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The Antimafia Movement and Its Counter-Hegemonic Attack on Cosa Nostra Jennifer Anne Diefendorf Bates College, [email protected]

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The Antimafia Movement and Its Counter-Hegemonic Attack on Cosa Nostra Jennifer Anne Diefendorf Bates College, Jdiefend@Bates.Edu Bates College SCARAB Honors Theses Capstone Projects Spring 5-2011 Taking Back Sicily: The Antimafia Movement and its Counter-Hegemonic Attack on Cosa Nostra Jennifer Anne Diefendorf Bates College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://scarab.bates.edu/honorstheses Recommended Citation Diefendorf, Jennifer Anne, "Taking Back Sicily: The Antimafia Movement and its Counter-Hegemonic Attack on Cosa Nostra" (2011). Honors Theses. 3. http://scarab.bates.edu/honorstheses/3 This Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by the Capstone Projects at SCARAB. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of SCARAB. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Diefendorf 1 Taking Back Sicily: The Antimafia Movement and its Counter-Hegemonic Attack on Cosa Nostra An Honors Thesis Presented to The Faculty of the Department of Politics Bates College In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Bachelor of Arts By Jennifer Diefendorf Lewiston, Maine March 25, 2011 Diefendorf 2 Table of Contents 1. Acknowledgements ………………………………………………………………3 2. Abstract …………………………………………………………………………...4 3. Introduction ………………………………………………………………………5 4. Chapter 1 : Gramsci, Hegemony, and Civil Society…………………………….15 5. Chapter 2 : Establishing Cosa Nostra and the Italian State as a Hegemonic Bloc…………...32 6. Chapter 3 : The History of the Antimafia Movement…………………………...65 7. Chapter 4 : The Counter-Hegemonic Nature of the Contemporary Movement.....................114 8. Conclusion……………………………………………………………………..167 9. Bibliography …………………………………………………………………...174 Diefendorf 3 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS: Numerous individuals deserve to be recognized for the formative role they each played in helping to create this project. First, I give my sincere gratitude and appreciation to my advisor, Jim Richter. The countless hours he has invested in this project deserve praise. Thank you for your unwavering support, positive encouragement, and willingness to help in all conceivable ways. Thank you in advance to my Honors Panel, as well. I am so appreciative of Jane and Peter Schneider for traveling to Bates to participate in this process, as well as to Arlene MacLeod and Francesco Duina for giving me their time and support in the final stages of this project. My wonderful family and friends also deserve acknowledgement. Your endless support and love mean more to me than I can express. I am forever in gratitude to my abroad institute, the Mediterranean Center for Arts and Sciences, for first showing me the wonders of Sicily, and on my second trip guiding me through the realization that even the most breathtaking place in the world can sometimes struggle under dark shadows. This is the story of the activists with whom I worked in Sicily, and represents an account of their unrelenting fight and determination to take back their island from Cosa Nostra . Their incredible willingness to aid my research helped me to fully understand all that is at stake in la lotta contro la mafia . I can only hope that this thesis pays proper tribute to their remarkable courage and incredible daily efforts. Diefendorf 4 Abstract: This thesis utilizes Gramscian theory to explore the antimafia movement’s shift in tactics from the 1980s to present day. The movement that arose out of the violence of 1980s Sicily is hardly the same in nature as the contemporary movement. During the 1980s, the mafia was conceptualized mainly as a political problem requiring political solutions. When legislative reforms did not eradicate the mafia’s entrenched power, however, Cosa Nostra came to be perceived as a cultural phenomenon. In order to curb mafia power, therefore, the antimafia movement recognized the need to focus on society as the agent that could deliver Sicily into a new future. Using my own fieldwork from Sicily, it will be shown that the movement has changed its focus over time from state to society. Gramscian theory will be employed to argue that the antimafia movement is counter-hegemonic in nature, as it works to eliminate the physical and ideological domination Cosa Nostra has held over Sicilians for nearly 150 years. Moreover, Gramsci’s ideas will show why—when challenging hegemonic power—it is not enough for civil society to target the state for reform. Rather, the antimafia movement must engage in a deliberate and evolving attack on Cosa Nostra, working amongst society in order to redirect Sicily’s political, social, and economic trajectory that the mafia has dictated since the 1860s. Diefendorf 5 INTRODUCTION: It is a Saturday morning, but Gobina Scuola in Sicily is full of students. Today represents an important day for the high school children; while school is not in session, attendance is taken to see how many students have shown up for the antimafia lecture. The turnout is remarkable, forcing students and teachers alike to sit on the floor or stand in the doorway of the classroom. All attendees have come to hear five members of one of Sicily’s leading antimafia organizations, Libera, speak to the students about their role in la lotta contro la mafia . The atmosphere in the room is one of intrigue, curiosity, and a touch of skepticism. Libera is just one of several antimafia organizations working to drastically alter the political and social trajectory of Sicily by destroying Cosa Nostra . Images of fallen antimafia heroes flash across the projector screen and video clips are shown of emotive speeches against the mafia at the height of its violence in the 1980s. It is a day of education in civic responsibility, for all young Sicilians are told today that they have the power and obligation to resist, denounce, and actively fight against the mafia just as these fallen martyrs did. The students are encouraged to view themselves as part of a society that respects and values legality, law and order, and the dignity of legitimate work—a marked departure from decades of acquiescence to criminality on the island. Scrap pieces of paper are passed around displaying a famous quote from now immortalized antimafia magistrate Giovanni Falcone who first called ordinary citizens to action in the form of the antimafia movement in the late 1980s. The paper reads: “yes, I am afraid, but we all should be more courageous.” This educational lecture represents a key component of the contemporary antimafia movement: working at the societal level, and particularly among Sicilian youth, Diefendorf 6 to destroy Cosa Nostra. Thirty years ago, such cultural work was not prudent or effective among a society that had not yet broken free of its stupor of acquiescence and fear that reigned in Sicily as long as the mafia has been a dominant power on the island. This widespread sentiment was responsible for effectively suppressing any limited forms of resistance that occurred in the years prior to the 1980s. Indeed, thirty years ago in Sicily the mafia ruled with heavy hand, as any opposition or resistance to its authority was met with violence or murder, and consequently apathy and turning a blind eye to pervasive mafiosi illegality became an everyday survival mechanism. The general conviction in Sicily for decades was that “to save your life…you have to be careful, wary, silent.” 1 The civilian-based antimafia movement is responsible for transforming the Sicilian climate from trepidation to one in which individuals can now collectively stand up against mafia power and influence. While much progress has occurred, there are still many who believe that Cosa Nostra represents the “irreversible destiny” of Sicily—a scar that is imprinted too deep upon the land to remove. One of the most significant challenges the antimafia movement faces today, therefore, is overcoming and dismantling the insidious mentality of apathy and passive acceptance of mafia domination of social, economic, and political affairs on the island—sentiment that has become solidified over a period of 150 years. While educational lectures are a common tactic among many contemporary antimafia organizations, this now widespread practice represents a fairly new development and phase in antimafia strategy. Now attending exclusively to efforts at the societal level, the antimafia movement is very different from when it first arose out of the violence and chaos of 1980s Sicily. The reason for the uniqueness of the 1980s was the evolving and growing nature of Cosa Nostra during these years. In the late 1970s, the 1 Roberto Saviano , Gomorrah (New York: Farrar, Straus, and Giroux, 2007), 119. Diefendorf 7 mafia entered the drug trafficking market and began acquiring unprecedented wealth. As a result, a “mafia war” between competing mafia families waged publicly in the streets as mafiosi vied for supremacy and the chance to head Cosa Nostra whose power was growing ever more potent. This publicly fought war began compromising law and order and the safety of ordinary civilians. 2 This decade, therefore, stood apart from previous decades of mafia power, where in the past Cosa Nostra had taken strides to avoid implicating civilians unnecessarily in its affairs, as long as the criminal organization’s ability to maintain a dominant influence over businesses, attitudes, and culture was not impeded. Another important factor contributing to mafia power during the 1970s-80s was the Italian state and its historical relationship with Cosa Nostra. Since unification in 1860 and particularly after World War II, the Italian state has depended on and utilized Cosa Nostra as an organization to help carry out state functions of controlling order, monopolizing violence, and providing essential services to citizens. The mafia has grown over the years as a result of this partnership. Particularly after the 1950s, the state informally granted legal impunity to the mafia in exchange for electoral support from Cosa Nostra—a mutually beneficial transaction that allowed the mafia to acquire a new level of dominance by the 1980s. 3 This symbiotic relationship largely went unnoticed and unchallenged for many years, as Sicilians became accustomed to such state of affairs, not questioning this system as long as their basic needs were met by some higher authority— whether that authority was the state or mafia.
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