Rita Borsellino, 73, Dies; a Murder Made Her an Anti‑Mafia Crusader
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Giovanni Falcone, Paolo Borsellino: Due Vite INTRECCIATE
Protagonisti Quella domenica il caldo era oppri- sirene. Per me cominciò così l’incu- mente e la città si era svuotata. bo di via D’Amelio. All’inizio della 16:58, Palermo Il telefono di casa squillò alle 17. strada vidi un pezzo di braccio car- Era una mia amica che terrorizzata bonizzato, mi era sembrato un rotta- come Beirut mi diceva «sono tremati i palazzi, me, solo dopo capii che cos’era. Mi c’è stata una bomba, vieni». Un paio muovevo come un automa in mezzo alle Il primo giornalista arrivato in di minuti ed ero già sul posto. Le auto in fiamme, improvvisamente non via D’Amelio pochi minuti dopo fiamme avvolgevano decine di auto, c’era più caldo. Arrivarono i vigili i palazzi erano sventrati, dalle ma- del fuoco e le prime volanti, tutti la strage ricorda quel terribile cerie vedevi apparire gente sangui- correvano ma nessuno ancora sapeva pomeriggio. Attimo per attimo. nante, suonavano decine di allarmi e quello che era successo. Non si sa- Giovanni Falcone, Paolo Borsellino: due vite INTRECCIATE , Il coraggio UNA COPPIA “SCOMODA”A” Falcone e Borsellino sorridenti durante un dibattito a Palermo nel 1992. Alle loro spalle, i luoghi dove sono stati uccisi: rispettivamente, lo svincolo per Capaci e via D’Amelio a Palermo. peva neanche chi era stato ucciso, terra a pochi metri dal portone noi giornalisti cercavamo di capi- il primo nome che venne fuori fu d’ingresso, vicino a lui il corpo di re, ma mai capire era stato così quello del giudice Ayala. Ma Ayala uno dei suoi uomini. -
LE MENTI RAFFINATISSIME Di Paolo Mondani E Giorgio Mottola
1 LE MENTI RAFFINATISSIME Di Paolo Mondani e Giorgio Mottola Collaborazione Norma Ferrara, Alessia Pelagaggi e Roberto Persia Immagini Dario D’India, Alfredo Farina e Alessandro Spinnato Montaggio e grafica Giorgio Vallati GIUSEPPE LOMBARDO - PROCURATORE AGGIUNTO TRIBUNALE DI REGGIO CALABRIA Licio Gelli era il perno. Perché attraverso la P2 lui controllava i Servizi. GIANMARIO FERRAMONTI - EX POLITICO LEGA NORD Essere lontani da Cosa Nostra se si agisce in Sicilia è molto difficile. CONSOLATO VILLANI - COLLABORATORE DI GIUSTIZIA Dietro le stragi c'erano i servizi segreti deviati GIOACCHINO GENCHI - EX UFFICIALE POLIZIA DI STATO La principale intenzione era quella di non trovare i veri colpevoli. PIETRO RIGGIO - COLLABORATORE DI GIUSTIZIA - 19/10/2020 PROCESSO D'APPELLO TRATTATIVA STATO-MAFIA L'indicatore dei luoghi dove erano avvenute le stragi fosse stato Marcello Dell'Utri. ROBERTO TARTAGLIA – EX PM PROCESSO TRATTATIVA STATO-MAFIA Chi è che insegna a Salvatore Riina il linguaggio che abbina la cieca violenza mafiosa alla raffinata guerra psicologica di disinformazione che c’è dietro l'operazione della Fa- lange Armata? NINO DI MATTEO - MAGISTRATO PROCESSO TRATTATIVA - MEMBRO CSM È successo anche questo, scoprire che un presidente della Repubblica aveva mentito. SILVIO BERLUSCONI - EX PRESIDENTE DEL CONSIGLIO Io su indicazione dei miei avvocati intendo avvalermi della facoltà di non rispondere. SIGFRIDO RANUCCI IN STUDIO Buonasera, parleremo del periodo stragista che va dal 1992 al 1994, della presunta trattativa tra Stato e Mafia. Lo faremo con documenti e testimonianze inedite, tra le quali quella di Salvatore Baiardo, l’uomo che ha gestito la latitanza dei fratelli Graviano, una potente famiglia mafiosa, oggi accusata di essere l’autrice della strage di via d’Ame- lio. -
Addio Pizzo": Can a Label Defeat the Mafia?
Copyright 2008. No quotation or citation without attribution. IR/PS CSR Case #08-10 “Addio Pizzo”: Can a Label Defeat the Mafia? By: Chiara Superti GRADUATE SCHOOL OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND PACIFIC STUDIES UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, SAN DIEGO Prepared for Professor Peter Gourevitch Edited by Kristen Parks Corporate Social Responsibility Fall 2008 Abstract The Mafia in Sicily has important socio-economic effects on the local population. In particular, this paper focuses on the practice of asking for a “protection tax”, or pizzo, paid by around 70% of the businesses in the region. In 2005, a group of Palermitan young professionals created an organization named Addiopizzo (goodbye pizzo) with the specific goal of fighting the phenomenon of money extortion. They invented a label that certifies businesses of any kind that can prove they are not paying the pizzo. Using the resources offered by the market and the institutions, involving consumers, businesses, the police and schools, Addiopizzo was able to start a successful new trend of pizzo-free consumption. Copyright 2008. No quotation or citation without attribution. 2 Table of Contents Introduction....................................................................................................................... 3 Methodology ...................................................................................................................... 6 The Origins of the Organization...................................................................................... 6 Anti-Mafia movements: -
Mafia and Politics
PArtecipazione e COnflitto http://siba-ese.unisalento.it/index.php/paco ISSN: 1972-7623 (print version) ISSN: 2035-6609 (electronic version) PACO, Issue 13(3) 2020: 1504-1520 DOI: 10.1285/i20356609v13i3p1504 Published in November 15, 2020 Work licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non commercial- Share alike 3.0 Italian License RESEARCH ARTICLE THE CASE OF THE SUVIGNANO ESTATE: A STORY OF MAFIA, ANTI- MAFIA AND POLITICS Graziana Corica University of Florence Vittorio Mete University of Florence ABSTRACT: The article reconstructs the events of the Suvignano farm, in the Sienese area, confiscated in 1996 to an entrepreneur from Palermo considered close to Cosa nostra and assigned in 2018 to a company owned by the Tuscany Region. Unlike other studies on confiscated assets, mainly focusing on quantitative aspects or their management, the paper proposes a case study based on an integration of techniques and sources, from interviews with qualified witnesses to the consultation of institutional documents. The analysis aims to explore the social and political significance that Suvignano assumes for the local community and the political class. After the definitive confiscation in 2007, Suvignano becomes a political resource disputed between different actors, local and national. Around this political resource take place two challenges, led and won by a Tuscan leftist institutional network, distant heir of the red subculture. The first challenge is against a similar Sicilian institutional network. The second is against local political actors: the traditional (Forza Italia) and the new (Salvini-Lega) centre-right, as well as the emerging 5 Stars Movement. The article shows how these two challenges are won thanks also to the Tuscan civil society, ready to mobilize against a "public evil", as the mafia is usually represented. -
Brief History of Sicilian Mafia
For centuries, there had been banditry in southern Italy. It is not surprising when we consider that the area south of Rome was ruled for hundreds of years by foreign powers and the land was generally (mis)managed by absentee landlords. In their absence, the bandits stepped in to enforce the payment of dues or meagre profits from the peasants to the landowners, creaming a lot off the top. Stealing from the rich to give to the poor was no part of their raison d’etre. Over time, they became the landowners’ enforcers and then began to take over large tracts but it was the unification of Italy, following Garibaldi’s march through Sicily and up through southern Italy defeating and forcing the capitulation of the Spanish Bourbons, rulers of the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies, which gave them their greatest opportunity . If you have read “The Leopard” by Giuseppe di Lampedusa or seen the film, you will have recognised that the Mafia were gaining an important role in the running of Sicilian cities, towns and regions; they were gaining election as mayors and they were marrying into families of the nobility of the island. The Risorgimento whilst unifying the country also exaggerated the division between the north and the south. Sicilians often used to dispute (at least publicly) the existence of the Mafia or La Cosa Nostra (Our Thing) as the organisation names itself. They claimed that it was a northern construct. However, there is an excellent book by Gianni Riotta, “Prince of the Clouds”, which describes how the mafia, acting as a private army on behalf of the landowner against her peasants, uses force and murder to keep the poor of Sicily under control. -
Society, Culture and Mafia
Society, Culture and Mafia. An analysis of why Sicily falls behind when it comes to development Photo: http://sicily.rome-in-italy.com/ Master thesis in International Business Communication – Italian Cand.ling.merc. Copenhagen Business School, July 2008 Advisor: Susanne Gram Larsen By Ditte Roslyng Tastesen © Ditte Roslyng Tastesen 2008 Acknowledgements When first starting this project in Sicily, I experienced many obstacles, and doubted that I would succeed in completing this project. However, later in the process I was met with the kindness, which Sicilians are known for. Therefore, I would like to thank all of my interview people – they will be named later in the thesis – for taking their time and sharing so honestly their experiences and knowledge with me. Without them, this thesis would not have been possible. Particularly, I would like to thank Salvatore Costantino from University of Palermo for his guidance during my stay in Palermo. I would like to extend my thank you to other people that have crossed my way in Sicily, their openness and willingness to share have been of great use for a complete picture of the situation in Sicily. I would also like to thank Thomas Harder for his guidance in the beginning of the research process, and especially in connection with the mafia. Finally, I would like to thank Susanne Gram Larsen for guiding and encouraging me throughout the process. Her professionalism, knowledge and personal support have been invaluable and have helped me produce a project that I am proud of. Society, Culture, and Mafia Copyright © Ditte Roslyng Tastesen i Terminology British English/American English This thesis is written in British English, which in some cases have presented a problem, because I use a lot of American theorists. -
Fighting the Sicilian Mafia Through Tourism | Travel | the Guardian
Fighting the Sicilian mafia through tourism | Travel | The Guardian http://www.guardian.co.uk/travel/2008/may/17/sicily.italy/print De-mob happy After decades of Mafia rule in Sicily, locals are fighting back - and they are asking tourists to help them, by staying in B&Bs, eating in restaurants and shopping in delis that refuse to pay protection money. Stephanie Rafanelli reports Stephanie Rafanelli The Guardian, Saturday May 17 2008 The real good fellas ... Antica Foccaceria San Francesco restaurant, Palermo. Photograph: David Levene It was Sunday lunchtime in Palermo's Piazza San Francesco and the air was thick with charcoal smoke and chatter. A vendor poked an octopus as it roasted on the open grill, releasing a whiff of warm olive oil and lemon that mingled with the city's characteristic scent of brine and dust. A girl carried a tray of sweet cannoli high above her head, navigating stalls of sardine rolls and anchovies frizzling in floury pans. The crowd went about its usual business - church bells chimed and a christening party spilt out of Basilica San Francesco D'Assisi, bobbing the newly baptized bundle as they strolled. But this was no ordinary Sunday market. It was the "Free Sicily" organic food fair, part of a growing and increasingly visible movement run by young Palermitans rebelling against the mafia, or Cosa Nostra, and the stranglehold organised crime has on the Sicilian people. "Whatever you do, DON'T mention the M-A-F-I-A," my northern Italian uncle warned me before my last visit to Sicily - a dusty road trip in a clapped-out Cinquecento in 1993 just after the arrest of the boss of bosses Salvatore Totò Riina. -
Antimafia Duemila
Numero 1 - 2016 EDITORE Associazione Culturale Falcone e Borsellino Via Molino I, 1824 - 63811 - Sant’Elpidio a Mare (FM) Tel. 0734/277448 - Fax 0734/810526 Redaz. Palermo Tel. 091/6684590 Website: FONDATORE Giorgio Bongiovanni In copertina DIRETTORE RESPONSABILE Paolo Borsellino © Shobha Giorgio Bongiovanni Giovanni Falcone © Shobha Attilio Manca © famiglia Manca VICE DIRETTORE Pier Paolo Pasolini © Letizia Battaglia Lorenzo Baldo a cura di Emanuele Di Stefano CAPOREDATTORE Anna Petrozzi - Aaron Pettinari REDAZIONE Miriam Cuccu, Francesca Mondin, Monica Centofante, Maria Loi, Silvia Cordella, Marco Cappella, Sara Donatelli COLLABORATORI Stefania Virgili, Francesco Belvisi, Fabio Maggiore, Lino Amadio, Donatella Campus, Amedeo Cadeddu PROGETTO GRAFICO E IMPAGINAZIONE Emanuele Di Stefano REDAZIONE ANTIMAFIADUEMILA URUGUAY Jean Georges Almendras, Erika Pais REDAZIONE ANTIMAFIADUEMILA PARAGUAY Jorge Figueredo m REDAZIONE ANTIMAFIADUEMILA ARGENTINA Inés Graciela Lépori White, Maria del Carmen de Huertos VICEPRESIDENTE DELL’ASSOCIAZIONE EDITRICE Luca Trovellesi Cesana HANNO COLLABORATO A QUESTO NUMERO Saverio Lodato, Pietro Orsatti, Rino Giacalone, Emiliano Federico Caruso, Stefania Limiti Luciano Mirone, Annalisa Insardà, Francesco Colonna, SiMona Zecchi, Giulietto Chiesa, Margherita Furlan, Barbara Giangravè, Cristina Pinna, Maria José Lastra, Shobha, Letizia Battaglia, Radio Radicale. DISTRIBUZIONE IN EDICOLA: ME.PE. s.p.a. - Milano DISTRIBUZIONE IN LIBRERIA: JOO Distribuzione - Milano Finito di stampare il 4/07/2016 ISCRIZIONE PRESSO -
PORTAI a MARCINKUS E CALVI DUE VALIGE CON 10 MILIARDI DEI CLAN” Di Francesco Viviano
Il caso Calvi Il racconto del “pentito” di mafia Vincenzo Caldara “PORTAI A MARCINKUS E CALVI DUE VALIGE CON 10 MILIARDI DEI CLAN” di Francesco Viviano ROMA - Le sue figlie si chiamano Agnese, Lucia e Fiammetta, come la moglie ed i figli del giudice Paolo Borsellino. Il giudice che Cosa nostra gli aveva ordinato di ammazzare con un fucile di precisione o con un'autobomba. E quando si pentì, il primo magistrato che incontrò fu proprio Borsellino, avvertendolo che Cosa nostra aveva deciso la sua eliminazione. E fu a Borsellino, nella primavera del 1992, che Vincenzo Calcara, mafioso e pentito di Trapani, accennò al riciclaggio dei miliardi dì Cosa nostra, facendo riferimento al cardinale Paul Marcinkus e ad un insospettabile notaio palermitano, residente a Roma. (…) Calcara, con i suoi ricordi, potrebbe forse fornire altri elementi ai magistrati. A Borsellino, Calcara raccontò di avere portato 10 miliardi di lire da Castelvetrano a Roma, consegnandoli a Monsignor Marcinkus. Ma non fece mai il nome di Roberto Calvi. Adesso, a distanza di anni, Calcara, ritenendosi al sicuro da rappresaglie, chiama Repubblica e rivela per la prima volta i suoi due incontri con Roberto Calvi, il primo all'aeroporto di Linate e l'altro a Roma. «Al dottor Borsellino - afferma Calcara che vive in una località segreta del nord Italia con un altro nome - accennai della storia di miliardi di Cosa nostra consegnati al cardinale Marcinkus. Non gli parlai di Roberto Calvi perché avevo paura per me e per lui. Il dottor Borsellino mi disse che dovevamo verbalizzare quelle dichiarazioni, ma non ci fu il tempo perché Cosa nostra lo ammazzò. -
Staten Kontra Den Sicilianske Mafia
Roskilde University Staten kontra den sicilianske mafia Søndergaard, Peter Published in: Social kritik : tidsskrift for social analyse og debat Publication date: 2007 Document Version Også kaldet Forlagets PDF Citation for published version (APA): Søndergaard, P. (2007). Staten kontra den sicilianske mafia. Social kritik : tidsskrift for social analyse og debat, (108), 54-76. General rights Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. • Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the public portal for the purpose of private study or research. • You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain. • You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the public portal. Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact [email protected] providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Download date: 28. Sep. 2021 Staten kontra den sicilianske mafia - pågribelsen af Bernardo Provenzano Peter Søndergaard Tirsdag d.11. april 2006, lidt over klokken 11 om formiddagen, blev Bernardo Provenzano arreste- ret i et lille hus til en fåreavlerstation, mannara, med tilhørende stalde, et lille mejeri og en ladebyg- ning, knap 2 km udenfor Corleone på Sicilien. Det var dagen efter det italienske parlamentsvalg, hvor ministerpræsidentens parti, Forza Italia, og støttepartierne mistede deres flertal. Kort før arrestationen må han have sat et stykke hvidt papir i sin skrivemaskine og skrevet de første ord i brevet til konen, Saveria Benedetta Palazzolo: ”Carissima, amore mio…”. -
La Sicilia Piange Giovanni Paolo II
ANNO 4 - NUMERO 54/55 - 15/30 Aprile 2005-Quindicinale-Testata fondata dall’Assemblea regionale siciliana nel 1962-Fondazione Federico II editore LaLa SiciliaSicilia piangepiange GiovanniGiovanni PaoloPaolo IIII AUTONOMIA,AUTONOMIA, LOLO STATUTOSTATUTO CAMBIACAMBIA VOLTOVOLTO LALA DEVOLUTIONDEVOLUTION FAFA UNUN PASSOPASSO AVANTIAVANTI PIERSANTIPIERSANTI MATTARELLA,MATTARELLA, ILIL RICORDORICORDO DIDI UNUN UOMOUOMO ASSEMBLEA REGIONALE SICILIANA - XIII LEGISLATURA I DEPUTATI PER GRUPPO PARLAMENTARE Forza Italia (19) Margherita per l’Ulivo (6) UFFICIO DI PRESIDENZA Presidente: Misuraca Salvatore Presidente: Ortisi Egidio (Siracusa) (Palermo); Galletti Giuseppe (Caltanissetta); Arcidiacono Giuseppe (Catania); Manzullo Giovanni (Agrigento); Baldari Nicola (Messina); Papania Antonino (Trapani); Presidente Beninati Antonino Angelo (Messina); Spampinato Giuseppe (Catania), Guido Lo Porto Cascio Francesco (Palermo); Vitrano Gaspare (Palermo). Catania Giuseppe (Regionale); La Margherita Democrazia è Vice Presidenti Cimino Michele (Agrigento); Libertà (5) Salvatore Fleres Confalone Giancarlo (Siracusa); Presidente: Barbagallo Giovanni Vladimiro Crisafulli D’Aquino Antonino (Messina); (Catania) Fleres Salvatore Eugenio (Regionale); Genovese Francantonio (Messina); Deputati Questori Giambrone Vincenzo (Agrigento); Gurrieri Sebastiano (Ragusa); Franco Catania Leanza Edoardo (Enna); Tumino Carmelo (Enna); Andrea Zangara Leontini Innocenzo (Ragusa); Zangara Andrea (Palermo). Maurici Giuseppe (Trapani); Girolamo Turano Mercadante Giovanni (Palermo); Sicilia -
The Antimafia Movement and Its Counter-Hegemonic Attack on Cosa Nostra Jennifer Anne Diefendorf Bates College, [email protected]
Bates College SCARAB Honors Theses Capstone Projects Spring 5-2011 Taking Back Sicily: The Antimafia Movement and its Counter-Hegemonic Attack on Cosa Nostra Jennifer Anne Diefendorf Bates College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://scarab.bates.edu/honorstheses Recommended Citation Diefendorf, Jennifer Anne, "Taking Back Sicily: The Antimafia Movement and its Counter-Hegemonic Attack on Cosa Nostra" (2011). Honors Theses. 3. http://scarab.bates.edu/honorstheses/3 This Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by the Capstone Projects at SCARAB. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of SCARAB. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Diefendorf 1 Taking Back Sicily: The Antimafia Movement and its Counter-Hegemonic Attack on Cosa Nostra An Honors Thesis Presented to The Faculty of the Department of Politics Bates College In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Bachelor of Arts By Jennifer Diefendorf Lewiston, Maine March 25, 2011 Diefendorf 2 Table of Contents 1. Acknowledgements ………………………………………………………………3 2. Abstract …………………………………………………………………………...4 3. Introduction ………………………………………………………………………5 4. Chapter 1 : Gramsci, Hegemony, and Civil Society…………………………….15 5. Chapter 2 : Establishing Cosa Nostra and the Italian State as a Hegemonic Bloc…………...32 6. Chapter 3 : The History of the Antimafia Movement…………………………...65 7. Chapter 4 : The Counter-Hegemonic Nature of the Contemporary Movement.....................114 8. Conclusion……………………………………………………………………..167 9. Bibliography …………………………………………………………………...174 Diefendorf 3 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS: Numerous individuals deserve to be recognized for the formative role they each played in helping to create this project. First, I give my sincere gratitude and appreciation to my advisor, Jim Richter.