bussum 1980), 82, 107: De Meij argued that the Beggars were mainly hijacking trading ships from Holland, since besides the Spanish the Dutch traders were their ideological foes as well. Their interests simply clashed. 207 De Meij, De Watergeuzen, 56. 208 De Meij does not use this term, but labels them revolutionaries.

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De Meij emphasized that violence against non-combative/ civilians happened sporadically, for example by Barthold Entens (1539-1580) and William II van der Marck Lumey (1542-1578), who gained a reputation of cruelty.209 To conclude, the Sea Beggars were led by transcendent motives. The Sea Beggars are surrounded by doubt, but De Meij’s work shows they can certainly not be framed collectively as a terrorist organization. Similar to the Spanish Inquisition, it is even doubtful whether they can be called an organization at all. It is, therefore, more insightful to zoom in on specific individuals and acts. Besides pillaging Catholic possessions and hijacking ships to hurt Habsburg interests, some Beggars were also involved in cruel executions. When Gorcum was conquered by the Beggars on June 26, 1572, Lumey was responsible for hanging nineteen priests. These ‘Martyrs of Gorcum’ stood for more than their individual roles as noncombatant priests in Gorcum.210 They represented the Catholic Church, a revengeful murder for those Catholics held responsible for the religious, political, and economic misery the Beggars suffered from. Whatever the reasons Lumey had for this act of terrorism, ignoring the orders of Orange who categorically denied the killing of innocent Catholics, these acts can never be justified (jus in bello).211 De Meij argued that the acts of the Sea Beggars212 must be understood contextually in order to see that these revolutionary acts were, unfortunately, necessary for an immoral status quo to change.213 The Martyrs of Gorcum shows the deeply troubled choices that rebels like Lumey stood for. In order to gain freedom, they had to leave their families, and whether they

209 De Meij, De Watergeuzen, 92-93, 106. According to De Meij’s critical stance on Orange, Lumey has been purposively framed this way by Orange because he became a threat for his own leadership. Aldegonde did not believe in the accusation that Orange intervened in the Low Countries just to gain power: In Kossman and Mellink, Texts Concerning the Revolt, 241. 210 Ibidem, 175. 211 De Meij, De Watergeuzen, 106; Gruppelaar, D. V. Coornhert. Politieke geschriften, 18; Willem Janszoon Verwer, Memoriaelbouck. Dag boek van gebeurtenissen te Haarlem van 1572-1581 (editie J.J. Temminck, Haarlem 1973), 12. It contained all the elements of Schmid’s definition for terrorism. 212 Leaders and foot soldiers. 213 De Meij, De Watergeuzen, 143, 307. De Meij’s reasoning is a slippery slope. One could also argue that Habsburg repression of open sermons were necessary, because already in the early days of the Reformation these illegal sermons often led to Iconoclastic violence when the Church and its supposed idolatry were denounced: Andrew Pettegree, Reformation and the Culture of Persuasion (Cambridge 2005), 30-31.

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went first into exile or not, put their lives at stake by joining a group that hijacked, robbed, hurt innocent individuals, and sometimes murdered them. In order to free the Low Countries, they had to go against Christian morality, finding legitimacy in alternative (Calvinist) doctrines in order to cope with their distress and become the paradoxical freedom fighter and terrorist at once. The moment Lumey hanged the Catholic priest Cornelius Musius (1500-1572) in December, only after torturing him extensively, Orange fired him as one of the leaders of the Sea Beggars.214 Lumey had gone too far. Another insightful Beggar leader is Diederik Sonoy (1529-1597). The first commission was given to him by Orange.215 Sonoy protected Alkmaar from Spanish conquest, but the moment he took the city he hanged, pillaged, plundered, and murdered five Catholic clergymen from Alkmaar by publicly hanging them in Enkhuizen. The reason: these ‘Martyrs of Alkmaar’ did not renounce their Catholic belief.216 Sonoy developed into a terrorist in order to cope with religious, political, and economic grievances. Coornhert took up the task to investigate the atrocities perpetrated by Sonoy (and Lumey). No atrocities of Sonoy are known before he joined the Sea Beggars.217 Roermond also got its share of martyrs on July 23, 1572. Here twelve Carthusian monks were killed. According to a contemporary though unreliable chronicler, it happened under the supervision of Orange.218 Arnoldus Havensius (1540-1611), a Carthusian monk in Roermond, placed the martyrs in a long tradition of brave believers. Havensius related this case to the martyr Saint Lawrence. This shows that both Protestants and Catholics claimed historical figures and religiously meaningful precedents to cope with stressful events and make meaning out of it.219 Figure two below is an excerpt of the dramatic events in Roermond painted

214 Koninklijk Huisarchief Den Haag. Brief 5973. January 9, 1573. Public declaration of Lumey’s dismissal by Orange. Retrieved from http://resources.huygens.knaw.nl/wvo/app/brief?nr=5973 215 De Meij, De Watergeuzen, 9. 216 Known as the Martyrs of Alkmaar. Willibrordus Lampen, De martelaren van Alkmaar en hun tijd (Alkmaar 1922), 31. 217 Sonoy terrorized the Catholic population during his period among the Beggars though. Gruppelaar, D. V. Coornhert. Politieke geschriften, 20. 218 Martinus Lambres, H.J.J. Scholtens and Joep Nicolas, Een boek over Karthuizers (Roermond 1923), 86; S. G. Ellis and R. Esser, Frontier and Border Regions in Early Modern Europe (Hannover 2013), 192. 219 Michael Uwens, Historie van de twelf martelaers der Carthuyser ordre, die binnen de stadt Ruremonde in ’t jaer ons Heeren 1572 haeren strijdt geelukkelijck hebben volbracht, door ’t onnosel vergieten haers

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by Vicente Carducho (1576-1638), an Italian working for the Spanish court. If Orange allowed this atrocity, this would have been peculiar and contrary to Orange’s policies, since in that time permitting atrocities like those in Roermond would be contrary to what Orange professed and had shown thus far. For some Beggars, it is hard to decide whether they were terrorists. Adriaan Menninck is exemplary. He participated in the terrorist Iconoclasm of 1566 and fled to Emden shortly after. He and many other radicalized participants of the Iconoclasm knew that the authorities would soon come for them.220 Once in Emden, he joined the Sea Beggars and took part in plundering.221 The same counts for Hendrik van Brederode (1531-1568), Lord of Vianen, who was an army officer under Charles V and allowed one of the first open Protestant sermons on his domains. When Berlaymont rejected the nobles as ‘Beggars’, it was he who proudly adopted this name, and in 1567 he led a resistance movement in Walcheren, Vianen, Den Bosch, and Utrecht. When Orange fled to Dillenburg, the ‘Big Beggar’ Brederode visited him but was disappointed to hear that Orange was not willing to support the revolt. Brederode died in exile.222 However, before his death, he and other groups of Beggars, often residing in the woods, committed many atrocities like pillaging, plundering, and killing mainly Catholic clergymen. These ‘Wild Beggars’ were mostly lower-middle-class.223 According to Backhouse, the Wild Beggars used religion as a prerequisite to plunder and pillage. However, it is not likely that economic misery was the main motivation.224 Godevaert van Haecht argued for example that the destruction of statues by Wild Beggars went together with killing priests before they returned to their forests, which Backhouse also approved. When materialism would be the main reason, the killing of Priests seems an unnecessary cruelty. These were cruel acts contrary to

bloedts (Roermond 1649); Arnoldus Havensius, Historica relatio duodecim martyrum Cartusianorum qui Ruremunde in ducatu Geldriae agonem suum feliciter compleverunt (Brussel 1753, reprint), 16. 220 Pettegree, Emden and the Dutch Revolt, 126. 221 ‘Landgangen’, or shortly going on land to plunder and demolish: Petrus Johannes Blok, Philipp Christiaan Molhuysen, and Fr. K. H. Kossmann, Nieuw Nederlandsch biografisch woordenboek. Deel 6 (1924), on pages 1017-1018. 222 Israel, The Dutch Republic, 153, 223 Backhouse, Beeldenstorm en Bosgeuzen, 91-94. 224 Ibidem, 95.

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their economic interests, since it alarmed the authorities, alienated the local population, and endangered the families the Wild Beggars left behind.225 Lodewijk van Boisot (1530-1576) was a different story. He had not participated in the Iconoclasm, nor was he active in any violent activities before he visited Orange in Dillenburg in 1567.226 The Council of Blood was on him, so Boisot fled to Germany, definitively banned and his possessions confiscated in 1571. Boisot became part of the Revolt as an admiral. While his militant activities were mainly defensive in towns already conquered by the Beggars, he also joined Orange in the field, burning Roemerswaal to the ground in November 1583.227 Over time, Boisot became a terrorist. Jacob Simonsz de Rijk (1541-1584) was a rich trader in wheat but developed into a radical Calvinist. When this radicalization exactly happened is unclear. Rijk was banished by the Blood Council in 1568 because they suspected him of paying iconoclasts if they would succeed in destroying the statues of a Franciscan Church. He fled to Danzig and a large part of his possessions was confiscated. In exile, he united with the Beggars and spared nobody during his violent activities against the Habsburg armies and loyalist towns he conquered/ freed.228 Rijk, who clearly was a terrorist, was hailed in one Beggar-song as the one who forced the gates of Den Briel (Brill) in 1572.229 Another important event involving the Sea Beggars was the attack on Amsterdam on November 23, 1577. Amsterdam did not recognize Orange after the Pacification of Ghent (1576). Hermann von Heylingen (d. 1577) and Nicolaes Ruychaver (d. 1577) were sent to Amsterdam and orchestrated a surprise attack. Some Beggars were already within Amsterdam,

225 Van Haecht, De kroniek, 9: ‘Ende gewaer werdende, dat sy in waeren, meynde syn volck in oerden te stellen, maer werdt haest doerscoten en al syn soldaten geslegen en verstroyt; en liepen voorts na de kercke, die sy beroofden en de beelden uytwierpen en smeten 2 of 3 papen doot, maer en deden ’t gemeyn volck niet, en die en moeyden haer oock d'een noch d'ander niet; en liepen voort weder na haer bosch.’; Backhouse, Beeldenstorm en Bosgeuzen, 94-96. 226 Abraham Jacob van der Aa, Biographisch woordenboek der Nederlanden Deel 2 (1867), 790. 227 Petrus Johannes Blok and Philipp Christiaan Molhuysen, Nieuw Nederlandsch biografisch woordenboek. Deel 5 (1914), 42-43. 228 Abraham Jacob van der Aa, Biographisch woordenboek der Nederlanden Deel 16 (1867), 612-614. Retrieved from: http://resources.huygens.knaw.nl/retroboeken/vdaa/#source=aa__001biog19_01.xml&page=615&acces sor=accessor_index 229 Meertens Instituut, ‘Lied van Koppestok de Veerman’ (Amsterdam). Retrieved from https://www.geheugenvannederland.nl/nl/geheugen/view?coll=ngvn&identifier=KBMI01%3A53356

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dancing through the night with the local ladies in order to prevent attracting the attention of authorities. The gates were opened for the Beggars, around four hundred of them hiding in ships, but when they entered, the attack was stopped by civilians and the local militia. Heylingen and Ruychaver were killed.230 The Beggars discussed in this section seemed convinced that both their cause (jus ad bellum) and tactics (jus in bello) were legitimate. They were convinced they fought for freedom, but their tactics and approach did make them terrorists.231 The Beggars are a good example of how freedom fighters and terrorists can collide, thereby becoming an Early Modern tragedy. The immoral religious, political, and economic status quo did not only harm many aggrieved Dutch, in reaction they made victims as well. Many Beggars developed into hardened revolutionaries, dogmatically fighting the Habsburg regime and the Catholic Church who represented evil and darkness for them. Over the course of the 1570s, violence in the Low Countries intensified. Henk van Nierop wrote about the chaos of civil war in the Low Countries in Treason in the Northern Quarter. Friar Wouter Jacobszoon (1521/22-1595) walked over a dike between Haarlem and Amsterdam in the winter of 1573 and described in detail how dead bodies were consumed by birds and dogs on the dike’s verges.232 In this context of civil war and a Hobbesian state of nature whereby everyone seemed to fight everyone, two additional acts of terrorism can be traced.233 Descriptions of the first event can be found in Johan van Beverwijck`s (1594-1647) book Van de wtnementheyt des vrouwelicken geslachts (1643), in which distinctions between men and women and unequal evaluations of women are criticized and refuted. Trijn van Leemput (1530-1607) is discussed in book three as an example of a developed virtue found among women as well. Vredenburgh Castle had been built by Charles V in 1532 in order to control and subdue the population of Utrecht so that Vredenburgh became a symbol of Spanish

230 Van der Aa, Biographisch woordenboek der Nederlanden Deel 16 (1867), 552-554. Retrieved from:http://resources.huygens.knaw.nl/retroboeken/vdaa/#source=aa__001biog19_01.xml&page=615& accessor=accessor_index 231 Baumgartner, Declaring War, 27. 232 Henk van Nierop, Treason in the Northern Quarter. War, Terror, and the Rule of Law in the Dutch Revolt (Oxford 2009), 3. 233 Deborah Baumgold (ed.), Three-Text Edition of Thomas Hobbes’s Political Theory: The Elements of Law, De Cive and Leviathan (Cambridge 2017), 139, 285.

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tyranny in bishopric Utrecht.234 According to the myth, Jan Jacobsz van Leemput came home from the town hall, and when his wife Trijn asked why he was so late, Jan responded that they discussed destroying Vredenburgh, but concluded it was too well fortified.235 Beverwijck wrote how this fatalism triggered Trijn to put on her blue skirt and lead a group of women armed with pickaxes towards Vredenburgh, inspiring others to join.236 Let us suppose that an attack on Vredenburgh Castle did happen, stripped of all the detailed heroism and mythical memorization. In that case, some civilians of Utrecht rebelled while they were still subjects of the Habsburg King. Utrecht’s participation in the Pacification of Ghent (November 1576) did not change the authority of the Habsburg regime.237 Vredenburgh was a symbolic target, reminding one of Juergensmeyer’s descriptions of terrorism. Vredenburgh symbolized Habsburg tyranny which was destroyed similar to a Biblical story about Samson destroying a Philistine temple.238 The violence was not incidental, but most likely with political consequences in mind. Whether it was aimed to generate fear on a larger audience or for propagandistic purposes is unsure, though it is very likely that this act was meant to shock both Madrid and Rome.239 Troubles between the civilians of Utrecht and the Habsburg garrison stationed in the castle catalyzed after the Pacification of Ghent (1576). To conclude, the act of damaging symbolic property contains most elements of the definition of terrorism proposed by Schmid.240

234 Johan van Beverwijck, Van de wtnementheyt des vrouwelicken geslachts (Dordrecht 1643), 49: ‘Maer die van Utrecht, gedenckende den overlast diese door 't Kaſteel uytgestaen hadden, en konden geen rust hebben, soo lang het noch in wesen bleef.’ 235 Van Beverwijck, Van de wtnementheyt, 49: ‘Ian Iacobsz. van Leemput, Schepen der stadt, ende Hopman van de Borgery,eens wat laet uyt dé Raet t'huys komende vraegh de hem sijn huysvrouw, CATHARINA BERGERs, geseyt Trijn van Leemput, een kloecke heldinne, watter soo lang te doen geweest was: waer op hy antwoorden de, dat men vast overleyde, hoe men het Kasteel zoude wech krijgen: maer datter geen door-komen scheen te wesen, alsoo van alle kanten soo groote swarigheyt haer openbaerde.’ 236 Van Beverwijck, Van de wtnementheyt, 49-50. 237 Kossman and Mellink, Texts Concerning the Revolt, 127. 238 Robert Appelbaum, ‘Chapter 2: Early Modern Terrorism.’ In Peter C. Herman, Terrorism and Literature (Cambridge 2018), 40. 239 Trijn van Leemput became an important figure for propaganda later in the seventeenth century. See Judith Pollmann, Het oorlogsverleden van de Gouden Eeuw (Lecture in Leiden, June 27 2008), 8. 240 Schmid, ‘Chapter 2’, 86: ‘Terrorism refers on the one hand to a doctrine about the presumed effectiveness of a special form or tactic of fear-generating, coercive political violence and, on the other hand, to a conspiratorial practice of calculated, demonstrative, direct violent action without legal or moral restraints, targeting mainly civilians and noncombatants, performed for its propagandistic and psychological effects on various audiences and conflict parties.’

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The second event shows how terrorists developed their strategies and tactics.241 Orange needed the Beggars in the past and slowly started to realize he could not change the political status quo without violence against the same people he wished to free from the Habsburg regime. Alva had applied a tactic to reconquer towns and cities, namely the destruction of harvests so that the towns and cities would give up when the people within the walls would reach a point of starvation.242 The same tactic was applied by Orange and his troops after the States-General had openly denounced the king in favor of the Duke of Anjou in 1581.243 Orange was responsible for burning the harvests around loyalist Den Bosch, thereby terrorizing the city into submission.244 The undefended Brabantian town Lith was depopulated by murdering the population indiscriminately.245 The rebels now perpetrated atrocities similar to the bloodbath in Naarden perpetrated by Don Federico in 1572, aimed to spread fear among those who identified with the victims in other towns.246 After 1581, Orange intensified the application of violent tactics, thereby developing into a rebel against the King (terrorist), which he actually never wanted. In the next section, it will be discussed how the loyalist (mostly Catholic) side responded on rebel terrorism.

Also in Appelbaum, ‘Chapter 2’, 39. 241 Those who claim terrorism is typically modern (Dietze and her standard narrative) monopolize terrorism with certain typically modern strategies and tactics in mind, thereby making this type of violence more static. When terrorism develops and terrorists learn over time, Early Modern terrorists can be understood as applying different (possibly rudimentary) tactics and strategies. 242 Leo Adriaenssen, Staatsvormend geweld. Overleven aan de frontlinies in de meierij van Den Bosch, 1572-1629 (Tilburg 2008), 363, 392. 243 Violet Soen, ‘Reconquista and Reconciliation in the Dutch Revolt: The Campaign of Governor-General Alexander Farnese (1578-1592)’. In Journal of Early Modern History 16 (2012), 1-22, on page 5. 244 Adriaenssen, Staatsvormend geweld, 133-134. 245 Ibidem, 134. 246 Van Deursen, De last van veel geluk, 79.

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Figure 2: Vicente Carducho (1632), Martirio de cuatro monjes en la cartuja de Roermond (Martyrs of Roermond). Permanent Collection of the Prado Museum, Madrid, Spain247

247 Retrieved from: https://www.museodelprado.es/coleccion/obra-de-arte/martirio-de-cuatro-monjes- en-la-cartuja-de/87517279-6fae-43db-ae07-87a8e85ef445

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C) Terrorism during the Counter-Reformation

The Counter-Reformation manifested itself in an organized manner with the Council of Trent (1545-1563) and ended more than two centuries later.248 In the first decade of the Dutch Revolt, the Catholics did not set up any largescale and organized resistance against the rebels.249 Catholics, especially those in exile, started to organize themselves in the later 1570s. For decades, Dutch Catholics in the Low Countries witnessed how Calvinists practiced their religion more openly by singing psalms and preaching outside. As historian Judith Pollmann described, Calvinists became more openly hostile to everything considered Papist. The antagonist stance of Calvinists towards Catholics did not end with the Iconoclasm (1566). Calvinists also more often attacked priests (i.e. the Martyrs of Gorcum and Roermond), burned Catholic books, and even outlawed practicing Catholicism in some southern cities in 1573.250 Protestant Catholics were now forced to choose between two camps.251 Even though the organization of the Catholic Counter-Reformation only began late in the 1570s, within the timeframe 1566-1584 some cases of Catholic violence arguably fall within the definition of terrorism proposed by Schmid.252

248 Alexandra Bamji, Geert H. Janssen and Mary Laven, The Ashgate Research Companion to the Counter- Reformation (Farnham 2013), 5. 249 Jo Spaans, ‘Catholicism and Resistance to the Reformation in the Netherlands’. In Philip Benedict, Guido Marnef, Henk van Nierop, Marc Venard (eds.), Reformation, Revolution and Civil War in France and the Netherlands 1555-1585 (Amsterdam 1999), 149-163, on page 149. 250 Pollman, ‘Countering the Reformation’, on page 84: ‘84; Throughout the 1560s and 1570s Calvinists in the Habsburg Netherlands behaved much the same as their French counterparts had been doing since the late 1550s. In the early 1560s there were nightly chanteries - demonstrations by psalm-singing crowds - in Tournai and Valenciennes, and priches in the countryside. In 1566 a month of iconoclastic violence shattered the interiors of churches in much of the Habsburg Netherlands; in Tournai and Valenciennes, Calvinists seized power for a time. In 1572 and 1573 the rebel armies in Holland and Zeeland killed priests, plundered convents and mocked the sacraments; church property was requisitioned, and from 1573 Catholic worship was outlawed there. Between 1577 and 1585 Calvinists in Antwerp, Ghent, Bruges, Ypres and Brussels disturbed processions, burned books, broke images, expelled priests and eventually banned Catholic worship altogether.’ 251 Ibidem, on pages 88-91: ‘The Netherlands had by far the most repressive anti-heresy legislation in Europe (…)The nobles' confidence that edicts of toleration were the answer to the rise of Calvinism was, as Henk van Nierop has pointed out, based on the idea that the repressive policies of the crown had become a European anomaly. 252 ‘Schmid, ‘Chapter 2’, 86: ‘Terrorism refers on the one hand to a doctrine about the presumed effectiveness of a special form or tactic of fear-generating, coercive political violence and, on the other hand, to a conspiratorial practice of calculated, demonstrative, direct violent action without legal or moral

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The Counter-Reformation consisted of laws and regulations aimed at homogenizing Catholic doctrine and practices, deciding which elements of Protestants should be declined253, and increase the persecution and suppression of heresies. One important element of the Counter-Reformation was the introduction of a militant Catholic brotherhood named the Jesuits, aimed to convert unbelievers to Catholicism and reeducate heretics. The Jesuits supported Catholic and Habsburg armies with soldiers by funding them. They thereby mimicked their spiritual initiator Ignatius of Loyola (1491-1556) who labelled himself a soldier of God.254 Jesuits generally favored missionary activities without soldiers, but when the safety of the missionaries or clergy could not be assured, militants were allowed to escort them.255 Acts of terrorism by Jesuits have not been found in the period 1566-1584, except for a morally supportive role in the assassination of Orange.256 This is possibly due to the fact that Catholic centers of asylum were at their peak in 1580 (Cologne, Douai, Liѐge), only to return in large numbers to the recaptured Southern Low Countries after 1585.257 Terrorism by Catholics happened, like the many assassination attempts on Orange and Aldegonde.258 The successful attempt came from over the borders in France, a region suffering from religious wars and one where the Counter-Reformation developed earlier. Orange was shot two times from close range on the stairs of the Prinsenhof. He supposedly spoke the following last sentence: ‘Mon Dieu, mon dieu, ayez pitié de mon âme et

restraints, targeting mainly civilians and noncombatants, performed for its propagandistic and psychological effects on various audiences and conflict parties.’ 253 De facto all were declined. 254 Geert H. Janssen, ‘The Exile Experience’. In Bamji, Alexandra, Geert H. Janssen, and Mary Laven, The Ashgate Research Companion to the Counter-Reformation (Farnham 2013), 76, 81. 255 Baumgartner, Declaring War, 71. 256 Koenraad Wolter Swart, Willem van Oranje en de Nederlandse Opstand 1572-1584 (1994), 252. 257 Geert H. Janssen, ‘The Counter-Reformation of the Refugee: Exile and the Shaping of Catholic Militancy in the Dutch Revolt’. In Journal of Ecclesiastical History 63: 4 (October 2013), 671-692, on pages 674, 689-690, 692: ‘The Catholic exile agenda, as it developed in the white papers of Stempelse, Lindanus and others, remained fiction as long as large parts of the Netherlands were in rebel hands. Philip II and Gregory XIII may have endorsed some of the proposals, but it was only after 1585 that the effects of these exile preparations became truly visible. (…) Alexander Farnese facilitated the reintegration of exiles in a number of ways. First, he started systematically to appoint returning refugees to vacant offices: precisely the strategy that Lindanus had suggested.’ 258 Swart, Willem van Oranje, 251-253; Janssen, The Dutch Revolt, 128. Most notably the one of Jean Jaureguy in 1582.

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de ce pauvre peuple.’259 Head of the Dutch intelligence agency (AIVD) Sybrand van Hulst argued in 2008 that the assassination of Orange on 10 July 1584 would today be seen as an act of terrorism. The assassin Balthasar Gérard (1557-14 July 1584) attacked Orange because he hoped his deed would have wider political and religious consequences.260 Dutch Historian Maarten Prak argued that Orange was a terrorist, and compared the Low Countries to the Gaza strip. Here, Orange led the insurgents who massacred and tortured loyalist Catholics who did not refrain from supporting the Habsburg regime.261 Prak argued that the Habsburg king Philip II and his governors262 were the legitimate rulers over the Low Countries in the sixteenth century. The positions of Van Hulst and Prak are exemplary for the problem of positionality. From the positions of both Orange and Gérard, the other can be labeled a terrorist. The young Catholic radical Gérard traveled from Franche Comté to Delft to assassinate Orange. Even though for many people in the Low Countries Orange’s goals and acts were commendable, instantly blaming the Jesuits and/ or Philip II for the assassination, Gérard indeed murdered a terrorist.263 But what Orange and the rebels fought for was religious tolerance and peaceful coexistence, which legitimized their rebellion against the Habsburg regime. Orange initially wanted to reform the status quo without breaking the Low Countries away from the larger political body of the Habsburg Empire.264 Similar to Luther, Orange was a

259 It is more likely Orange died in bed heavily wounded by Gérard: Nanne Bosma, Balthazar Gerards. Moordenaar en martelaar (Amsterdam 1983), 86; G.W. Bowersock, Martyrdom and Rome (Cambridge 1995). 260 Sybrand van Hulst (10-06-2005). Willem van Oranjelezing: Enige observaties met betrekking tot terrorismebestrijding en de AIVD. Retrieved from: https://www.aivd.nl/actueel/nieuws/2005/06/10/willem-van-oranjelezing-enige-observaties-met- betrekking-tot-terrorismebestrijding-en-de-aivd ‘Naar de huidige maatstaven en definities is Willem van Oranje op 10 juli 1584 slachtoffer geworden van een terroristische aanslag. De dader pleegde op mensenlevens gericht geweld, met als doel politiek- religieuze veranderingen te bewerkstelligen.’ 261 Maarten Prak. ‘Was Willem van Oranje een terroristenleider?’ Retrieved from: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BNUE3Ani7UA 262 ‘Landvoogden’. 263 Gerrit Vanden Bosch, Jesuits in the Low Countries (1542–1773): A Historiographical Essay (December 2016). Retrieved from: https://referenceworks.brillonline.com/entries/jesuit-historiography-online/jesuits-in-the-low-countries- 15421773-a-historiographical-essay-COM_192551 264 Rebels framed Habsburg monarchy as Spanish to emphasize the illegitimacy of a foreign government interfering with local practices.

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conservative reformer. As argued before, Orange and the Beggars were initially on a par when it came to the long-term goals and strategies. For Orange and the nobles, the answer on existing practices of suppression, intolerance, and violence was to deliberate and even beg the governor to relieve suppression in the end. Philip II was asked to recover the ancient freedoms of the provinces. Orange only called for resistance against Alva and his troops in 1572 when many alternatives failed.265 In November, the massacre of Zutphen by the Spanish (Re-)Conquistadors led by Alva and the St. Bartholomew Massacre in Paris probably reconfirmed the righteousness of resisting Alva and later the Habsburg regime in its totality.266 The northern and southern Low Countries separated in January 1579, when the Union of Atrecht and Utrecht were signed.267 Orange realized he had to give up his ideal to unite all the Low Countries, a wish included in the Pacification of Ghent (1576), also because some southern provinces could not agree with Orange’s treaties with the nobility of some Dutch cities who were persecuting Catholics.268 Over the course of the 1570s, the south developed from a stronghold of heresy to largely Catholic.269 For some southern provinces, religious coexistence professed by Orange was mere rhetoric because Catholics were de facto persecuted.270 Jan van Nassau (1559–1606), brother of Orange, wanted to reform Catholic Gelre. In the act signed at the Union of Utrecht, it was deemed necessary to formalize the consensus among different

265 L.P. Gachard, Correspondance de Guillaume le Taciturne (Brussel 1850-57), VI, 297-301: ‘Waervan u God genadichlic wil behoeden, ende ons met u synen segen, sterckte ende voorspoet geven, dat de tyrannighe verdruckers verjacht wesende, wy t'samen sien mogen de Nederlanden in haerder ouder vryheydt, sonder eenich ghewelt, onder behoorlicke ghehoorsaemheydt des Conincx, met gerustheyt haerder conscientien, by advyse van de generale staten geregeert werdende.’ 266 Matthew C. Waxman, Strategic Terror: Philip II and Sixteenth-Century Warfare. In War in History 4:3, (1997), 339-47, on page 41; A. Th. van Deursen, De last van veel geluk. De geschiedenis van Nederland 1555-1702 (Amsterdam 2004), 79. 267 Union of Atrecht (January 6th, 1579). Retrieved from: https://dutchrevolt.leiden.edu/dutch/bronnen/Pages/1579%2001%2006%20fra.aspx Union of Utrecht (January 20th, 1579). Retrieved from: https://dutchrevolt.leiden.edu/dutch/bronnen/Pages/1579%2001%2020%20ned.aspx 268 Pacification of Ghent (November 8th, 1576). Retrieved from: https://dutchrevolt.leiden.edu/dutch/bronnen/Pages/1576_11_08_ned.aspx 269 Ryrie, Protestants, 104. 270 Olaf Mörke, Willem van Oranje (1533-1584). Vorst en ‘vader’ van de Republiek (Amsterdam 2010), 230-231; Nanne Bosma, Balthazar Gerards. Moordenaar en martelaar (Amsterdam 1983), 73.

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Dutch nobles.271 This consensus led to an official promise that Holland, Zeeland, Utrecht, and later Friesland, Gelre, and Groningen would support each other against external enemies. In Holland and Zeeland, religious tolerance was implemented, while the other provinces could decide whether they wanted to become Catholic or Protestant, introducing cuius regio, eius religio in the Low Countries.272 This way, Orange found a compromise with his brother Jan van Nassau, who could now continue his peaceful reform of Gelre.273 Without positional refinement in terms of the values Orange fought for, Maarten Prak compared Orange to terrorist leaders on the Gaza strip. One might indeed conclude that Orange was a terrorist, but one who initially wished to include the Catholics in his plans for the Low Countries. Coornhert only supported Orange because he had no doubt that those were the intentions of Orange.274 Moreover, in spite of his marriage with the protestant Anna of Saksen (1544-1577), Orange never openly denied Catholicism.275 Orange broke with Philips II, because he dogmatically continued to deny freedom of conscience, exploited the Low Countries, and did not respect differences in political culture, rudely stepping over ancient privileges.276 For Orange, the authority of the Church was unquestioned. This is why he condemned the iconoclasts in 1566, together with the Counts Egmont and Horne who were hanged by the Habsburg regime anyway.277 Even when Alva’s troops scorched the earth it did not alter Orange’s conviction about the Church as the only just authority over religious matters, at the same time defending peaceful coexistence and freedom of conscience in the Low Countries.278 Orange even captured and fired William II of Marck (Lumey), the hero of Brielle, in 1573. As discussed earlier, the terrorist Beggar Lumey did not refrain from applying categorical violence against Catholics.279 Maybe Prak would now overthink his comparison with the Gaza strip.

271 Tracy, The Founding of the Republic, 136, 143; J.H. Kluiver, De correspondentie tussen Willem van Oranje en Jan van Nassau 1578-1584 (Amsterdam 1984), 9-11, 16. 272 Merriman, A History of Modern Europe, 103; Pollman, ‘Countering the Reformation’, on page 91. 273 Union of Utrecht (January 20th, 1579). Retrieved from: https://dutchrevolt.leiden.edu/dutch/bronnen/Pages/1579%2001%2020%20ned.aspx 274 Gruppelaar, D.V. Coornhert. Politieke geschriften, 8. 275 Bosma, Balthazar Gerards, 36-38. 276 Woltjer, Tussen vrijheidsstrijd, 66-67. 277 Ibidem, 28. 278 Tracy, The Founding of the Republic, 138. 279 Woltjer, Tussen vrijheidsstrijd, 55, 59-60.

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For many Catholics, especially after Orange had openly confirmed his resistance against the Habsburg king in 1581, Orange was seen (and framed through pamphlets) as the leader responsible for attacking a homogeneous Corpus Christi. Orange came to represent the illness from which the Low Countries were suffering in the perception of aggrieved Catholics.280 Many militant Catholic clergymen and Habsburg loyalists concluded that this illness needed to be cured. Philip II even sent assassins to kill the tyrant Orange, a popular tactic since the French wars of religion among both Protestants and Catholics.281 Before Gérard, there were multiple failed assassination attempts, one of them perpetrated by Juan de Jáuregui (1562-1582) in 1582.282 For Van Hulst the murder of Orange was terrorism, but for many Catholics in the Franche Comté and in the context of the Guerre de Religion, Gérard was a hero and a martyr.283 Gérard had prepared his act for many years, behaving as a zealous Protestant willing to work for Orange’s cause in order to come close to him.284 Maybe Gérard had learned it from the Huguenot murderer of the Second Duke of Guise (Francois de Lorraine) in 1563, named Jean de Poltrot de Méré, thereby showing once more how transnational influences were important. De Méré disguised as a Catholic so he could come close to the Catholic De Guise.285 Because of his deep conviction, firmness, and his fate of being tortured and executed while reiterating the

280 Daniel H. Nexon, The Struggle for Power in Early Modern Europe. Religious Conflict, Dynastic Empires, and International Change (Oxford 2009), 210. 281 Stuart Carroll, Martyrs and Murderers. The Guise Family and the Making of Europe (Oxford 2009), 92: ‘Assassination of the godless by religious fanatics, both Catholic and Protestant, was to be a particular feature of the French Wars of Religion, distinguishing it from the later religious conflicts in England and Germany.’ 282 Janssen, The Dutch Revolt, 127; Wayne P. te Brake, Religious War and Religious Peace in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge 2017). 283 Bosma, Balthazar Gerards, 19-20, 56; G.W. Bowersock, Martyrdom and Rome (Cambridge 1995); Sybrand de Jong, Balthazar: Terrorist of Martelaar? (2004). Retrieved from: http://www.delft- guide.nl/historie-van-delft/musea-in-delft/artikelen-over-de-musea-van-delft/artikel-balthazar-terrorist- of-martelaar/ 284 Bosma, Balthazar Gerards, 51, 60. 285 Carroll, Martyrs and Murderers, 167; Appelbaum, ‘Chapter 2’, 44-45: ‘the Duke’s killer, one Jean de Poltrot de Méré, claimed that he assassinated the duke because the latter was an obstacle to peace between the Huguenots and the Catholics in France. He killed the duke, in other words, because he was fighting on behalf of peace. A Huguenot himself, who pretended to the duke that he was switching sides, and was treated by the duke as a useful confidant and spy’

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assassination was done in nomine Domini, Gérard became a martyr whose deed was worth replicating by other Catholics.286 Spanish propaganda held Orange responsible for the Iconoclasm of 1566, even though Orange himself always denied and renounced it as an illegitimate act.287 Orange feared another hitman.288 Those who supported Orange perceived Gérard as a representation of ‘Spanish’ and ‘Papist’ evil because it was expected that Gérard did not work on his own account. The Act of Abjuration (1581) had already decreased Philip II’s legitimacy to an all-time low, so this assassination did not help improve this image. The ‘lone wolf’ terrorist and Catholic fundamentalist Gérard resembles Gavrilo Princip in his tactic and principled goals.289 He clearly aimed at a larger population than William of Orange alone but aimed to rouse fear among a wider Protestant public. The case of Orange and Gérard shows the transnational context of terrorism already in the Early Modern Low Countries. In this theatre of terror, Gérard was the lone actor, using an important figure and important place to stage his drama. It was a terrorist killing a terrorist, but only their interpretation of a just society and the methods to cope with their interpretation of evil was a world apart.

D) Habsburg Policies of Counterterrorism

Now that different cases of terrorism have been traced, this section assesses Habsburg policies aimed at countering and preventing terrorism. Before the Iconoclasm in 1566, there was some relaxation in the persecution of heresies. Philip II sent Granvelle away from his post in the Low Countries when the nobles were no longer able to tolerate his hard stance and policy towards

286 Bosma, Balthazar Gerards, 89-91; Janssen, The Dutch Revolt, 128: In the years after the murder on Orange, many assassination attempts followed, most strikingly on the Protestant Queen Elizabeth. 287 Bosma, Balthazar Gerards, 18, 22-23, 26-29. 288 Oranje, Apologie, 114. Retrieved from: http://www.dbnl.org/tekst/will019apol01_01/ 289 Appelbaum, ‘Chapter 2’, 44-45: ‘The circumstances surrounding these murders have always been suspicious and controversial. Apart from the murder of the Second Duke of Guise (who was shot from behind just outside his own quarters during the siege of Orléans) the assassinations took place in public or quasi-public spaces, and all of them were widely publicized, discussed, agonized over, and, by their supporters, celebrated. All of them also were at least in some eyes principled murders.’

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heretical practices.290 However, this attitude seemed premature, because Philip II declined all proposals that would abandon the persecution of heretics. Philip II was loyal to the provisions made at the Council of Trent (1545-1563), in which Protestantism was labeled a heresy, but he did seem willing to treat the Low Countries differently.291 Long-distance communication could take weeks, especially because the route through France was blocked. Therefore, the nobles heard too late that Granvelle would be called back to Spain. Furthermore, the planned relaxation of the persecution of heretics arrived too late as well.292 The Iconoclasm in 1566 that followed, smothered all chances to relieve the tension with the Habsburg monarchy.293 Intensifying the legal capacity of the Inquisition and other governmental institutions seemed more necessary than ever for Philip II because the Protestant rebels had shown their true, diabolic face. In order to stop the revolt and rebel violence, the Habsburg government tried to punish those perceived to be responsible for damaging the union of the Corpus Christi. Some nobles were seen as betrayers deserving persecution by the Habsburg regime, because they had taken part in the Iconoclasm, failed to reject it, or simply stayed passive.294 Philip II sent Alva to the Low Countries with a large army to subdue these rebels.295 Alva came to struck fear in the minds of Dutch religious dissidents, thereby living up to his slogan on his emblem: Donec Auferatur Luna.296 Boots on the ground seemed necessary, especially after a letter sent by the nobles on July 30, 1566 in which religious coexistence was more or less demanded and Orange, Egmont,

290 Especially Orange, Egmont, and Horne had sent many letters of protest to Margareth of Parma and king Philip II. Advisor Charles de Berlaymont had denied the letter of protest by a group of nobles who asked for a relief of placards, arguing ‘N'ayez pas peur, Madame, ce ne sont que des gueux’ (do not fear madam, these are only beggars). That is how the Beggars got their name. Retrieved from: https://dutchrevolt.leiden.edu/dutch/verhaal/Pages/verhaal02.aspx 291 Thomsett, The Inquisition, 189. 292 Israel, The Dutch Republic. 293 Ibidem. 294 Egmond and Horne were executed because they had not prevented Iconoclasm. Daniel H. Nexon, The Struggle for Power in Early Modern Europe. Religious Conflict, Dynastic Empires, and International Change (Oxford 2009), 189-190, 209. 295 Israel, The Dutch Republic, 155. 296 A. van Hulzen, Nederlandse Geschiedenis. Volume 1 (Groningen 1970), 190; Schelven, De Nederduitsche vluchtelingenkerken, 27-28: ‘Niet slechts diens werkelijke komst, maar zelfs reeds ’t gerucht daarvan verspreidde dodelijke schrik, en gaf tot vluchten de stoot.’ ‘Until darkness [the moon] disappears.’

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and Horne proposed themselves as future administrators of the Low Countries.297 Philip II also increased the number of inquisitors.298 Moderatie, signifying the reduced repression of religious dissidents given by Governor Van Parma, was no longer possible.299 Great was the shock when Alva’s Blood Council executed the counts Egmont and Horne, together with thousand other rebels.300 Margareth of Parma could not prevent the policies to become increasingly suppressive against religious dissidents, even though she was always looking for a middle ground between the Dutch nobles and her king. She stepped aside and Alva gladly took her position. The Blood Council was a government institution aimed to demoralize dissidents and force them into submission by setting examples. It was not part of the Inquisition, even though Dutch rebellious propaganda did not make this distinction.301 The victims of the Blood Council served as a medium to spread a political and religious message. It also gave the Habsburg treasury a valuable new source of income by the many confiscations. Taken all the Habsburg policies into account – Alva’s military fury, the Blood Council, increasing number of inquisitors, setting symbolic examples through violence and executions which were politically, religiously, and/ or economically motivated, persecutions serving as a medium to a wider public – the Habsburg regime applied state terror to counter the rebellion before and during the first decades of the Revolt. Especially when the Huguenots in France were subdued in the Bartholomew Massacre (August 1572), Alva’s armies heading north via the ‘Spanish Road’ focused their energies on subduing the Low Countries, murdering huge numbers of civilians in Mechelen, Zutphen, and Naarden.302 The Habsburg regime openly applied repression and

297 Second Petition (July 30th, 1566). Retrieved from: https://dutchrevolt.leiden.edu/dutch/bronnen/Pages/15660730.aspx 298 Craig E. Harline, Pamphlets, Printing, and Political Culture in the Early Dutch Republic (Dordrecht 1987), 6. 299 Van Schelven, De Nederduitsche vluchtelingenkerken, 26-28. 300 Pieter Christiaenszoon Bor, Den oorspronck, begin ende aenvanck der Nederlandtscher oorlogen. Geduyrende de regeringe vande Hertoginne van Parma, de Hertoge van Alba ende eensdeels vanden groot Commandeur (Leiden 1617), 18: ‘Doch sijn broeder Graef Adolph van Nassau, Bleef daer oock doot, met veel vrome Lants-knechten, Men deed' daech'licx niet dan schermutsen vechten, Men maeckte de boeren vast cael en rau: Den Hertoch van Alba hier door gestoort, Dede wt spijt Graven en Edlen dooden, Aen Egmont en Hoorne wert dit gespoort, En an'dre meer, dien hy 'tleven wtrooden.’ 301 Vermaseren, ‘Who was Reginaldus’, on pages 48-49. 302 W. Bergsma and E. H. Waterbolk, Kroniekje van een Ommelander boer in de zestiende eeuw (Groningen 1986), 53-54; Matthew C. Waxman, Strategic Terror: Philip II and Sixteenth-Century Warfare.

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enforced rigidly what had been agreed upon during the Councils of Trente, forcing the population into submission. Later in the revolt, Philip II instigated the application of strategic terror through ‘the destruction of a significant portion of the rebellious provinces in order to force the submission of the rest.’303 He chose not to flood but to burn towns and crops. Flooding would harm the prestige of the Habsburg regime and would destroy the Low Countries economically on the longer term.304 As discussed before, the rebels also applied these tactics later on loyalist towns in the southern Netherlands. In a letter to governor Requesens (1528-1576), who replaced Alva in 1573, Philip II argued about flooding that ‘this method cannot be used, nor should we use it, because (…) it would bring with it a certain reputation for cruelty that should be avoided, especially among vassals, even though their guilt is notorious and the punishment justified.’305 However, by that time Philip II had already earned his label cruel through Alva and his Blood Council, if not already before the Iconoclasm in 1566. He would earn this label again in 1576 when Spanish soldiers in the southern Low Countries took matters in their own hands and mutinied because they did not receive any payment. The mutinies went hand in hand with rapes and murder from Maastricht to Antwerp, and Philip II was held responsible.306 Philip II also sent different hitmen to assassinate Orange, while propagandistically framing him as a tyrant. This was another form of (state) terrorism applied to counter the growing power of the tyrant Orange.307 While Philip II differed in his policies over time, his general reaction to rebel violence was harsh repression in the Low Countries. This approach of hard power clearly did not have the desired effect for Philip II, since it gave the rebels new input to legitimize their rebellion. The Revolt was a consequence of a dialectical trap causing a vicious circle of violence. A sample of

In War in History 4 (3), 1997, 339-47, on page 341; Geoffrey Parker, The Army of Flanders and the Spanish Road 1567-1659 (Cambridge 1972), 80-101. 303 Waxman, Strategic Terror’, on pages 340-342. 304 Ibidem, on pages 340-342. 305 Ibidem, 339-47, Appendix. 306 Nexon, The Struggle for Power, 216; De Léon, The Road to Rocroi, 110-115; Parker, The Army of Flanders, 185-206. 307 It is unsure whether the Habsburg monarchy was directly responsible for sending Gérard to Orange, though state-led propaganda to denounce Orange as a heretical tyrant and putting a price on his head undoubtedly helped to motivate an assassin like Gérard.

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criminal convictions taken from the Court of Holland is exemplary for the harsh policies applied by Philip II. In 1568, Dirck Maertsz was convicted for taking part in an eruption of iconoclasm in Alkmaar, as well as cooperating with rebels. His heart was pulled out and after decapitation, his head was placed on a stick, the body quartered and hanged at the four gates of Alkmaar to shock those who might have similar plans in mind.308 In the same year, Cors Heffenszoon was convicted for preaching heresies. After decapitation, his body was placed on a wheel and his possessions confiscated.309 In 1570, the same happened to Arent Vos.310 In the same year, Sybrand Janszoon was burned at the stake as a heretic and his possessions confiscated because he wished to marry in the Calvinist tradition.311 The Carmelite brother Wouter Symonszoon wanted to become a reformed preacher. For this ambition, he was burned at the stake. Although it was not much since Carmelites traditionally live by receiving alms, his possessions were confiscated.312 Penances, banishments, and confiscations (or all combined) were common before the Iconoclasm (1566).313 An interesting case whereby it seems as if the sentences were not so harsh before the Iconoclasm is Cornelis Adriaanszoon. Generally known to be a good Christian, ‘the devil had taken hold of him’, which Adriaanszoon to utter all kinds of blasphemies to a Catholic priest. He was labelled mad, had to repent and pay a fine, but was pardoned for his heresies on June 18, 1557.314 On September 24 he was banished from Goes for suspected

308 Hof van Holland: Criminele Sententies, Naam: Dirck Maertsz. NL-HaNA, Hof van Holland, 3.03.01.01, inv.nr. 5654, folio nr. 423.vo. 309 Hof van Holland: Criminele Sententies, Naam: Cors Heffensz. NL-HaNA, Hof van Holland, 3.03.01.01, inv.nr. 5654, folio nr. 456. 310 Hof van Holland: Criminele Sententies, Naam: Arent Dircksz. Vos.. NL-HaNA, Hof van Holland, 3.03.01.01, inv.nr. 5654, folio nr. 468. 311 Hof van Holland: Criminele Sententies, Naam: Sybrand Jansz. NL-HaNA, Hof van Holland, 3.03.01.01, inv.nr. 5654, folio nr. 466. 312 Hof van Holland: Criminele Sententies, Naam: Wouter Symonsz.. NL-HaNA, Hof van Holland, 3.03.01.01, inv.nr. 5654, folio nr. 467. 313 Hof van Holland: Criminele Sententies, Naam: Claes van Amsterdam. NL-HaNA, Hof van Holland, 3.03.01.01, inv.nr. 5654, folio nr: 329.vo. Similar sentences were given to Apploma Diricxsdochter, Jan Aartsz, Reynert Meinertsz. Retrieved from https://www.nationaalarchief.nl/onderzoeken/index/nt00355?searchTerm= 314 Hof van Holland: Criminele Sententies, Naam: Cornelis Adriaansz. NL-HaNA, Hof van Holland, 3.03.01.01, inv.nr. 3558, folio nr: 333r: ‘Cornelis Adriaansz. psychisch gestoordezondags na heilig sacramentsdag 1555 kwam de suppliant binnen het dorp van oude tonge ten huize van jaspar Hendriksz.

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heresies but pardoned again in the name of Philip II.315 This case can be interpreted two ways. Firstly, a flexible approach in the monarchical instructions evaporated after the Iconoclasm (1566). Secondly, it might show how local administrators did not apply the law against heresies strictly. The conclusion of this chapter is that suppression by the Habsburg regime seemed to have hardened over time. Hard power had contrary results in the Low Countries. It bred more violent rebellion (terrorism) instead of preventing or countering it. This thesis thus far has established whether and how violence became justified, that there were cases of terrorism in which these justifications played a role, and that in this context of terrorism the Habsburg regime developed ineffective policies to counter-terrorism. In the next section, the plausibility of a nexus between exile experience and violent radicalization/ terrorism is discussed.

IV) Discussing Exile Influence on Violent Radicalization/ Terrorism

In this chapter, the influence of exile on the cases of terrorism will be discussed. Four arguments can be made that either support or contradict a nexus between exile and terrorism. These four arguments are discussed in four separate sections. The first argument questions the proposed causality, because evidence shows that violent radicalization often happened already before the radicals went into exile. The second argument nuances the assumption of violent radicalization. The large majority of individuals did not radicalize violently in exile. The third en ander gezelsschap waartegen hij zei, inkomende en wezende vuil aan zijn voeten en staande aan de deur die schoonmakende komende het heilig sacrament en daar op zonderlinge niet achtende zonder eer en reverentie tzelve te bewijzen uit rasarije en niet bij zijn zinnen wezende deze of gelijke woorden in substantie: daer gaat de pastoor of zijn priester met het heilige sacrament hier voor bij deze herberg die weet ik niet anders te gelijken dan een priester den valkjager is en dat hij in zijn hand draagt dat is de valk en als hij die valk laat vliegen zo houdt hij de bellen stil en als hij zijn bellen roert dat zijn de kinderen die voorgaan, die voorgaan roeren die bellen, dan komt de valk wederom op de valkjagers. Hij zei dit terwijl hij raesende en vuytsinnich was. Hij heeft er zelf geen herinnering van, het moet hem zijn ingegeven door de duivel van de hel die alle mensen brengt tot kwade propoosten. mitsdien hij een impotent man is die god met een grote krankheid en letsel in zijn hoofd van een grooter zweeringe gevisiteerd heeft, dikwijls genoeg gaande ‘mijneren’ als een ‘insaem’ mens. Het is zondermeer duidelijk dat hij de woorden niet met en goed propoost of met vileinigheid heeft gezegd. Hij staat bekend als een goed katholiek christenmens. door delatie van enige personen uit Oude Tonge heeft de off. van j. hiervan gehoord en nu is hij bang vervolgd te worden en is gevlucht uit Voorne’ 315 Hof van Holland: Criminele Sententies, Naam: Cornelis Adriaansz. NL-HaNA, Hof van Holland, 3.03.01.01, inv.nr. 3559, folio nr: 001r

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argument is that a focus on the elite alone increases the plausibility of an alternative explanation because those who were participating in the Iconoclasm (1566) were already radicalized and had to flee to prevent persecution. Furthermore, those fleeing were often the ones with an active attitude, radical, or had the connections and material means which enabled them to flee. A final argument increases the complexity of a nexus between exile and violent radicalization by diversifying it temporally. Over time, the Protestant organization in exile also radicalized, so that exiles met likeminded and aggrieved individuals readying themselves for revenge. Furthermore, a connection between exile experience and violent radicalization of Catholic refugees is more plausible due to the circumstances and the role of the Jesuits.

A) The Assumption of Causality

The number of refugees fleeing the Low Countries in fear of persecution increased for the first time in 1544.316 After 1550 however, the persecution of Calvinists and Anabaptists by the Habsburg government really intensified, and so did the number of refugees.317 In this decade, the first Protestant Dutch church in exile was set up in London and headed by a friend of Erasmus and Zwingli, namely the preacher John a Lasco (1499-1560).318 When the Catholic Mary Tudor ascended the throne in 1553, the Dutch Church moved to Emden, only to be re- established in London in 1559 when the Protestant Elizabeth started her extensive reign (r.

316 Schelven, De Nederduitsche vluchtelingenkerken, 4-5: ‘Het jaartal dat daarvoor moet worden gesteld is 1544. Toen heeft het aantal uitwijkenden zich opeens bijzonder vergroot. Toen begon, wat voor ons doel nog meer zegt, toen begon zich ook meteen onder hen voor het eerst iets te vertonen van kerkelijke formatie. In dat jaar vluchtten velen naar Emden. In Keulen komt dan een huisgemeente van Nederlanders tot stand. In Aken en Wezel worden evenzeer vluchtelingenkerken geïnstitueerd. Terwijl van datzelfde jaar door de Antwerpsche kroniek wordt meegedeeld: „Doen wirden 't Antwerpen veel mensen gevangen, ende velen ontliepen 't in Ingelant". Zulk een gelijktijdigheid kan moeilijk toevallig zijn. En zo zien we ons dus de taak aangewezen om, door een nauwkeuriger nagaan van toestanden en gebeurtenissen van dat jaar, de elementen op te sporen, die dit opmerkelijke feit verklaren. Inderdaad zal ons blijken dat voor uitwijken in dat jaar 1544 alleszins voldoende redenen hebben bestaan. Sterke vermeerdering van innerlijke kracht aan de Reformatorische zijde, gepaard met een bijzondere ontplooiing van macht en invloed aan de kant der tegenstanders kon niet anders dan een botsing ten gevolge hebben, waarbij de zucht naar lijfsbehoud tot emigreren drong.’ 317 Van Roosbroeck, Emigranten, 19. 318 Pieter Geyl, Geschiedenis van de Nederlandse stam (Amsterdam/Antwerpen 1948-1959), 198; Heinz Schilling, Niederlӓndische Exulanten im 16. Jahrhundert. Ihre Stellung im Sozialgefϋge und im religiösen Leben deutscher und englischer Stӓdte (Gϋtersloh 1972), 87; Pettegree, Reformation and the Culture, 62.

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1558-1603).319 Many refugees from London fled to Emden out of fear for Catholic repression by Mary following Hendrick VIII’s relative openness to foreigners and were enthusiastically welcomed at the city gates.320 Over time, however, this enthusiasm lingered, because especially after the Wonderyear (1566), Emden was troubled by the number of radicalized refugees from the troubled Low Countries.321 Former refugees, especially from London, had often been active in the Iconoclasm.322 Besides the religious debates between the mainly radical Calvinist Sea Beggars and the older group of moderate Protestant refugees in Emden, the practices of the Sea Beggars caused a lot of uproar among the refuged nobility in Emden.323 A contemporary chronicler argued that Emden was full of radicalized individuals, often connected to the Beggars who wished to change the status quo.324 In response to the radicals in exile, officials were appointed to monitor the refugees, but the Beggar Hendrick van Brederode is exemplary for the ineffectiveness of this supervision. Brederode could anyway move around freely and develop his plans and organization to

319 Pettegree, Reformation and the Culture, 62. 320 Hermann de Buhr, Die Entwicklung Emdens in der zweiten Hӓlfte des 16. Jahrhunderts (Hamburg 1967), 17; Owe Boersma, Vluchting Voorbeeld. De Nederlandse, Franse en Italiaanse vluchtelingenkerken in Londen, 1568-1585 (Kampen 1996), 7-14; Schilling, Niederlӓndische Exulanten, 44; W. Bergsma and E. Waterbolk, Kroniekje van een Ommelander, 74-75: ‘End alsoo mit die veranderinghe in Engeland veele volcks vertrecken moste, quemen vele Engelschen anno 1554 tho Embden, end volgens daernaer oock vele vluchtige Francoijsen end Waelen, ’t welck alles tot provijt van den landesheere end welvaeren der stadt streckte.’ 321 De Buhr, Die Entwicklung, 20-23. 322 Jozef Scheerder, Het Wonderjaar te Gent 1566-167 (Original 1974, reprint in Gent 2016), 37. Retrieved from: https://lib.ugent.be/fulltxt/RUG01/002/302/279/RUG01-002302279_2017_0001_AC.pdf 323 De Meij, De Watergeuzen, 169; Auke Jan Jelsma, Adriaan van Haemstede en zijn martelaarsboek (Middelburg 2008), 62; new arrivals in Emden had to prove their proper behavior with a proof of behavior in the place of origin in order to be permitted. 324 Bergsma and Waterbolk, Kroniekje van een Ommelander, 74-75: ‘End alsoo sick dat onkruit sick altijdts manck ‘it goede kruit menget end ’t kaff sick int cooren vinden laett, so hebben valsche leeraers, secten end rottengeister sich overall mede ingeflicket end heeft voor eersten Melchior Hoffman, die Munsterschen apostell end propheet van dese rotterye uthgesonden, hem in de stadt Embden ingevöegt end mit grooter arbeydt en vuiricheit geleert end gepredigt under den sijnen, die mede vremt end vluchtich weren, end der ghener, die hij gewinnen konde, arbeijdende mit grooter hoopeninghe eenen Munsterschen tragedie an tho richten. Dan also sijn vornehmen door den vlijt end arbeijdt der stadtpredicanten end door der borgeren bestendigheit verhindert worde, liet hij den moet sinken end vertrock nae Straeszborch, welcke stad hij dat nije Jerusalem end de Borcht Zion noemde. Dan hij worde daer gefancklijck in getoogen, in welcke gefangenisse hij oock gestorven is.’

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reconquer the Netherlands through guerilla and terrorism with fellow-Beggars.325 The picture that arises from the work of authors like Hermann de Buhr, Robert van Roosbroeck, and Alexander de Meij is one where the refugees who came to Emden were already radicalized in their home country, some of them intensely religious, so that exile experience did not seem to have a specific connection to those individuals who radicalized violently.326 This is not to say that refugees did not play an important role in the Revolt.327 The intense radicalization at home is also sketched by Backhouse, who explains the violence in 1566 and how the rebels fled when the battles at Wattrelos and Lannoy were lost.328 De Buhr argued that Lumey, who was exiled to Emden, brought this city in danger because his piracy was also aimed at the ships coming from Emden.329 Van Roosbroeck even argued that Lumey had to flee from Emden before they would chase him out.330 When looking into Lumey’s active participation with the mostly Calvinist and/ or anti-Habsburg Beggars there one finds a principled religious terrorist who aimed his violence at the Church and everything and everyone related to it. However, Lumey returned to Catholicism and the Habsburg monarchy when Orange fired him and the revolt was no longer favorable to him, so that wealth and power might have been of equal importance to him.331 The true motivations of Lumey will remain unknown, but it is quite clear he radicalized violently before he went into exile. A chronological sequence of exile, the killing of priests in Gorcum, and killing Musius does not say much about a causal nexus between exile and violent radicalization, especially not when taking into account that Lumey took part in the Iconoclasm (1566).

325 Ibidem, 24, 32, 56; Geyl, Geschiedenis van de Nederlandse stam. 326 De Buhr, Die Entwicklung, 56; Van Roosbroeck, Emigranten, 87, 90; De Meij, De Watergeuzen, 214: ‘Al de onhandelbaarste elementen der oppositie waren uitgeweken en vulden de Duitse grensplaatsen - Emden, Wezel, Keulen - met hun ellende en met hun getwist.’ 327 Arnade, Beggars, 60, 67, 289-292. 328 Backhouse, Beeldenstorm en Bosgeuzen, 79-80. 329 De Buhr, Die Entwicklung, 34: ‘Besonders gefӓhrlich war der Geusenfϋhrer Wilhelm van der Mark, der aus Emden ausgewiesen worden war.’ 330 Van Roosbroeck, Emigranten, 90-91. 331 Swart, Willem van Oranje, 51-54; Public declaration concerning Lumey who was fired from his position by Orange (9-1-1573). Retrieved from http://resources.huygens.knaw.nl/wvo/app/brief?nr=5973

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Another leader of the Beggars, Adriaan Menninck, also radicalized violently before he went to Emden since he already participated in the terrorist Iconoclasm of 1566.332 Hendrick van Brederode had also already accepted open preaching in his domains in Vianen before the Iconoclasm. When he went into exile he immediately went to Dillenburg in order to convince Orange that violent revolt was the best and only way for the Low Countries to go. This radicalized Beggar died in exile shortly after.333 Orange received many guests since he had fled the Low Countries in April 1567 in anticipation of a Spanish reaction on the Iconoclasm he never wanted. Even in case of the exiled Orange, it took a long time before he actually radicalized violently against the Habsburg regime, while consolidating his belief in peaceful coexistence. After the Blood Council in January 1568, Orange justified some resistance but justifying rebellion against the Habsburg regime took until July 26th, 1581 with the Act of Abjuration.334 The specific influence of exile is unlikely with Orange, especially because he went home to Dillenburg. It is more plausible that the intensification of an immoral status quo and executions of likeminded peaceful individuals in the Low Countries continued (i.e. Egmond, Horne, brother Adolf of Nassau) motivated Orange to increase his efforts and lose confidence in the Habsburg monarchy over time.335 Orange did not need the misery of exile in order to radicalize violently. Pettegree hypothesized a causal chain between exile and those who radicalized violently, without arguing that exile and the new ‘confessional militancy’ a priori led to violence.336 Different arguments are proposed by Pettegree to support this view. He argued that different reports to Cardinal Granvelle described the role of returned exiles in the turmoil in the Low Countries.337 Furthermore, Pettegree showed how the Beggars used Emden as their headquarters.338 Pettegree also argued that especially the exiled and persecuted individuals

332 Pettegree, Emden and the Dutch Revolt, 126. 333 Israel, The Dutch Republic, 153. 334 Soen, ‘Reconquista and Reconciliation’, 5; Act of Abjuration (July 26th, 1581). Retrieved from: https://dutchrevolt.leiden.edu/dutch/bronnen/Pages/1581%2007%2026%20ned.aspx 335 In a letter of Aldegonde he recalls how Orange suffered from the death of his brother. In Kossman and Mellink, Texts Concerning the Revolt, 240. 336 Even when there is enough evidence in his own book to question this causality. For example when discussing Adriaan Menninck: Pettegree, Emden and the Dutch Revolt, 126; Janssen, Exiles, 39. 337 Pettegree, Emden and the Dutch Revolt, 113, 116. 338 Ibidem, 157: ‘For a time during 1567 and 1568 the town functioned as an effective Beggar headquarters. Agents for the rebel leaders passed back and forth between the exile towns, raising money

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developed a separate confessional group.339 However, returning refugees causing a lot of turmoil, the establishment of a clear confessional group, the flight of violently radicalized individuals and reorganization in Emden, and the fact that exiled individuals in Emden supported the activities of the Beggars are all no proof for the influence of exile experience leading to violent radicalization.340 The same argument can be made in relation to Coornhert, who criticized the violently radicalized Calvinists in Emden. However, this fact does not mean their exile (experience) also caused violent radicalization. Emden was a hodgepodge of radicals and moderates alike, while the violently radicalized were a minority, especially among the first generation of refugees (coming before the Wonderyear).341 The specific influence of exile on those who radicalized violently is not plausible, since it implies that those staying home were or behaved differently. Some violent radicals simply chose to stay, while others went into exile.342 When looking into the authors discussed, only Aldegonde explicitly justified rebel violence, the other three did not and actually developed theories to stop the ongoing violence or cope with it in a non-violent manner. For Aldegonde, it is unlikely that he radicalized due to exile, even though it is such a dominant topic in his works (i.e. Wilhelmus). He already signed the Compromise together with two hundred other nobles, and it seems that he used the printing capabilities in exile in order to express his deep grievances towards Madrid and Rome. Among Catholic refugees, the causality is more plausible due to more convincing evidence (from the limited number of sources available). This is due to the work of Judith Pollmann and Geert Janssen. Both argued that a similar causal process of radicalization can be found among Catholic for the planned military campaign, first for Brederode, then after his death on behalf of William of Orange and Louis of Nassau.’ 339 Johannes Martin Mϋller, Exile memories and the Dutch Revolt: the narrated diaspora, 1550-1750 (Leiden 2014). 23. 340 Pettegree, Emden and the Dutch Revolt, 189: ‘Almost from the day first days of the Beggars’ descent on Den Briel the exile communities exerted themselves to provide all possible assistance.’ The arguments themselves are also tricky, for it is known that the Beggars also caused a lot of upheaval in Emden when they attacked and hijacked trading ships from Emden as well. They might have gotten support out of Emden, but the opposition was equally large. 341 De Meij, De Watergeuzen, 169: De Meij argued that the kind of radicalism portrayed by the Sea Beggars was contrary to the general mindset of the mindset in Emden. 342 Backhouse, Beeldenstorm en Bosgeuzen, 84: ‘Inwoners van het Westkwartier die, na hun dienst bij Brederode, naar Wezel waren getrokken, werden ook verwittigd; zij kwamen rechtstreeks van Duitsla nd naar het Westkwartier. En het heeft er alle schijn van dat Brederode in hoogst eigen persoon een hand in dit project had’

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exiles, leading to violent radicalization among some individuals. Pollmann argued for example that a new Catholic pride resulted from Catholic exile experience, partly due to the Jesuits who especially aimed at the exiles in order to foster militant Catholicism. Pollmann supports her arguments with Catharina Daneels whose religious fervor awoke in exile.343 Janssen argued that the Jesuits started to set up ‘a militant Counter-Reformation lay party’ in France and that the order also increased its influences in the Southern Low Countries and Cologne.344 Most soldiers supported by the Jesuits were from the exile community, and exile itself was reinterpreted as a way to salvation, escaping the infected limbs (Sodom and Gomorrah) of the Corpus Christi while reinterpreting exile as heroic victimhood.345 According to Janssen, the Jesuit influence on the exiles in relation to radicalization is noticeable in the work of Johannes Costerius. As an exile himself, he argued that suppressed Catholics should take matters in their own hands to depose the new tyrannical, Protestant order.346 The exiled Catholics arriving in Douai or Cologne were welcomed by coreligionists of the more militant sort and from all over Europe.347 However, even though the exiled Catholics were arguably the most zealous and radical, and indeed supported other troubled Catholics, no examples are given of exiled Catholics perpetrating violence after their exile, while proving that the same person did not radicalize before going into exile.348 The exiled Catholic Jan Gerrit Stempels did become violent in 1573 during a loyalist coup in Gouda, but this was before he went into exile.349 Wilhelmus Lindanus wanted to use the Catholic forces in exile in a political way but did not perceive them as soldiers in the literal sense.350 Religious radicalization and meaning-making of the politico-religious turmoil and exile experience seemed the dominant coping mechanism, not violence. The presumption that exile experience led some to radicalize

343 Pollmann, ‘Being a Catholic’, 174-176. 344 Janssen, The Dutch Revolt, 28, 84, 87. 345 Ibidem, 50-53, 90. 346 Ibidem, 677. 347 Janssen, ‘The Counter-Reformation of the Refugee’, on page 677. 348 The contextual evidence given seems convincing, when Janssen discusses how zealous the Catholic exiles became. Also the link to fixed Calvinism as proposed by Pettegree and others is significant. But the connection to violence remains unclear: Janssen, ‘The Counter-Reformation of the Refugee’, 680-681; Janssen, Exiles, 46. 349 Janssen, ‘The Counter-Reformation of the Refugee’, 681, 683. 350 Ibidem, 686.

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violently is mainly based on indirect inferences from the context, chroniclers, and experiences of exile taken from diaries of those who did not violently radicalize. This evidence is not convincing. A different track among Catholic refugees can be explained contextually. While Janssen used the work of Wouter Jacobszoon to sketch this context and meaning-making, a comparison with the Protestant situation can explain the matter contextually.351 While the (often though not always Protestant) rebels were building on long-term grievances and a slow increase in violence and rebellion leading up to the Iconoclasm (1566), the changes for their loyalist (often though not always Catholic) fellow countrymen were sudden and revolutionary. The rebels aimed their violence at everything Catholic so that many Catholics were pushed to choose between two camps. Protestant Catholics could no longer remain in a vague in-between. The Protestant rebels had already witnessed violence and repression for some time so that psychologically the hardship of exile was possibly more bearable. For many Catholics however, their sudden flight and loss of status and possessions was sudden, shocking, and might have made them more prone to violent revenge to recover what was lost from those who were generally deemed inferior: the heretics. Many Catholics even left voluntary because they defied the freedoms given to Protestants. This implies that a group of Catholics already radicalized because of the existence of Protestant heretics around them before leaving.352

B) The Assumption of Violent Radicalization

Violent rebellion might have been one way to cope with the turmoil in the Low Countries, among the influential writers with an exile experience of their own violent radicalization was not the case. Haemstedius went into exile a number of times, going through many hardships.353 After studying in Louvain he went to Emden and Antwerp in the period 1555-1558, to Aachen in 1559, and resided in London for a long time as a priest where he developed his ideas on

351 Janssen, ‘The Counter-Reformation of the Refugee’,, 676. 352 Ibidem, 674. 353 Hessels, ‘Epistulae’, 165; Goeters, ‘Dokumenten’, 4.

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religious toleration.354 However, Haemstedius died already in 1562, four years before the iconoclastic fury in the Low Countries. In his letters and works (i.e. Confessio355, which he wrote in Aachen) one cannot find evidence for violent radicalization due to exile, nor for any justification of rebellion or violence against Madrid and Rome.356 Even though he openly preached that Christ did not come to bring peace but the sword and was framed as a rioter, he argued that this was not a literal instigation for violence.357 According to Jelsma, he believed that even those who had alternative Christian views were still part of the Corpus Christi.358 However, from his letters to Mayken and Acontius, his dichotomous worldview between the true believers and those informed by the devil can be induced.359 Still, his exile seemed to disconnect him from everything earthly, no longer able to find a home anywhere but with God.360 Exile played a significant role in his work, which implies he found the topic important to mention among the martyrs discussed.361 Overall, however, it is likely that Haemstedius would have disagreed with the Iconoclasm and violent rebellion against Madrid and Rome four years after his death in 1562. Despite his existential hardships he never violently radicalized. Violent radicalization also does not appear in Coornhert’s work. He fled multiple times between 1567-76 and 1585-88, staying in places where he witnessed misery and poverty firsthand. In his second period of exile, he went to Emden, where he wrote his work on ethics.362 Coornhert was a radical pacifist, fiercely taking up his pencil, or otherwise hold an intellectual

354 Jelsma, Adriaan van Haemstede, 4, 18, 82, 192-205; Goeters, ‘Dokumenten’, 18. 355 ‘Geloofsbelijdenis’. 356 Hessels, ‘Epistulae’, 146. 357 Jelsma, Adriaan van Haemstede, 73; Goeters, ‘Dokumenten’, 5-6, 12. 358 Jelsma, Adriaan van Haemstede, 50, 72. 359 Hessels, ‘Epistulae’, 145-146, 165-167. 360 Ibidem, 165: ‘Moreover, how little loss has been caused to me. I was driven from England; Holland would not receive me; Emden expelled the stranger. But I never wished to remain in England; among the Hollanders I had no wish to dwell long, and they relieved me of the baggage which impeded my journey, while the people of Emden cast me out when the dearness in their town compelled me to look for another abode for myself and my family.’ 361 Van Haemstede, Geschiedenis der Martelaren; Hessels, ‘Epistulae’, 145, 165; Petrus Johannes Blok and Philipp Christiaan Molhuysen, Nieuw Nederlandsch biografisch woordenboek. Deel 1 (1911), 1013-1016. 362 Roobol, Disputation by Decree, 14; Gruppelaar, D. V. Coornhert. Politieke geschriften, 20; D.V. Coornhert, Zedekunst dat is wellevenskunste (1585).

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mirror in front of the authorities so they would perfect themselves.363 Coornhert did not feel this task was given to him by divine grace, as he explained his old friend Van der Laen in a letter.364 Coornhert reiterated his rejection of violence, a form of pacifism initially also preached by Calvin.365 He never argued in terms of a ‘true Church’, making him a suspect in the perception of hardline Catholics.366 Conversion by repression would only result in a country full of hypocrites according to him.367 Exile experience in Emden only made Coornhert more convinced that one should stay away from revengeful or violent acts if possible.368 Those works he wrote in or just after Emden between 1567-76 and 1585-88 do not contain any justifications for violence either, although his critiques changed from mainly the Catholic Church to the Reformed Church over time.369 Coornhert’s approach reflects the influence of Renaissance humanism and his exile experience did not change this.370

363 Roobol, Disputation by Decree,, 34: ‘For political reasons the choice of the Reformed Church as public church had become irreversible. It was an essential pillar of the struggle against the Spaniards. Coornhert, however, alleged that the policy on religion being followed by the States actually weakened the fatherland (…) The prohibition of Catholic worship in most of the towns of Holland in 1573 had embittered a considerable part of the population. Freedom of worship for Catholics would benefit “the security of this country against the Spaniards”, and bring about the unity that Coornhert described as “the only bond of human capacity.”’ 364 ‘Brief aan Nicolaes van der Laen. Over de gewetensdwang’ (1578). In Gruppelaar, D. V. Coornhert. Politieke geschriften, 28-29, 33-34, 60. 365 Ibidem, 78, 87-88: ‘Coornhert: Dezelfde die Calvijn noemde toen hij nog onder de macht van de overheid stond en niet erboven, namelijk deze: Nulla est alia in evellendis impiis sectis & heresibus apta ratio, quam si purae Dei veritati, quae una suo splendore tenebras fugit, locus detur, quod ipsa experiential aptissime docet. Dat heeft Calvijn mooi gezegd. Want de Waarheid, niet het zwaard kan leugen, dwaling en ketterij verjagen en doden.’ 366 Roobol, Disputation by Decree, 40. 367 Gruppelaar and Verwey, D.V. Coornhert (1522-1590): polemist en vredezoeker, 176. 368 D.V. Coornhert, Zedekunst dat is wellevenskunste. Uitgegeven en van aantekeningen voorzien door Prof. Dr. B. Becker (Leiden 1942). Coornhert argued for example against ‘toornigheyd’ on page 89. Coornhert argued for example against revenge on page 311: ‘Zo pynight de vyandlycke mensche zich zelve met die bittere wraackghiericheyd, die in zyn herte is een stadighe pynbanck. Daarmen dan om zulck pynlyck ghequel te verzachten met zyn lust te zien van leedts vergheldinghe anden vyand metterdaad uytbreeckt, zo komen voort toornigh schelden, zorghlyck* ghevecht, jammerlycke doodslaghen, bloedighe moort ende grouwelycke oorloghen (daar de macht is), met vernielinghe van ghantse Landen ende luyden. Want diemen vyand is, die haatmen ende diemen haat, zoecktmen te vernielen.’ 369 Between 1567-76 and 1585-88 370 Similar conclusions can be found in: Mirjam van Veen, (n.d.). ‘Dirck Volckertz Coornhert: Exile and Religious Coexistence’. In J. Spohnholz & G. Waite (Eds.), Exile and Religious Identity, 1500–1800, 67-80, on page 79.

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To deal with his nomadic existence, Justus Lipsius found not just refuge in Leiden, but in stoic philosophical principles as well. Through his philosophy, he could leave the troubles aside and focus on God and science.371 Lipsius concluded in Politica that one should undergo the hardships of a government instead of revolting against it. Lipsius was initially attracted to Protestantism but returned to Catholicism after his exile. It is clear that if exile had any influence, it pacified his motivations for rebellion, wishing to reverse the poverty he witnessed when he was exiled himself. His Christian Stoicism was already noticeable in relation to exile in De Constantia when Carolus Langius argued that leaving the Low Countries would not solve the problems, but that he would have to change the way he dealt with the turmoil.372 Fleeing would not disconnect him from the troubles in his heart according to Langius, but he needed to develop constancy in order to deal with the troubles since winning battles is not done by fleeing but by facing challenges.373 Lipsius is a case where the boundary between traveling and fleeing is sometimes vague, but his treatments and arguing that he left the Low Countries for Vienna in De Constantia suggests that Lipsius was an exile indeed.374 In his later work Politica, Lipsius legitimized violence, but only limited to specific cases, and by a virtuous state with virtuous goals in mind.375 He never radicalized in a violent manner, and his actual aim behind the

371 Lipsius, stantvasticheyt, Xi. 372 Ibidem, 13: ‘Dit sijn de waerachtighe remedien voor u siecte; alle de reste en sijn maer bedeckselen, iae voetselen. Dese reyse oft vertreckinghe en sal u niet helpen’. 8: ‘Langius, verwondert sijnde ende als uut eenen slaep schietende, seyt my: ‘Hoe, Lipsi, soudt ghy ons soo begheven?’ - ‘Jae, ick moet van hier (seyde ick), oft ick moet van deser werelt. Hoe soude ick toch anders alle dit quaet konnen ontkomen, dan metter vlucht? Het waer my onmoghelijcken dat ick dit daghelijcx soude sien ende verdraghen, want voorwaer ick en hebbe geen stalen oft yseren herte.’ Langius die versuchten soo ick hem dit gheseyt hadde, ende ‘Och swacke ionghman (sprack hy tot my) wat is dit voor een swackherticheyt? oft wat onwijse wijsheyt is, dat ghy u soeckt te bewaren met de vlucht? U vaderlant is vol beroerten ende oorlogen, ick bekent; maer waer en is nu het selfste niet in heel Europen?’ 373 Ibidem, 12, 14: ‘De Stantvasticheyt is u voor al van noode: want sommige hebben wel vechtende den strijdt ghewonnen, niemant oyt met vluchten.’ 374 Lipsius clearly wrote he fled (‘schouwen’) the Low Countries for Vienna. In Lipsius, stantvasticheyt, 7: ‘Over sommige iaren, soo ick na Weenen in Oostenrijck reysde om te schouwen de beroerten mijns Vaderlants, so ben ick wat besydens weechs ghecomen (ghelijck Godt dat voeghde) tot de stadt van Luyck.’ 375 Lipsius, Politica, 78.

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application of state violence was to stop violence in general and bring back stability and peace.376 If exile played a role in his approach to violence, he became less violent instead. The influence of exile on Aldegonde is noticeable in the Dutch national anthem, referring to William of Orange who was expelled but determined to return.377 Aldegonde legitimized violence against Madrid and Rome in the period 1566-1584, especially when it came to Orange. He preferred peace, but he saw no other way out amidst all the repression and state violence. Orange developed into a rebel justifying violence against the monarchy as a whole in 1581, but Aldegonde was more cautious and hesitant. What the writers have in common is that they used their writing as a way to cope with their fears and feelings of loss caused by the turmoil in the Low Countries. However, a specific influence of exile on violent radicalization is not plausible based on the results of this exploration. The argument discussed in this section aligns with the findings in the work of Jesse Spohnholz and Mirjam van Veen. They also concluded that Coornhert is exemplary for the implausibility of a nexus between exile and radicalization. Instead, they argue that Libertinism and Calvinism were just as influential in exile.378 Therefore, Pettegree’s argument that Emden and London were centers of violent activity still holds, but whether this was due to exile experience is questionable.379 In the rebellious Low Countries at the onset of the Dutch Revolt, there were many pamphlets spread, especially over time legitimizing or venerating violence against the Habsburg regime. The King, his troops, and the Papacy were denounced in songs and symbols. Many of those pamphlets came from Emden, but this is because many skilled and material wealth

376 Lipsius, Politica, 82. 377 Kuiper and Leendertz, Het Geuzenliedboek, 97: ‘In Godes vrees te leven heb ik altijd betracht, daarom ben ik verdreven, om land, om luid gebracht. Maar God zal mij regeren als een goed instrument, dat ik zal wederkeren in mijnen regiment.’ 378 Mirjam G. K. van Veen and Jesse Spohnholz, ‘Chapter 4: Calvinists vs. Libertines: A New Look at Religious Exile and the Origins of ‘Dutch’ Tolerance’. In Gijsbert van den Brink and Harro M. Höpfl, Calvinism and the Making of the European Mind (Leiden 2014), pp. 76-99, on page 79. 379 Pettegree, Emden and the Dutch Revolt, 85, 92; Schelven, De Nederduitsche vluchtelingenkerken, 27- 28; ‘Rond Willem van Oranje, als het denkend hoofd der revolutie, staan vooral de vluchtelingen gereed om de kracht van hun arm en de gloed van hun vaderlandsliefde aan zijn plannen te onderschikken. Van de gisting in hun harten getuigt een schrijven van Morillon, de 19e December 1568 afgezonden: „Il n'est à croire comme il faict dangereux aller maintenant hors du pays vers Allemaigne, Clèves, I ,iège, car nos banniz y sont partout pour guecter ceulx qui viendront d'icy... Baptiste de Taxis, que at este en Cléves, dict avoir passé miIIe dangiers de ceulx que Pont espié" l).’

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individuals fled the Low Countries, so that this safe haven became a center of dissident print. Most scholars agree that radicalization might have been a specific result of exile.380 Mostly, a deeper or radicalized religiosity led to the acceptance of the developments and placing fate in the hands of the Lord. Van Haecht also wrote about the hardships in exile but he did not argue that this led to violent radicalization among members of the Church in Emden, but religiosity, in general, seemed to have been deep.381 While this conclusion should not be stretched too far, one conclusion can be made: a significant connection between exile experience and the terrorists discussed cannot be established based on the sources studied for this thesis thus far. Violent radicalization was visible among Catholic exiles according to Geert Janssen, even though exile leading to violent radicalization is not simplified into a general rule by him either.382 Johannes Costerius argued that tyranny should be deposed by those who suffer, theories he framed largely through the experience of exile.383 However, most energy is put into a contextual description and an explanation of how contemporaries experienced their exile. The Bible was used to give Catholic exile experience legitimacy and meaning and many interesting emotive insights are given about Catholics who lost all they possessed: wealth, family, and status.384 Janssen argued that while Wouter Jacobszoon and different centers of Catholicism (i.e. Amsterdam and Utrecht) did not show much militancy, it was noticeable among those exiled.385 He argued also that the murder of Orange was celebrated, exiled individuals took part in wars and other Counter-Reformation campaigns, and that those exiled supported Catholic armies.386 Possibly due to a lack of sources, violent radicalism in exile is constructed indirectly through these counts of indirect inferences but never shown through a life story of one person who wrote multiple works during his lifetime so that the development of one individual can be studied longitudinally. Among those it has been done in this thesis, exile had no specific connection to violent radicalization.

380 Janssen, The Dutch Revolt, 124-128. 381 Van Roosbroeck, Emigranten, 21; Van Haecht, De kroniek. 382 Janssen, The Dutch Revolt, 103. 383 Janssen, ‘The Counter-Reformation of the Refugee’, 677. 384 Janssen, The Dutch Revolt, 51-52, 67, 90. 385 Ibidem, 103; Janssen, ‘Quo Vadis?’, on page 476. 386 Janssen, The Dutch Revolt, 125-128.

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C) Elitist Myopia in Relation to the Beggars

When looking into the terrorists discussed, one might easily find a nexus between exile and violent radicalization. However, most of the terrorists discussed were part of the elite.387 These elites were individuals with the connections and material means (from what was left of it after confiscation) in order to go to places of refuge like Emden.388 Apart from the capabilities to go, these individuals were the ones with an undertaking mindset, deeply troubled by the events in the Low Countries, or intensely pious. In other words, exile worked as a selection mechanism (or filter) among which terrorist leaders were most likely to occur.389 A transformative influence of exile experience into violent radicalization is questionable. Furthermore, there were more violent rebels within the Low Countries. Most of the foot-soldiers and lower-ranked individuals came directly from the cities and towns in the Low Countries, having no exile experience in the first place.390 Popular songs, plays, popular pamphlets, court administrations, and the easiness with which cities moved from the loyalist to the rebel camp shows an increasing radicalization among those who stayed home.391 These sources, together with the fact that most Beggars were Dutch and not foreign-born, shows that there seems to have been enough breeding ground within the Low Countries for violent radicalization and exile experience did not play a direct role here. Alternative explanations for the overrepresentation of the elite among the Beggar leaders are plausible. Those belonging to the elite could read, write and most historical sources at hand can be traced in relation to the elite, like administrative documents and letters. Pettegree argued that exiled Protestants became more receptive for rebel propaganda, thereby

387 Schilling, Niederlӓndische Exulanten, 66-68, 70. 388 Bergsma and Waterbolk, Kroniekje van een Ommelander, 77: ‘rijcke, vermoogende, ervaerenen end geleerde luiden, niet onder barbaren, die welcke Godt niet en kenden, dan onder luiden, die sick de kennisse Gods roemeden end die hill. Schrifft hadden end wisten.’ 389 Van Roosbroeck, Emigranten, 25. 390 Ibidem, 54. 391 De Meij, De Watergeuzen. 104: ‘Overal dus hetzelfde beeld: teruggekeerde ballingen, ontevreden volk, aarzelende stadsbesturen, onwillige schutters geconfronteerd met zegevierende geuzenbenden die meest aan dreigementen genoeg hebben om de poorten geopend te krijgen.’

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showing them to be a group of individuals vulnerable to violent radicalization when they went in exile.392 However, while the argument seems plausible, those in exile were also more often able to read and write and had the material means to print. Emden became a printing center for more than its relatively safe location at the border of the Low Countries. The knowledge and instruments for printing came with the most active and literate individuals to Emden. It was especially the merchant elite and the nobility that gained cross-border support for their cause. From London came a lot of financial support for the rebels.393 The physical mobility of the elite is exemplified by Sir Frederik Coenders van Helpen, who traveled continuously during all the turmoil between Emden and the region around Groningen (figure four), visiting many contacts and collecting all the information about the procedures of the Dutch Revolt.394 Exile was therefore seen as a way out in order to organize the revolt, especially for the nobility who were placed under a magnifying glass of the Habsburg regime. Therefore, it seems a more plausible explanation that violently radicalized individuals, especially those nobles with organizing capabilities, had to escape the Low Countries in order to take revenge. This was certainly better than stay and end up like Jan Denys. He first took part in the Iconoclasm, fled to Antwerp, and immediately joined the Beggar Van Brederode, but was hanged after losing their first battle.395 Also, Meinertt van den Ham chose to stay and ended up hanging on a bridge for his bravery.396

392 Pettegree, Emden and the Dutch Revolt, 103-107. 393 Backhouse, Beeldenstorm en Bosgeuzen, 47; A.J. Jelsma and O. Boersma, Acta van het consistorie van de Nederlandse gemeente te Londen 1569-1585 (Digital version/ ‘s Gravenhage 1993). Retrieved from: http://resources.huygens.knaw.nl/kerklonden 394 Frederik Coenders van Helpen, ‘Reisjournaal’. In H. O. Feith and J. A. Feith, Bijdragen en Mededeelingen van het Historisch Genootschap. Deel 14 (1893), on pages 178-183. 395 Backhouse, Beeldenstorm en Bosgeuzen, 81. 396 Bergsma and Waterbolk, Kroniekje van een Ommelander, 55: ‘Het welcke menich stolt krijgesman verdroot end sonderlingen Meinertt van den Ham, de welcke liever vechten dan vlieden wolde. Daerdoor hij oock van den sijnen verlaten end van den Walen besettet, gevangen end tho Stavooren aen den brugge gehangen worde.’ Also in Schilling, Niederlӓndische Exulanten, 86.

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Figure 3: Petrus Kaerius (Pieter van den Keere), Groninga Dominium (1622), Van Diepen Collection (JMD-T-462)

D) Temporal Nuance

A nexus between violent radicalization and exile differs in plausibility by diversifying temporally. In other words, it depended on the social surroundings and moment whether the influence of exile on violent radicalization can plausibly be traced. Among the first generation of Protestant/ rebel refugees to London and Emden violent radicalization due to exile cannot be established. However, when looking at the developments in a town like Emden a nexus increases in plausibility over time. The revolt and the Church became more organized so that refugees who left their possessions and family behind and found a warm bath among other aggrieved and revengeful individuals in exile might have theoretically made them more vulnerable for violent

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radicalization.397 This inspired some to join the organized revolt against the Habsburg regime, especially in places where the exiles felt strongest, like in Emden, Cologne, and Aachen.398 A temporal perspective also shows that it is likely that radical refugees influenced earlier waves of refugees and the Protestant Church over time with all the stories of persecution and violence in the places of origin.399 In 1572 Brill was taken by the rebels, Alva’s policies of repression had bred widespread rejection, and the Bartholomew Massacre had taken place. This made the bond between the rebels and the reformed Church closer, and the Church more often supported the rebels financially.400 This change was fundamental because a lack of support for the rebels from the Reformed Church in Emden had led to disputes with Orange and Aldegonde in the years before.401 Especially the Churches in London supported the revolt after a long period of internal debates about the justification of violent resistance. At the onset of the Iconoclasm, they finally

397 Owe Boersma, Vluchting Voorbeeld. De Nederlandse, Franse en Italiaanse vluchtelingenkerken in Londen, 1568-1585 (Kampen 1996), 189-190; 398 Van Roosbroeck, Emigranten, 49-52. 399 Boersma, Vluchting Voorbeeld, 243, 247: ‘Naar onze mening is de kern van het conflict in de Nederlandse kerk in de jaren 1565-1569 gelegen in de spanning die steeds meer naar voren kwam tussen enerzijds de ‘oude Londense kern’, geneigd tot assimilatie, trots op de eigen geschriften en liturgie, en anderzijds de nieuwe instromende ballingen die onder de invloed van beeldenstorm en repressie politiek radicaler waren.’ Pettegree, Emden and the Dutch Revolt, 243: ‘The period 1567-72 thus brought a vast accretion of new strength for the Reformed movement, evident in Emden in the greatly increased numbers of exiles from Holland.’ 400 Schelven, De Nederduitsche vluchtelingenkerken, 28-29, 36: ‘Eenmaal in veiligheid aangeland, zitten echter de gevluchten niet stil. Reeds lang pakte zich, als een onweer, de opstand geweldig dreigend te samen. Maar in zijn eerste opkomen droeg die nog niet- aller instemming weg. En slaagde daarom ook zo goed als niet. Anders echter nu! Algemeen is de gedachte aan verzet gerijpt. En vooral buiten onze grenzen dan, kruit het zwerk op het allerheftigst’; Boersma, Vluchting Voorbeeld, 249; Roobol, Landszaken, 13. 401 Boersma, Vluchting Voorbeeld, 249; Pettegree, Emden and the Dutch Revolt, 189: ‘It is arguable then that the revolt in Holland should be seen as a military victory for the rebel forces, rather more than a spontaneous uprising. If so it was a victory to which the exiles contributed very substantially. Almost from the day first days of the Beggars’ descent on Den Briel the exile communities exerted themselves to provide all possible assistance’; 244: ‘The third and final achievement of the second exile was to complete the identification of Calvinism with the cause of the revolt. The implications of this were not willingly embraced by the political leadership, least of all by William of Orange whose hope of some sort of co- operation between the various evangelical groups had not died with his retreat to Germany in 1567. But it was gradually borne in on William that only the Calvinists, the exile Churches in Germany and England and the Huguenots in France, possessed both the resources and the will to bring his plans of revenge against Alva to fruition.’

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became more open for violence, and during the 1570s their followers even got the freedom to go and fight in the Low Countries.402 However, only a minority chose to participate in the fighting.403 A general radicalization was noticeable over time, especially in the 1580s in Emden as described by Heinz Schilling. It was, for example, noticeable in the antipathy towards the Lutheran Duke Edzard II and the suppression of the Anabaptists.404 But even over time the evidence of exile experience on those who radicalized violently is thin, only established indirectly by looking at the increased organization of the revolt in exile. When refuged Protestants returned, Catholics were fleeing and often radicalized in turn.405 The Jesuit organizations in exile aimed at Catholic exiles. The militant organization in exile, together with the acknowledgment that Catholics de facto witnessed a revolution leading many Catholics to drop from a position of dominance to a position of subordination, fleeing and losing everything while ending up in often miserable circumstances made the radicalizing tendencies and organizational influence large from the first generation of Catholic refugees. A temporal aspect among Catholics in exile is therefore not expected to have any specific or different results in relation to violent radicalization.

Conclusion and Discussion

Between 1566 and 1584 terrorism was indeed present as a distinct form of violence in the Low Countries. Perceived religious, political, and economic injustices legitimized this violence. Based on this exploration, one could argue that terrorism represented a necessary tragedy in the Dutch Revolt. It was a necessary evil to change a perceived unjust status quo. However, the act of killing people or destroying objects not directly responsible can never be morally justified. Some of the terrorists among the Beggars were trapped, because the unjust status quo made their position one where only fighting could help establish values like freedom of conscience and individual liberties. This exploration thereby shows that a radical distinction between

402 Backhouse, Beeldenstorm en Bosgeuzen, 47. 403 Boersma, Vluchting Voorbeeld, 249, 258. 404 Schilling, Niederlӓndische Exulanten, 86. 405 Janssen, The Dutch Revolt, 154.

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freedom fighters and terrorists is hard and not beneficial without looking at the values the actors involved fought for. Orange is exemplary because without his terrorist acts a system of repression and intolerance would have increased its hold on the Low Countries, thereby preventing it to become the economic, artistic, and intellectual powerhouse it became in the seventeenth century Dutch Golden Age. The Wilhelmus contains an appraisal of a terrorist who followed Harmodius’ example and applied un-Christian and immoral violence (just in bello) to fight for morally just religious, political, and economic values (jus ad bellum). He and other rebel terrorists fought against a morally and politically absolutist Habsburg approach. This approach seemed informed by historical and cultural traumas on the Iberian Peninsula, making it hard for the Habsburg rulers to cope with religious pluralism in the Low Countries. The Habsburg regime tried to counter the rebellion and terrorism in a harsh and repressive manner. However, this approach bred more terrorism than it countered. In the early 1570s, the number of Catholic martyrs increased drastically, because Protestant rebels hardened their stance. Protestant Catholics were thereby pushed back to Rome and Madrid. However, even though Wouter Jacobszoon described the largescale violence in the Northern Quarter, it is striking to see how long it took before the rebellion actually took hold. Coping is influenced by culturally. After so much repression the Dutch often dealt with stress through the application of satirical plays and writings, writing about peaceful coexistence and tolerance, smashing and destroying objects and buildings that came to represent the cause for their suffering, and/ or fleeing in order to find refuge in a deepened religious experience. It was only a small group of individuals that took up arms and fought the Habsburg regime. The way the Dutch generally dealt with repression is evidence of a culture more prone to deliberation than to the sword. The large majority, even during the Revolt, stayed moderate and coped with the societal turmoil by simply living their lives and praying for better times to come. Spohnholz and Van Veen quoted Woltjer who described the Dutch context as one of general vagueness.406 This thesis corresponds with this depiction. Spohnholz and Van Veen can also be cited when it comes to the influence of exile. This thesis has shown that the evidence for specific influences of exile experience on violent

406 Spohnholz and Van Veen, ‘The Disputed Origins’, on pages 423-424.

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radicalization is generally thin in the context of the Low Countries between 1566 and 1584, thereby contrasting the work of Andrew Pettegree. The four authors studied all show that their exile experience played a role in their works and thoughts, but most did not radicalize violently. They developed different coping mechanisms to deal with the troubles in the Low Countries. Haemstedius placed the troubles and pains in Gods’ hands and continued to practice his Protestant belief and preaching; the humanist Coornhert denied violence and intolerance among both Catholics and Calvinists and developed into a radical pacifist as part of his philosophy of perfectibility; the humanist Lipsius traveled and also fled the violence in the Low Countries, which made him reject the rebellion and propose a theory in which individuals are logically inspired to develop a Christian-Stoic mindset to cope with the Habsburg regime instead of fighting it, and by encouraging kings to rule virtuous so that a rebellion would not be necessary in the first place; Aldegonde clearly did not like violence itself, but his Erasmian approach to violence did leave space for legitimizing the fight against Habsburg tyranny and the violence applied by Orange. The influence of exile on violent radicalization among the Beggar leaders shows that the causality is often upside down. Most Beggar leaders already participated in the Iconoclasm of 1566 before going into exile. Orange himself was in exile for many years, but his exile was to Dillenburg, his home. Even though being around his family-members and safely within the walls where he grew up, he radicalized violently. It is more likely that the executions of Egmont, Horne, and his own brother, a Habsburg regime that increased its efforts to subdue the Low Countries, and the threat of being murdered himself by a king he always supported, aggrieved Orange and made him revengeful. Research thus far was predominantly aimed at exile experience of elites. When asking what the connection was with violent radicalization, a myopic view occurs. Most Beggars, it must be emphasized, were not from the elite, nor did they go into exile. Their radicalization was most likely a result of religious, political, and economic grievances at home. That many Beggar leaders went into exile shows that it were often those with the attitude, connections, status, and material means who went into exile, also because they were placed under a magnifying glass by the Habsburg authorities. Among Protestant exiles, a

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temporal aspect makes the influence of exile on violent radicalization more likely in theory, but more evidence is needed to establish this. Future research could expand this inquiry into a nexus between exile and violent radicalization. More temporal approaches similar to the four authors discussed in this thesis could truly show different coping mechanisms. This thesis hinted on an increased influence of exile over time so that reiterating this method for later periods makes a nexus between exile and violent radicalization more plausible. Scholars could also take a multi-generational approach in order to find out what the influence of exile was on the long-term. This could be fruitful in the case of Gérard for example because it can be that the children or grandchildren of exiles (his mother possibly came from the Low Countries) develop specific violently radical schemes of thought. Thirdly, an interesting aspect which is already noticeable in the terrorist tactics of the Beggars is the application of small-scale criminal acts (plundering and hijacking) in order to further their cause. Small-scale crime as a form of terrorism is valuable input for contemporary terrorism research. This is a new question terrorism scholars can ask themselves today: what is the role of small-scale terrorism in our current societies with large and vulnerable diaspora’s? So far, this has been an understudied terrorist tactic. Rapoport’s argument that pre-modern terrorism was religious can be reconfirmed, because politics and religion went hand in hand in the Early Modern Low Countries. What the Habsburg regime under Philip II and the terrorists had in common was that they fought what they perceived as darkness in order to replace it with what they perceived as the only just political and socio-economic order within the framework of the only true religion. Studies emphasizing the importance of economic and political factors in the grievances dominant in the Low Countries are helpful because it lets us understand the terrorists in a more holistic way. However, religion was the way in which meaning was given to events, to painful experiences, and taken as ultimate scheme of legitimization when violence and rebellion were justified. All terrorists and other violently radicalized individuals discussed, ultimately internalized a framework similar to the catchy phrase found on the emblem Philip II received in his cradle: Donec Auferatur Luna, until darkness (the moon) disappears.

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