Language, Culture, Rhetoric

ASSOCIATIONSUEDOISE DE LINGUISTIQUEAPPLIQUEE (ASLA) Svenska föreningen för tillämpad språkvetenskap

Language, culture, rhetoric:

Cultural and rhetorical perspectives on communication

Papers from the ASLA symposium in Örebro, 6-7 November 2003

Utgiven av Cornelia Ilie ASLA ASLA:s skriftserie 17

ASSOCIATION SUEDOISE DE LINGUISTIQUE APPLIQUEE (ASLA) Svenska föreningen för tillämpad språkvetenskap

Language, culture, rhetoric:

Cultural and rhetorical perspectives on communication

Papers from the ASLA symposium in Örebro, 6-7 November 2003

Utgiven av

Cornelia Ilie ASLA ASSOCIATION SUEDOISE DE LINGUISTIQUE APPLIQUEE (ASLA) Svenska föreningen för tillämpad språkvetenskap

ASLA ingår i den internationella huvudorganisationen AILA som har med lemmar i drygt trettio länder världen över. Föreningen har som huvndsyfte att på olika vägar främja och sprida information om språkvetenskaplig forskning med anknytning till praktiska språkproblem i samhället. Detta syfte ska ASL_Asöka uppnå genom att: - anordna konferenser, symposier och seminarier, - publicera ett medlemsblad, - ge ut symposierapporter och andra skrifter, - distribuera meddelanden och skrifter från AILA, - delta i AILA:s vetenskapliga kommissioner, arbetsgrupper och kongresser. Medlemsbladet ASLA-Information utkommer med två nummer per år. Där in formeras om litteratur, konferenser etc. Ett nummer per år innehåller dessutom en avdelning med utförligare presentationer av pågående forskning och utveck lingsarbete inom den tillämpade språkvetenskapen. Årligen anordnas ett symposium omkring ett tema som har intresse för såväl forskare som praktiker. Rappotterna från dessa höstsymposier publiceras i ASLA:s skriftserie. Böckerna i skriftserien är årsböcker och dish·ibueras gratis till ASLA:s medlemmar. Medlem i ASLA blir man genom att betala avgiften (200:- för medlemsåret 04/05, för utlandsbetalningar 260:-) till Svenska föreningen för tillämpad språk• vetenskap, postgiro 40 32 86-8. Medlemmar får årsboken i ASLA:s skriftserie, ASLA-Information och AILA Review. Bland övriga medlemsförmåner kan nämnas att till rabatterat pris delta i föreningens symposier samt att - också till nedsatt pris - köpa tidigare nummer i ASLA:s skriftserie. Beställning av ASLA:s skrifter sänds till följande adress: ASLA, c/o FUMS, Box 527, 751 20 UPPSALA. Language, culture, rhetoric: Cultural and rhetorical perspectives on conununica tion. Papers from the ASLA symposium in Örebro, 6-7 November 2003. Corne lia Ilie (utg./ed.) ASLA, Svenska föreningen för tillämpad språkvetenskap. Stockholm 2004.

ISBN 91-87884-17-8 ISSN 1100-5629 Akademihyck © ASLA och författarna Valdemarsvik 2004 CONTENTS

PREFACE ......

LANGUAGING, RHETORICAL THINKING, CULTURAL A WARENESS

Michael Hoey Interactivity in text: committed, shallow and targeted readings ...... 3

Jens Allwood Språk och världsbilder ...... 21

Rafael Jimenez Catano Wishful thinking and argumentation through metonymy ...... 36

THE RHETORIC OF POLITICAL DISCOURSE

Tine Van Hecke Grateful USA.: A speech act analysis ofthanking behaviour ...... 49

Raphael Micheli On rhetorically constructed emotions : The appeal to fear in President Bush's address to the nation ...... 59

Birgitta Almgren Argumentationsstrategier i ideologiserande diskurser ...... 72

Scott Cawelti Rhetoric and Propaganda in Documentary Filmmaking: Riefenstahl's Triumph oj the Will and Resnais' Night and Fog ...... 83

Piotr Chruszczewski Political discourse as a case ofpotential verbal aggression ...... 91

Paul Dan/er SE-<:onstructions in Spanish and Portuguese from a rhetorical-functional perspective ...... 102 THE RHETORIC OF THE MEDIA

Birgit Hoffinann The presentation of self in everyday job ads - emotiva utt1yck i tyska och svenska företags självpresentationer i platsannonser ...... 117

Maria Bonner Different styles, different image(s), different cultures? Preferences in German and Swedish advertising style ...... 131

Margot van Mulken, Natasja Boon and Saskia Kleijer Verbal Anchoring and Implicit Meaning in Magazine Adve1iisements .... 143

Nadine Lucas The enunciative stmcture ofnews dispatches: A contrastive rhetorical approach ...... 154

THE RHETORIC OF ARGUMENTATIVE DIALOGUE

Asa Brumark Ironi som maktmedel vid middagsbordet? ...... 167

Asta Cekaite "Titta, jag klar" [Look, I ready] Rhetorical devices in an immersion classroom ...... 178

Karolina Wirdenäs Kan man argumentera som man vill? Om ungdomar som ogiltigförklarar resonemang ...... 190

Ibolya Maricic Facework in cyber-conflict: A pragmalinguistic study of an online discussion ...... 204 THE RHETORIC OF LEXICAL CO-OCCURRENCES

TonyBastow 'Friends and allies': Binomials in a corpus ofUS defence speeches ...... 223

Leszek Berezowski The pragmatic underbelly of English: Nickname granllllar and rhetoric ...... 233

Maria Kela From a mistranslation to a theological term ...... 243

THE RHETORIC OF SCIENTIFIC DISCOURSE

MonaBlåsjö "Blir du logisk, lille vän?" Medierande redskap i nationalekonomi ...... 257

Philip Shaw Rhetorical prescriptions and types of cultural difference ...... 267

Gunvor Nilsson Kan du använda din medicin när du ammar? En språkvetenskaplig analys av bipacksedelstexter ...... 280

Preface

Applied linguistics is steadily gaining ground and is increasingly practiced in an interdisciplinary fashion and in ever-expanding multicultural settings. More than ever before, the 2003 edition of the ASLA Conference• at Örebro University was the meeting place for schalars of many nationalities from fourteen different countries: Austria, Belgium, Denmark, Finland, France, Holland, ltaly, Norway, Poland, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, U.K. and U.S.A. Furthermore, the participants represented different disciplinary backgrounds.

The theme of the conference, "Language, culture, rhetoric: Cultural and rhetorical perspectives 011 communication", elicited a great variety of conference papers on a wide range of topical issues. Many of them are based on interdisciplinary and cross-cultural approaches to language use and to communication practices. The expertise of the contributors covers the following fields and orientations: linguistics (semantics, pragmatics, discourse analysis), rhetoric, philosophy, as well as translation and film studies.

The contributions selected for the present volume represent several areas of rhetoric-based and/or cross-cultural studies of language use in a variety of theoretical and methodological approaches. They explore different types of linguistic communication in terms of discourse genres, semantic choice, argumentation pattems, figures of speech, rhetorical practices and socio-cultural traditions. Some of the major questions raised by several of the conference papers are the following: In what way is linguistic and extralinguistic communication culture-specific? How should linguistic and non-linguistic communication be studied in a holistic approach? Which are the functions fulfilled by various rhetorical devices and argumentation strategies in casual and institutional communication?

Rhetoric as theory and method plays an essential role in problematising and exploring the relation between the written and the spoken word, between culhire-based writer and reader understanding patterns, between thinking and communicating, between overt and covert communication, between institutional and conversational communication strategies, between fictional and non fictional language contextualisation, between culture-specific and language based conventions, between source language and target language constraints in terms of translation goals. ii

The three introductory papers of this volume highlight central issues of the conference theme, namely the writer-reader interaction in the transmission of cultural and scholarly knowledge through different reading practices in mono lingual and plurilingual environments (Hoey), the relationship between language usage, thinking processes and socio-cultural practices (Allwood), and the culture-specific metonymic pattems of reasoning and arguing with valid/fallacious definitions (Jimenez).

Political discourse has been the central topic of several papers. Some of them analyse patticular rhetorical strategies, such as the speech act of thanking by official USA representatives (Van Hecke), the rhetorically constructed emotions in President Bush's address to the nation (Micheli), verbal aspects of verbal aggression in President Truman's inaugural addresses (Chruszczewski) and the use of the Romance SE-diathesis in Franco's and Salazar's speeches (Danler). Two closely related papers expose ideology-based propaganda mechanisms in political writings about Nazi Germany and G.D.R. (Almgren) and reveal manipulative rhetorical appeals in Leni Riefenstahl's propaganda documentary films about Nazi Germany (Cawelti).

The rhetoric of the media has been investigated cross-culturally by examining German and Swedish job ads (Hoffmann), German and Swedish magazine ads (Bonner), the uptake of Dutch and French magazine ads (van Mulken et al.), as well as English and Japanese news dispatches (Lucas).

A number of dialogic argumentation strategies have been explored in various contexts of casual conversation, namely in family dinner conversations (Brumark), in young children's conversational practices in immersion classrooms (Cekaite), in teenagers' argumentative discussions (Wirdenäs), and in online confrontational discussions (Maricic).

Another group of authors have concentrated on the rhetoric of particular co occurring lexical items, examining the rhetorical functions of binomials (Bastow), exploring nicknames in a speech act perspective (Berezowski) and analysing the gradual change of a Hebrew expression into a metaphorical Finnish loan translation (Kela).

Several types of rhetorical practices in the field of scientific discourse have been examined by analysing the cognitive and integrative use of mediational means in the academic training of critical reasoning (Blåsjö), cross-cultural pattems and cultural differences in the rhetorical standards of academic writing between Danish and Anglo-Saxon authors (Shaw), and the readability and pragmatic effects of patient information texts accompanying pharmaceutical products (Nilsson). iii

As the reader will easily note, two major ideas emerge from many of the contributions: (i) in spite of the diversity of topics, there is significant overlap and/or convergence between linguistic and rhetorical approaches in terms of analytical scope and practical goals; (ii) the empirical investigations of parallel culture-specific communication practices (ads, documentary films, political speeches, institutional and non-institutional texts) highlight a number of topical issues worth pursuing in comparative cultural studies.

The contributions published in this volume are meant to sharpen our awareness about some of the current concems related to interdisciplinary methodology and cross-cultural studies, as well as to open up new avenues for further theoretical enquiries and data-based empirical studies on language, culture, rhetoric.

Comelia Ilie

Stockholm, August 2004

* Punds for printing costs were provided by Östersjöstiftelsen (The Baltic Foundation), the sponsor of several research projects at Södertörn University College, including the project "Citizens in the making: Deliberative dialogues in Swedish, Hungarian and Romanian schools". Additional funding was provided by ASLA (Association suedoise de linguistique appliquee).

LANGUAGING, RHETORICAL THINKING, CULTURAL A WARENESS 2 3

Interactivity in text: committed, shallow and targeted readings

Michael Hoey University of Liverpool [email protected]

On the edge of Chinatown in San Francisco can be found the following road sign:

1. XING.

As a visitor to the city, I assumed because of its location that it was an alphabetic transcription of a Chinese character, possibly meaning STOP or SLOW. It was only when a tram rushed in front of my nose that I realised that it in fäet meant 'crossing', with X being used not as a letter of the alphabet but as a symbol (in a manner indeed not unlike Chinese orthography) for 'cross'. This miniscule text exemplifies several key features of text. Firstly, text is interactively produced and processed, and the reader has as large a part in this interaction as the writer. 'Crossing' is neither statement, waming nor instruction, but a driver will utilise a great deal of local, cultural and linguistic knowledge to understand it as all three. Relevant local knowledge includes the fäet that San Francisco has a tram system and that therefore there are crossings in the city. Cultural knowledge common to all drivers 4 includes the knowledge that road traffic regulations require certain actions from drivers at crossings. Linguistic knowledge includes the knowledge that road signs make use of iconic symbols as well as words and syllables; they also advertise themselves as being road signs by their shape, size and positioning. I was the wrong reader for the text - a pedestrian foreigner in San Francisco and someone unused to communications roade up of a mixture of iconic symbols and syllables (nota British practice). Bringing appropriate knowledge to bear is not the only active role that a reader performs when interpreting a text. When interacting with a text, a reader is bringing to bear a constant stream of changing expectations about the text. An illustration of such interaction can be given by reference to the following two paragraphs which begin a short text taken from a magazine aimed at company conference organisers. The headline of the articie is printed over a photograph of mountains:

2. Destination Report It's high time

Wherever you visit in Switzerland a majestic mountain backdrop will grace your business and leisure activities. With a dizzying summit of 4,634 metres, the DuFour peak is the highest point in Europe, and with several other peaks also towering over 4,000 metres, Switzerlandis truly the roof of the continent.

pastures carpeted with flowers and lined with thousands of snaking miles of hiking trails. As well as their popularity with hikers climbing towards the ice-capped peaks, Switzerland's mountains also attract many other leisure-seekers such as hang gliders that spiral slowly earthwards and mountain bikers and off-road skaters that descend more rapidly in their pursuit ofbumpy thrills.

A careful reader of this text is likely to interact with it in something like the following manner:

3. It's high time Text: Wherever you visit in Switzerland a majestic mountain backdrop will grace your business and leisure activities.

Reader: Question a: Give us an example of this. Question b: What is the effect ofthis? Question c: What kind of business and leisure activities might it grace?

Text: With a dizzying summit of 4,634 metres, the DuFour peak is the highest point in Europe, and with several other peaks also towering over 4,000 metres, Switzerland is truly the roof of the continent. [ANSWERS QUESTION a]

Reader: Question c (canied forward): vv11at kind of business and leisure activities might it grace? Question d: What activities might the mountains provide? [given the magazine in which the article appears] 6

Question e: What do the mountains look like?

Text: Turned brilliant white in winter by deep snows that powder their slopes, these mountain ranges are a blank canvas for thousands of skiing and snowboarding addicts to sashay and carve their designs into. [FIRST HALF ANSWERS QUESTION e; SECOND HALF ANSWERS QUESTIONS d (and c)]

Reader: Question d (continued): What other attractions do the mountains provide? Question e (continued): What else do they look like? Question f: What about the other seasons?

Text: In spring melting snows trickle away revealing lush alpine pastures carpeted with flowers and lined with thousands of snaking miles of hiking trails. [ANSWERS ALL THREE QUESTIONS]

Reader: Question d (continued): Any other attractions? Question g: Where do these trails take you? Question h: Where do these trails start from?

Text: As well as their popularity with hikers climbing towards the ice-capped peaks, Switzerland's mountains also attract many other leisure-seekers such as hang gliders that spiral slowly earthwards and mountain bikers and off-road skaters that 7

descend more rapidly in their pursuit of bumpy thrills. [ANSWERS QUESTION d]

This is not the only way to read the text - other ways will be considered later in the paper - but it is one way, and the reader who does read it this way is engaged in an elegant dance with the writer, the writer leading but having to anticipate the reader's moves, the reader following hut safe in expecting that the writer will take account of his/her needs. Orre way in which a writer may simplify the dance and partly control the reader's expectations is by using what I have termed a culturally popular pattem (Hoey, 1983, 2001). Such pattems are agreed sequences of questions that are regularly used by writers to organise a text. These include the problem-solution pattem (Winter, 1976, Hoey, 1979, 1983, Jordan, 1980, 1984), which at its simplest has the components Situation - Problem - Response- Result and/or Evaluation. A second such pattem is the goal-achievement pattem, the components of which are Situation - Goal - Means of achievement - Result and/or Evaluation, and other pattems include the Gap in Knowledge-Filling pattem, the Opportunity Taking pattem and the Desire Arousal - Desire Fulfilment pattem; see Hoey (200 I) for a full account of each. These recurrent pattems of questions assist careful readings of text. As an instance of how they organise our readings of passages in complex ways, consider the news item found as appendix A to this aiiicle. A careful reading might produce a complex dialogue, as follows: 8

4. What was the problem? He !ost his hand ~ What goal did he try to achieve in order to solve this problem? He looked for a surgeon willing to give him a transplanted hand.

Did he achieve this goal? He.----- "finally achieved his dream" What solution was adopted to solve the problem? "The hand of a ... Frenchman was attached below his own right elbow" ~ What was the result ofthis? What potential problem was there with this? Did this work? Risk ofrejection The hand was "almost useless" i What was the response to this potential problem? Anti-rejection drugs

What was the• result of this? Did it work? It "made him prone to infection and had given him diabetes" = Problem

What was his response to this problem? He "stopped taking the drugs"

What was the• result of this? It "caused the arm to be rejected irreversibly'' 9

There is nothing wrong with this dialogue as a representation of the reader and writer's interaction except that it is unlikely to be true! As an analysis of the text, the above dialogue is, I hope, insightful, but as a way of showing how a reader gets sense out of a text it is psychologically implausible. O'Halloran (1999, 2003) argues that much critical discourse analysis has been flawed by the assumption that every reader gives every text a committed reading. In fäet, though, as he points out, much text is only given a shallow reading. The 'amputated hand' text comes from a newspaper and as such will be read quite quickly by the vast majority of readers. We have a choice when reading of giving the text a committed reading, where every implication is teased out and where the questions the reader asks of the text are highly specific and take full account of everything the writer has so far written, or of giving it a shallow reading, where our only concem is to get enough sense out of the text to guarantee continued coherence. Serious literature, especially when read as part of literary studies, scientific text-books, works of philosophy and theology and (if one is the examiner) academic dissertations may on occasion get committed readings, but I suspect shallow readings are the more common across the whole range oftexts. Shallow readings are not bad readings, and pejorative overtones should not be read into the word 'shallow', drawn from negative collocations such as 'a shallow person'. Under many circumstances, committed readings would be bad readings. A search on the internet, for example, that threw up many hundreds of sites would be unmanageable if every text was subjected to a committed reading. As a positive example, consider again our Alpine text. It came from a free magazine that landed uninvited on the desks of 10 busy conference organisers. The analysis offered for passage 2 was one associated with a committed reading, and the text was drawn from a magazine for which a shallow reading would be more characteristic. Such a reading might produce a dialogue such as the following:

5. A shallow reading of lt's high time

Text: Wherever you visit in Switzerland a majestic mountain backdrop will grace your business and leisure activities.

Reader: Question: Tel1 me something about Switzerland

Reader: Question: Tel1 me something about the Swiss mountains

Text: Tumed brilliant white in winter by deep snows that powder their slopes, these mountain ranges are a blank canvas for thousands of skiing and snowboarding addicts to sashay and carve their designs into.

Reader: Question: Tel1 me something else about the Swiss mountains.

Text: In spring melting snows trickle away revealing lush alpine 11

pastures carpeted with flowers and lined with thousands of snaking miles of hiking trails.

Reader: Question: Tel1 me something else about the mountains

Simple and repetitive as the questions are, they are sufficient to permit a reader to make sense of a text which is of little importance to him or her. Such a reading would be a good reading. The culturally popular pattems are subject to the same simplification arising out of shallow readings. Given that the 'amputated hand' text falls into a category of news that is really a kind of glorified gossip (as opposed to texts which are taken with great seriousness by different readerships, such as the political news, the business news and football reports), it is probable that it will be read with inattention. In such circumstances, the likely interaction between reader and writer will not be as in example 8 but as in example 10 below:

6. Text: Surgeons cut offworld's first transplanted hand Reader: Why Text: Recipient begged for removal of 'hideous' limb 12

Reader: What was the problem with it? Text: Mr Hallam was in real danger of dying from blood poisoning as the donar hand gradually decayed. He bad become "mentally detached" from it. The tendons bad fused at the back of the hand, making it almost useless. [The anti-rejection drugs] made him prone to infection and bad given him diabetes. The fäet that the patient bad not been on drugs for 60 days caused the arm to be rejected irreversibly.

In the development of good reading practices amongst our students, we need to bear the distinction between committed and shallow readings in mind. In some language learning materials, reading passages are provided, which are then followed with detailed comprehension questions. These questions often assume a committed reading. There is nothing wrong with this in some circumstances, but given that shallow readings do not necessarily require the understanding of every word, and given that one of the barriers we seek to overcome in our learners is their belief that the only good reading is one in which every word has been understood, there are circumstances in which it would be better to ask questions that assume a shallow reading. Under many circumstances, though, comprehension questions can be answered without any normal reading of the text at all. Most people have bad the experience of reading the comprehension question first and then scanning the passage looking for the answer. Such a strategy also involves a type of reading, though it is neither a committed nor a shallow reading. It is in fäet a targeted reading. 13

Targeted readings occur when a text is accessed with a specific purpose in mind. Take again the 'Alpine' text. It was produced by a trave! magazine with a specialist market of conference organisers and would normally be read by such organisers. As linguists, looking at it as data, we are eavesdroppers on their interaction. The job of such organisers, I was informed by the editor of the magazine, includes the creation of team building and the offering of incentives to the workforce, presumably so that staff give of their best and do not migrate to other companies. The conference and event venues described in each issue of the magazine will be scanned by the company conference organisers with these needs in mind. In other words, they will give the text a targeted reading, one designed to extract exactly that information from the text relevant to their needs. There will be only one or two questions that they will ask ofthe text, but they will be precise questions. So, for example, the intended reader of the travel text might ask of it 'What leisure facilities will present themselves if I bring people to this place?' The answers to this question will be found emboldened in example 11:

7. Destination Report lt's /tig/, time

the continent.

Tumed brilliant white in winter by deep snows that powder their slopes, these mountain ranges are a blank canvas for thousands of skiing and snowboarding addicts to sashay and carve their designs into. In spring melting snows trick.le away revealing lush alpine pastures carpeted with flowers and lined with thousands of snaking miles of hiking tralls. As well as their popularity with hikers climbing towards the ice-capped peaks, Switzerland's mountains also attract many other leisure-seekers such as hang gliders that spiral slowly earthwards and mountain bikers and off-road skaters that descend more rapidly in their pursuit of bumpy thrills.

Such a reading will probably take in other features of the text - the beauty of the area, for example - but it will focus on answers to the question. Of course the text has been designed to provide answers to just such a question. Here again we have this fitness of purpose affecting the writer's decisions as to what to include and exclude, as with the road sign in San Francisco. Some texts have evolved to such an extent to cater for targeted readings that they seem quite distinct from other kinds of texts. Examples include telephone directories, encyclopaedias and catalogues. Here committed readings of the whole text would nonnally be unnecessary and shallow readings unfruitful. Instead the reader brings very precise questions to bear on a specific part of the text, found by virtue of an alphabetic or indexing system. I have elsewhere labelled such texts 'colony texts' (Hoey, 1986, 15

2001 ), drawing on an analogy with anthills and beehives in which each of the creatures is physically separate but only exists to serve the needs of the whole colony. A defining feature of colony texts is that they are not intended to be read sequentially. Put another way, it is not necessary to read an element of a colony in eon text in order to understand it. Thus if I want to read the entry in a telephone direct01y for D Williams I am not required to read the preceding entry for C Williams in order to make sense of it. Once one gets to the unit one wants in a colony, the reading it gets may continue to be targeted or it may be committed or shallow. So on finding the name a reader wants in a telephone directory, the reader may not bother to read the accompanying address. On finding an item on Dickens in an encyclopaedia, on the other hand, the reader may choose either to search for the answer to a particular question (e.g. Was Pictures from Italy written in serial form?) or to read committedly the whole or part of the entry. Newspapers are a rather special kind of colony, and the elements are, as we have seen, often given shallow readings. Problems arise, however, when there is a mismatch between the kind of reading a text is designed for and the kind of reading it gets. Certain types of academic text-book, particularly those designed for students in science, engineering and law faculties, look as if they are intended to be given committed readings but are in fäet expected to be given targeted readings. The proliferation of headings, numbered points, and orthographically highlighted terms are all indications that the texts have been planned for targeted readings. Some students, though, convinced that a text is only truly read if it is read in its entirety, attempt to give such texts committed readings (or, worse still, shallow readings). Such readings are often unprofitable. 16

A second example is that of dictionaries, which are archetypical colonies. Entries in dictionaries for native speakers are rarely read in their entirety; the targeted reading that brought the reader to a particular lexicographical entry will be applied to the entry itself - a check on spelling, an interest in the word's etymology, an enquiry about one of the word's senses. Likewise, entries in bilingual dictionaries are, for the most part, designed to answer the question: 'What does word A in language A mean in language B?' With such models in mind, it is no wonder that the language learner typically uses monolingual advanced learners' dictionaries in the same way. But modem, corpus-based dictionaries are not designed only for targeted reading. In a typical entry, a number of other questions will be answered, e.g. 'What are the typical collocations of word A?', 'What pattems of use does word A occur in?', 'Give me some characteristic instances of word A's use', 'What idioms does word A participate in?', 'How frequent is word A?', 'Are there any restrictions on the contexts of use of word A ?' Because, however, the language learner brings targeted reading strategies to bear on a text that offers this plethora of riches, s/he gets little more out of the entry than what could have been got from a bilingual dictionary. Suppose, for example, a leamer comes to a dictionary with the question: 'What does estimate mean?' If s/he looks at the Macmillan Essential Dictionaiy for Learners of American English, a dictionary designed for intermediate leamers of English, s/he will find the following pair of entries. The formatting has been slightly changed for considerations of space: 17

8 es·ti-mate 1 /'esti,melt/ verb [T] ** to guess or calculate an amount or value by using available information: It is impossible ta estimate

how ma11yaf the residents were affected. ♦ estimate sth at sth The

total cost was estimated at $600,000. ♦ + (that) We estimate that 20 percent af the harvest has been last es·ti-mate 2 /'estim8t/ noun [C] * 1 an amount that you guess or calculate by using the information that is available: The jigure mentioned is justa rough estimate. 2 a statement that tells a customer how much money you will charge if they employ you to do a particular piece of work: Can you give us an estimate for the repairs ta the roof Words often used with estimate Adjectives ofte11used with estimate (1101111,se11se 1)

■ accurate, realistic, reliable + ESTIMATE: used about an estimate that is likely to be correct

■ approximate, rough, unofficial + ESTIMATE: used about an estimate that might not be correct

Faced with all this, the leamer will characteristically home straight in on one of the three senses in the two entries, ignoring the rest. But the entry shows the grammatical pattems of the word in the abbreviations that tel! us that the verb is transitive and the noun a count noun, in the exemplification (patticularly in the emboldened bits in the first entry) and, more subtly, in the definitions themselves. It also provides common collocates in the emboldened parts of the example in the second entry and in the special box undemeath (coloured in the original dictionary). In the box, there are guidelines provided as to when the collocates are used. Furthermore the 18

two stars in the top line of the first entry indicate that the verb use is very common; the one star in the second entry indicates a fairly common word. In the definition of sense 2 of the noun there is information about the social · situation in which this sense occurs - in a service encounter in which a reasonably !arge piece ofwork is planned for the future. This is definitely a text which would benefit from a committed reading! The implications of what I have been saying for language teaching are fourfold. Firstly, we need to be clear about what kind of reading strategies we are trying to inculcate in our leamers. Committed readings are needed in certain kinds of text (we do not want medical students giving 'life and death' texts a shallow reading, for example) but shallow readings and targeted readings are more natura! for other kinds of text and the leamer should be encouraged to identify for him or herself the appropriate reading for the appropriate text. Secondly, when assessing reading skills, we need to ensure that the assessment methods we use test the appropriate type of reading for the kind of text it is. Testing shallow readings with questions that presuppose a targeted reading, for example, will only encourage inappropriate reading methods in the students. Thirdly, whatever the kind of reading that is needed, the leamer should be encouraged to think in terms of the questions s/he is seeking answers to, both before tackling the text and

but a targeted reading might well prove more profitable.

References

Hoey, Michael. 1979. Signalling in Discourse. Discourse Analysis Monographs No 6. Birmingham: ELR, University ofBirmingham. Hoey, Michael. 1983. On the Swface of Discourse. London: George Allen & Unwin. Hoey, Michael. 1986. 'The discourse colony: a preliminary study of a neglected discourse type' in M Coulthard (ed) Talldng about Text: Studies Presented to David Brazil on his Retirement, 1-26. Birmingham: ELR, University ofBirmingham. Hoey, Michael. 2001. Textual Interaction. London: Routledge. Jordan, Michael. 1980. 'Short texts to explain Problem-Solution structures - and vice versa' Instructional Science 9: 221-52. Jordan, Michael. 1984. Rhetoric of Eve,yday English Texts. London: George Allen & Unwin. O'Halloran, Kieran. 1999. Mystifying Discourse: A Critique ofCurrent Assumptions as an Alternative Framework of Analysis. Unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of London. O'Halloran, Kieran. 2003. Critical J)iscourse Analysis and Language Cognition. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Winter, Eugene. 1976. 'Fundamentals oflnformation Structure: Pilot Manual for Further Development according to Student Need' Unpublished manual, the Hatfield Polytechnic. 20

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Språk och världsbilder Jens Allwood Göteborgs u11il1ersitet [email protected]

Denna uppsats kan ses som en kortfattad introduktion till problematiken kring språk och världsbild och struktureras kring ett antal frågor som tjänar som instrument för att lyfta fram olika aspekter på problematiken. Vi börjar med två grundläggande frågor.

1. Vad är språk och vad är världsbild? Eftersom huvudsyftet här inte är att karakterisera vare sig språk eller världsbild kan en relativt kortfattad karakterisering kanske vara tillräcklig. Med ett "språk" avses ett system av konventioner för att med hjälp av beteenden, artefakter och påverkan av den fysiska omgivningen dela innehåll/förståelse med andra människor i olika situationer. Lingvister brukar för att förenkla diskussionen benämna den information som förmedlas och delas "innehåll" och de fysiska medel som används för förmedlingen "uttryck". Kommunikationssituationen kallas ofta för "kontext". Begreppet "världsbild" är mindre genomanalyserat än begreppet "språk" och därför svårare att kortfattat karakterisera. Det är ett av orden i ett semantiskt fält som inrymmer ord som "uppfattning", "ideologi", "kultur", "synsätt", "tankesystem" och "teori". De begrepp orden står för 22

överlappar delvis och har varken i vardagsspråket eller i det vetenskapliga språket klara relationer till varandra. Låt oss försöksvis säga att en "världsbild" är ett relativt vagt artikulerat holistiskt system av tankar som används för att identifiera, karakterisera, kategorisera, förklara och förstå många (potentiellt alla) fenomen i omvärlden.

2. Vilken är relationen världsbild - kultur - tanke? Om vi kan acceptera den kortfattade karakteristik som givits av "världsbild" har vi redan fått ett förslag på hur det skall relateras till begreppet "tanke". En världsbild är ett system av tankar. En snarlik karakterisering brukar ofta användas i definitioner av begreppet "kultur". "Kultur" kan i bred bemärkelse tex definieras som "de icke naturnödvändiga mönster för tänkande, beteende, artefakter och bruk av naturen som upprätthålles av en viss grupp människor. I vissa snävare kulturdefinitioner (se tex Clifford Geertz 1973) kan allt utom tänkande uteslutas. Eftersom en världsbild i betydelsen "system av tankar" uppenbarligen måste vara en sorts "mönster för tänkande" (även om det också kan finnas mindre systematiskt organiserade mönster för tänkande i en kultur) kommer "världsbilder" att vara en viktig del av en "kultur". Förbindelselänken mellan de båda utgörs av begreppet "tanke". För att komma åt relationen mellan språk och världsbild ser vi därför närmare på relationen mellan språk och tanke.

3. Hur förhåller sig språk till tanke?

Debatten om språkets förhållande till tanken har gamla anor både i västerländskt och österländskt tänkande (se Allwood 1983). Väldigt schematiskt kan man säga att det finns ett kontinuum av uppfattningar som 23 sträcker sig mellan följande två poler, där den ena utgörs av uppfattningen att "språk och tanke är oberoende av varandra" och den andra av uppfattningen att "språk och tanke är beroende av varandra".

(i) Språk och tanke är oberoende av varandra. Den äldsta uppfattningen är troligen att språk och tanke är oberoende av varandra. I antik filosofi finns ofta en sorts oreflekterad universalistisk filosofi där man som oproblematiskt antar att människor i hela världen tänker i stort sett lika (vilket också råkar vara det sätt man själv tänker och talar). Traditionen är levande under upplysningstiden där den kommer till uttryck i ideema om ett universellt mänskligt förnuft. Den upplever i våra dagar återigen en ökande popularitet. Viktiga drag i denna hållning är till exempel att som oproblematiskt förutsätta att vad som kan utryckas och tänkas med hjälp av ett språk tex grekiska, latin eller engelska också måste kunna uttryckas och tänkas med hjälp av alla andra språk. Ett annat möjligt drag är att göra språket osynligt genom att diskutera tankar, handling och social organisation utan att problematisera språkets roll för dessa fenomen. En tredje möjlighet är att ge språket en relativt begränsad roll i människans liv. Detta gäller tex i den nord amerikanske lingvisten Noam Chomskys teorier där språkets essens utgörs av dess syntaktiska organisation snarare än av något som berör organisation av begrepp eller innehåll.

(ii) Språk och tanke är beroende av varandra. Uppfattningen att språk och tanke är starkt beroende av varandra artikuleras västerlandet första gången under medeltidens 24

universaliestrid där de s k nominalisterna ansåg att språk och tanke kunde identifieras. För att förstå tänkande och begrepp behövs egentligen inget utöver språk. En annan variant av tanken att språk och tanke är starkt beroende av varandra får på medeltiden ett storslaget uttryck i den "modistiska spekulativa grammatiken", där världens, tankens och språkets kategorier beskrivs som speglande (lat. speculum - spegel) varandra. Det starka sambandet mellan språk och tanke tas åter upp inom 17 - 1800 talets romantiska teoretiserande om etniska och nationella skillnader. De olika språken blir nu något så när lättåtkomliga inkörsportar för att komma åt ett "folks själ". Språk och tanke ses som ömsesidigt beroende. Den tyske filosofen Johann Herder skrev t ex att språkets och tankens uppkomst för människan var oskiljaktiga såväl fylogenetiskt som ontogenetiskt; utan språk ingen tanke och utan tanke inget språk.

4. Är språk olika ur innehållssynpunkt? En av de frågor som spelat störst roll i debatten om språk och tanke (världsbild) är frågan om hur stora skillnaderna är mellan språk ur semantisk synpunkt. Denna fråga har hittills inte besvarats på något slutgiltigt sätt, utan vad som finns är ett antal mer eller mindre pålitliga exempel och analyser. En stor svårighet är att det finns mellan 4000 och 8000 språk i världen, men knappast är möjligt för en människa (inte ens en lingvist) att behärska mer än 10 - 30 språk. Det innebär att man får lita på omtolkningar och översättningar. Låt oss se på några av de typer av skillnader som finns mellan språks ordförråd. Om vi ser närmare på debatten om semantiska skillnader mellan språk 25 har den ofta rört sig omkring två huvudteman:

1) Det första huvudtemat är att språk kan skilja sig åt beträffande vilka språkliga medel som används för att representera en viss företeelse. Följande är de medel som huvudsakligen kan komma ifråga (en noggrannare utredning finns i Allwood 1986).

(i) när det gäller ord kan man undersöka om det gäller sammansatta eller enkla ord, om det gäller rotmorfem, böjningsmorfem, avlednings morfem eller prosodiska mönster såsom ordtoner. (ii) när det gäller kombinationer av ord kan man studera vad olika fras och satstyper uttrycker.

Allmänt sett brukar innehåll som representeras grammatiskt dvs med hjälp av böjning, avledning eller fras- och satstyper betraktas som mera integrerat i språk och kultur än sådant som uttrycks med enskilda ord eller beskrivningar. Om man inte beaktar skillnader av denna typ kan man nämligen hävda att alla innehåll kan uttryckas på alla språk. Det gäller bara att ta till tillräckligt goda beskrivningar eller omskrivningar eller att mynta nya ord.

2) Det andra huvudtemat gäller vilka innehåll som uttrycks med de ord, syntaktiska mönster och böjnings/avledningsmorfem som finns i språket. Här kan vi konstatera att åtminstone följande innehållsskillnader kan finnas mellan språk. 26

(i) Ett språk har ord för vad ett annat språk inte har ord för. Detta kan gälla t ex djur eller växter som inte finns i alla delar av världen. Det kan också gälla sociala företeelser som inte är universella. Det svenska ordet 'jämo" är, trots viss uppmärksamhet i omvärlden, troligen fortfarande unikt och står för en relativt unik svensk företeelse. Det svenska ordet "oppositionell" är inte lika unikt men tycks ändå sakna en direkt motsvarighet på t ex malajiska, där de närmaste motsvarigheterna blir ord som på svenska närmast betyder "ohövlig", "ouppfostrad" eller "grov". Ord för känslor tycks också variera. Ord för "ångest", "skadeglädje" och "sentimentalitet" finns knappast på många av världens språk. För andra tankeväckande exempel se Rheingold (1988). Ett lite mer komplicerat exempel gäller avsaknad av konstruktionstyper. Man hart ex hävdat att kinesiska saknar möjlighet att på ett explicit sätt göra villkorade påståenden av typen "om du går (så) går även jag". Set ex Bloom (1981). Detta påstående liksom även t ex påpekanden om att kinesiska saknar ändelser för tempus och numerus visar hur diskussionen om avsaknad av en viss typ av innehåll ofta kombineras med tema 1 - diskussion av på vilket sätt ett innehåll representeras. Villkor, tid och antal uttrycks på svenska med hjälp av böjningsändelser och syntaktisk konfiguration. På kinesiska däremot får de uttryckas med fristående ord eller mera underförstått framgå av sammanhanget.

(ii) Språk skiljer sig åt beträffande hur specifikt ordförrådet är för ett visst område av verkligheten. Det engelska ordet "grandmother" motsvaras t ex av de två svenska orden "mormor" och "farmor". Ett annat 27

omdiskuterat exempel är hur olika kulturer känt behov av olika fint specificerade sätt att klassificera snö. Medan spanskan har ett ord "nieve" i allmänt bruk har svenskan flera ord (snö, slask, driva, skare, nysnö, komsnö, kramsnö, tö etc) och samiska och eskimåspråk ännu fler ord. Andra mycket kända exempel är de sätt på vilket olika språk delar upp färgskalan. Här finner vi enligt litteraturen en variation från språk med enbart ord for "ljust" och "mörkt" (tex tivspråket på Nya Guinea) till språk med en mycket specifikare indelning - nio-tio färgord i allmänt bruk (t ex svenska eller engelska). Ett ytterligare exempel rör födoämnen; engelska har ofta specialord för ett djurs kött "calf - veal", sheep - mutton", deer - venison" medan svenska här ofta tar djurets beteckning och lägger till "kött" - "kalvkött". "fårkött" och "hjortkött". Svenska har därför här ett mindre specificerat ordförråd.

(iii) Språk kan också skilja sig åt i gränsdragningen på en viss specificitetsnivå.

Även i detta fall kan färgorden tjäna som exempel. Två språk kan ha lika många färgtermer men kan ändå dra gränserna mellan färgerna på olika sätt.

(iv) Språk kan skilja sig åt med avseende på vilka företeelser de uttrycker med samma ord (ordens polysemistruktur är olika).

Det svenska verbet gå kan t ex användas på sätt som inte är möjligt för de engelska orden go eller walk. 28

Min prenumeration går ut (*go, *walk) Det går att se kyrkan härifrån (*go, *walk) Det går ut på att vinna (*go, *walk)

På samma sätt motsvaras inte engelskans go alltid av svenskans gå.

go by bus (*go-> åka) go-between (*gå -> mellanhand)

(v) Språk kan skilja sig åt i grundläggande konceptualisering? Mera spekulativt än vad som gäller för de skillnader som hittills diskuterats har man hävdat (se Whorf 1956) att språk kan tillhandahålla olika grundläggande konceptualisering av verkligheten. Medan i västerländska språk ting ( entiteter) uppfattas som grundläggande (de uppbär egenskaper och relationer och deltar i processer), har det hävdats att det finns kulturer där processer är mer grundläggande, t ex vissa indianspråk i sydvästra USA där man kan tänka sig yttranden av typen "springandet bufflar". Det vi normalt skulle betrakta som process görs till en reifierad utgångspunkt som i en process individueras till bufflar.

(vi) Språk kan också skilja sig åi pragmatiskt dvs beträffande vilka talhandlingar och interaktionsrelationer de stöder. Kan man t ex lova, svära, gratulera, beklaga på alla språk? Denna fråga kan uppfattas på två nivåer. Den mest grundläggande frågan gäller om man överhuvudtaget kan använda språket för att uppnå de effekter man 29

brukar uppnå genom att lova, svära, gratulera och beklaga och den mindre grundläggande frågan gäller om det finns ord på språket för att beskriva dessa företeelser. Beträffande sociala relationer tvingas man av en del språk (tex japanska eller javanesiska) att i stort sett alltid klassificera både sig själv och sin samtalspartner ur social, hierarkisk synpunkt. Denna typ av klassificering förekommer naturligtvis också ofta utan att språkligt markeras och frågan blir precis som i andra fall vilken betydelse det har att språket möjliggör eller som i detta fall nödvändiggör ett uppmärksammande av den.

Exemplen ovan har visat att språk kan vara innehållsmässigt olika på flera sätt. Språk är emellertid också lika och forskningen har presenterat en lång lista på kandidater till likheter mellan språk. I viss mån beror ens acceptans av likheter respektive skillnader mellan språk på hur abstrakt man tillåter sig vara. Man kan t ex på ett relativt högt abstraktionsplan säga att alla språk kan ange tidsförankring utan att gå närmare in på hur uppdelningen av tid sker, med vilka språkliga medel den sker eller om den måste uttryckas underförstått, implicit. På ett lägre abstraktionsplan kan man vara mera konkret och specifik och säga att inte alla språk har tempusändelser på verb. Några exempel på semantiska universale skulle kunna vara att alla språk kan uttrycka (i) påståenden, frågor, uppmaningar och utrop. (ii) negation (iii) kvantifiering (alla, många, få) (iv) tids- och rumsförankring 30

(v) talar och lyssnarförankring (vi) ting, egenskaper, processer, relationer, tillstånd, händelser och skeenden.

5. Leder semantiska oliketer mellan språk till olikheter i sätten att tänka/handla hos språkens talare? För att svara på denna fråga kan vi börja med att skilja på korttids- och långtidseffekter av semantiska skillnader mellan språk. Med ett mycket kort tidsperspektiv kan man hävda alla semantiska skillnader mellan språk är viktiga för tänkandet eftersom man i tanken upplever betydelsen av det man säger medan man talar/lyssnar ( eller skriver/läser). Man tänker medan man talar (och ibland innan). Sådana "taltankar" måste med nödvändighet bli olika för olika språk eftersom inte alla språk är semantiskt/pragmatiskt lika. Frågan är bara vilka långtids• effekter detta :far. Ett sätt att studera denna fråga är just att reflektera lite mer över relationen mellan språk och tanke och denna relations förhållande till eventuella semantiska skillnader mellan språk. Handlar och tänker människor med semantiskt olika språk på olika sätt? Svaret på frågan beror bl a på hur olika språk visar sig vara semantiskt sett och bl a på hur stark kopplingen mellan språk - tanke och handling anses vara. I nedanstående tabell ställer jag dessa två dimensioner mot varandra. Tabell I. Semantiska skillnader mellan språk och beroende språk-tanke

Semantiska skillnader Beroende språk-tanke små stora Stort 1 2 Litet 3 4 31

Om man funderar lite på tabellen ser man att det egentligen bara är ruta 2 som är förbunden med "språklig relativism" i stark mening, dvs den åsikt där man antar att det finns stora semantiska skillnader mellan språk och vidare antar att språk och tanke är starkt beroende av varandra och att dessa två förhållanden får till följd att talare av semantiskt skilda språk kommer att tänka och handla på olika sätt. Denna ruta motsvarar därför den position som från medeltiden till våra dagar har intagits av nominalister som menar att språk och tanke inte kan skiljas åt. Den motsvarar också den position som intagits av s.k. "språkliga relativister", dvs. den tradition som inleddes av Johan Herder och sedan via Wilhelm von Humboldt, Franz Boas och Edward Sapir leder fram till Benjamin Lee Whorf, där man hävdar att olika folkgrupper tänker radikalt olika på grund av de språk de talar. På samma sätt leder antagandet om små semantiska skillnader mellan språk och litet beroende mellan språk och tanke ganska direkt till slutsatsen att språkliga skillnader är oväsentliga för att förstå skillnader i tanke och handling mellan människor på olika ställen på jorden. Rutorna 1 och 4 är mer problematiska. Om man anser att de semantiska skillnaderna mellan språk är små men att beroendet mellan språk och tanke är stort förväntar man sig inte heller stora skillnader i tanke och handling mellan talare av olika språk, tvärtom kan man genom att studera de semantiska likheterna mellan språk troligen på ett effektivt sätt underlätta möjligheterna till kommunikation mellan människor från olika delar av jorden. Ruta 2 motsvarar därför den position som finns i den medeltida spekulativa grammatiken, där man antog ett starkt universellt samband mellan verklighetens kategorier, tankens kategorier och språkets kategorier. En liknande position finns under upplysningstiden i den franska Port Royal grammatiken, som, liksom under medeltiden, antar ett starkt universellt 32 samband mellan tanke och språk, men till skillnad från den medeltida teorin inte hävdar anknytningen till verklighetskategorier. Ruta 3 innebär att man hävdar att de semantiska skillnaderna mellan språk är små och att beroendet mellan språk och tanke är litet. Denna position antogs ofta oreflekterat under antiken, eftersom man inte problematiserat språkets inflytande på tanken. I våra dagar kan man säga att det är den position som intas av Noam Chomsky, som dels hävdar att det finns stora likheter mellan världens språk och dessutom hävdar att sambandet mellan språk och tanke är svagt. Språket är en egen förmåga som fungerar delvis oberoende av kognition och tänkande. Ruta 4 bjuder på ytterligare en variation. Här anser man att de semantiska skillnaderna mellan språk är stora men att beroendet mellan språk och tanke är litet. De semantiska skillnaderna spelar i detta fall inte någon större roll eftersom de ändå egentligen inte påverkar tanke och handling. Denna syn kan troligen lätt leda till att man betraktar de mänskliga språken som en anakronistisk, irrationell kvarleva från ett tidigare stadium av mänsklighetens historia och att det vore bättre för mänskligheten att göra sig av med den språkliga mångfalden och övergå till ett enda språk. Detta språk skulle idag av realpolitiska skäl vara engelska. Denna position är, så vitt jag vet, inte företrädd inom vetenskapen, utan återfinns troligen oftast i affärsvärlden eller bland politiska administratörer som företräder stora nationer.

6. Kan de olika positionerna förenas? Det lättaste sätt att förena de olika positionerna är att hävda att v1 fortfarande inte vet hur vi skall placera oss på de två dimensionerna. Vi vet inte hur stora skillnaderna mellan språk kan vara semantiskt/pragmatiskt 33 och vi vet inte hur beroende språk - tanke och handling är av varandra. Detta är i själva verket också den situationen som de facto råder och som lett till ett återuppväckt intresse för dessa frågor (se Gumperz och Levinson 1996). En av möjligheterna är här att bli mera specifik om den typ av semantiska skillnader, tankar, handlingar och beroenden det gäller och att studera de olika fallen noggrannare i detalj. Det skulle ju kunna vara så att det finns stora skillnader mellan språk inom ett semantiskt område utan att det därför finns det inom ett annat. Vi kanske t ex strukturerar "rummet" olika men "tiden" lika. Det kan också vara så att olika kommunikativa och språkliga uttrycksmedel (jämför t ex gester, mimik, tonfall, ordfönåd, konstruktions typer, idiom och ordspråk) med olika grader av medvetenhet och avsiktlighet är förbundna med tanke och handling. Dessutom är det troligt att olika mentala aktiviteter påverkas på olika sätt, (jämför t ex de ovan nämnda "taltankama" med varseblivning, känsla, minne, fantasi, dröm, reflektion och planering). Betydelsen av semantiska skillnader kan mycket väl vara olika stor för dessa aktiviteter. Det kan alltså vara så att semantiska skillnader påverkar vissa typer av tankar och handlingar mer än andra och att påverkan kan vara av olika slag. Vi skulle tex kunna undersöka om skillnader i benämningar av födoämnen påverkar vårt sätt att äta och smälta maten i mindre grad än vad skillnader i släktskapsterminologi påverkar social organisation. En närliggande tanke är här att grundläggande "kantianska kategorier" borde vara lika i alla språk men att språk mycket väl kan skilja sig beträffande aspekter som är mindre beroende av primära perceptuella och kognitiva mekanismer. Även om denna uppfattning fortfarande förefaller konekt har den i viss mån blivit ifrågasatt genom en rad studier som visar 34 att vår rumsliga organisation är mera språkberoende än man väntat sig (se Levinson 1998). De språkliga skillnaderna tycks även spela en roll för hur man faktiskt orienterar sig i rummet och för hur man hanterar föremål. Åtminstone i detta fall leder semantiska skillnader till skillnader i tanke och handling. Debatten är emellertid inte på något vis avslutad.

Slutord Frågan om hur språkets förhåller sig till tanke och världsbild är inte slutgiltigt besvarad utan är under fortsatt utforskning. Resultaten av denna forskning är viktiga för hur vi teoretiskt skall förstå språk - och kulturskillnaders natur men också för hur vi praktiskt skall förhålla oss till språk och kulturskillnader i ett läge där kontakter mellan människor med olika språk- och kulturbakgrund blir allt vanligare. Det är troligt att skillnader i uppfattningen av relationen mellan språk och tanke också kan få politiska konsekvenser. Om man anser att skillnaderna mellan språk är små eller att beroendet mellan språk och tanke är svagt framstår troligen jordens språkliga mångfald enbart som ett hinder, eventuellt charmerande och pittoreskt, men dock som ett hinder för samarbete och samverkan. Om man däremot anser att skillnaderna mellan språk kan vara stora såväl semantiskt som pragmatiskt och att beroendet mellan språk och tanke är relativt starkt blir attityden troligen en annan. Den språkliga mångfalden behöver då inte uteslutande ses som ett hinder för samverkan utan också som ett uttryck för årtusenden av mänskliga ansträngningar att begreppsliggöra vår sociala och naturliga omvärld. Att låta resultaten av denna långvariga, kollektiva informationsbearbetning av vår omvärld försvinna på grund av kortsiktiga samverkansvinster kan på längre sikt te sig som mycket irrationellt. 35

LITTERATURFÖRTECKNING Allwood, J. 1983. Kan man tänka oberoende av språk? in U. Teleman (ed.) Tal och Tanke, Lund: Liber. Allwood, J. 1986. Mentalitet och språk; Några reflektioner, in P. Sällström (ed.) Mentaliteter, Memorandum from the Board of Åbo Akademi Research Institute No. 118. Bloom, A. 1981. The Linguistic Shaping of thought: A Study in the Impact

of La11guage 011 Thinking in China and the West. Hillsdale, N.J.: Lawrence Erlbaum. Geertz, C. 1973. 'I11eInterpretation of Cultures: Basic Books. New York. Gumperz, J.J. and Levinson, S.C. (eds.). 1996. Rethinking Linguistic Relativity. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Levinson, S.C. 1998. Studying Spatial Conceptualization across Cultures. In E. Danziger (ed.), Language, Space, and Culture. Special issue of Ethos: Journal oj the Society for Psychological Anthropology, 26(1 ): 7- 24. Rheingold, H. 1988. They have a Word for it. Los Angeles: Jeremy P. Tarcher. Whorf. B. L. 1956. Language, Thought and Rea/ity. Cambridge, Mass.: MITPress. 36

Wishful Thinking and Argumentation through Metonymy

Rafael Jimenez Cata,io University ofthe Holy Cross, Rome [email protected]

The subject I propose to discuss could sta1t with a question like the following - what exactly is the valid argumentation whose corruption is wishful thinking? Or - what is the valid version of wishful thinking? There are many fallacies whose names are better known than those of valid argumentation schemes. Moreover, some schemes are wrongly regarded as fallacies simply because their name has become associated with the name of a fallacy.

1. Some terminology-triggered mistakes

I propose to examine three examples to illustrate my point. 1. "Slippery Slope" is the name of a fallacy. The non-fallacious argumentation with the same scheme is referred toas - "Transitivity ofConditional." 2. "Appeal to Authority" is often treated as the name of a fallacy, although the use of an appeal to authority can sometimes be perfectly valid. 3. "Straw Man" is also the name of a fallacy. Its corresponding valid scheme is not so clear as the case of Slippery Slope / Transitivity of Conditional. Its structure is a simplification, and simplifications have valid uses, for example as pedagogical resources. It would be a the case of a path "from better known to lesser known." 37

2. Real metonymies

Consequently, I think that there are some argumentation strategies through metonymy that, when corrupted, become instances of wishful thinking. I will discuss two types of metonymy (or groups of metonymies), that can undergo this corruption. I have found the first case in entities I studied in the field of poetics - artistic creation, poetic experience, with strong Iinks to the human condition. For entities like these I have encountered and employed the denomination "real symbol". I regard them as a type of metonymy, and one can call them "real metonymies" because it is a case of a subject's knowledge and expression being intrinsically metonymic. Think ofthe following pairs ofterms:

text poem body person caress affection romance love meeting communion merry-making celebration performance song

The entities on the left side represent the way to reach the entities on the right. These pairs are vehicle and target in a cognitive sense, on the basis of something real, and not necessarily in a linguistic sense, or at Ieast not with the same value (especially not with the same pragmatic value). The real basis could be formulated in this way - the reality on the left side is already the reality on the right, but the latter cannot be reduced to the former. 38

3. Vehicle and target in real metonymies

Even more importantly, there are not always instantiations of the same relationship. The vehicle is for the target a mixture of place, expression, substratum, part, instrument. It is the place, but a place that is at the same time part of the situated thing (think of body / person); it is the expression, but it is itself the expressed thing (think of caress / affection); it is the substratum, but so constitutive of the whole, that one could easily mistake it for the whole (think of merry-making I celebration); it is a part, but our experience is that of just having the target (think of performance / song); itis an instrument, but an instrument that cannot be separated (think oftext / poem). These pairs of terms highlight each other. Maybe "body" makes more frequently a binomial with "soul," and, ifwe think ofthe caress as the body of the affection, what is the rest? Here I prefer to think of the affection as the whole entity, like the person, not as the "other part" of the whole, like the soul. Two texts by Luigi Pareyson and Octavio Paz offer a revealing parallelism between human being and artistic work. Luigi Pareyson writes: "The work of art is inseparable from the performance that gives it life and at the same time irreducible to each one of its performances" (1982:71 ).1 Octavio Paz writes: "Yes, our condition consists in not being identified with any of our particular incamations, but also in not existing except as incamated in what we are not" (1986: 193).2 Radden and Kövecses (1999:31) explain ear in relation to 'hearing,' brain in relation to 'intellect,' hand in relation to 'control' as "abstract things for their concrete parts." However, I find it hard to think that on the

1 "L'opera d'arte e inseparabile dall'esecuzione che la fä vivere e al tempo stesso irriducibile a ciascuna delle proprie esecuzioni." 2 "Nuestra condici6n consiste en no identificarse eon nada de aquello en que encama, si, pero tambien en no existir sino encamando en lo que no es ella misma." 39

right column we have abstract things. Is love an abstract entity? Or the person? Or the song? If "abstract" means simply "untouchable," then it is true that we perceive the entities on the right only insofar as we perceive the entities on the left side. But who considers a person untouchable? It obviously depends on our conception ofhuman being (our anthropology). I think that the whole referent of pronouns like "I," "you," and that of proper names is a biography. The full meaning of "I" is my entire life, and what I know about myself functions metonymically to denote me. Following what Radden and Kövecses call the "principles goveming the selection of the preferred vehicle" (l 999:44ff), we can find in these columns the principles "concrete over abstract," "bodily over emotional / actional / mental / perceptual," "visible over invisible," "immediate over non-immediate." But I have to emphasise once more that these are real metonymies - accessing the song through the performance isn't a choice of style.

4. Misunderstandings, mistakes and deceits through real metonimies

It is easy to see the possibility of perceiving the vehicle (real vehicle) without perceiving the target, maybe thinking that we have perceived it. In this case we can speak of wishful thinking: "I have listened to him reading that poem, but he hasn't understood anything"; "you think you have obtained her love, but she was just searching fora romance"; "they are able to engage in much merry-making, but not to celebrate anything." And there is somcthing similar in bcing together in the family without real harmony, and the same in the churches. Now, there is also the possibility of thinking that someone has perceived only the vehicle when he has really perceived the whole. This would be a false accusation of wishful thinking in the origin of which I 40 think there is usually an incapacity to see in a certain way. In order to see like another we have to share a horizon. I'm not able to see that he/she perceived the whole, when I don't share the horizon that enables me to understand the connection between vehicle and target. This means that the falsity of such accusations comes from a defective reading, an enoneous interpretation. Real metonymies are always weak in this aspect of vulnerability. It's the weakness of all metaphors too. I think that there is even a certain kind of definition that exhibits the same weakness.

5. Metonymic definitions

This leads us to the second type ofmetonymy (or metonymies). I have read and studied Octavio Paz relatively much and written about him too. I am indebted to him in much of what I have to say now, for example on the relationship between text and poem, and the analogy with the human condition. One of his better known books, The Labyrinth of the Solitude, offers a description of the Mexican condition. I write condition because he highlights the fäet that it isn 't a philosophical essay about Mexican being, about "mexicanity." Very often people have told me that they find these descriptions stereotyped, ananged to find what the author wanted to find. This is what I mean by "defective reading." (See appendix 1). Aristotle uses such descriptive definitions and justifies them. In Topics (I, 1, 10la23-24) he introduces "a description in outline of the different kinds of reasoning," and explains - "in general, as regards all those already mentioned and to be mentioned hereafter, let this distinction suffice for us, since we do not propose to give the exact definition of any of them but merely wish to describe them in outline, considering it quite enough, in accordance with the method which we have set before us, to be able to 41 recognize each of them in some way or other. "3 This is the justification. Such definitions are widely used by him - about happiness (Rhetoric, I, chapter 5), about the notions of good and its typology (ch. 6 and 7) and, through the whole second book, about passions and characters. Consider the description of the young, the old, the rich, etc. (ch.12-17). I chose as appendix 2 the description of the lucky man because it is short. Like the definition of the Mexican by Paz, not every lucky person is exactly this, all this and nothing else. In his translation and commentary on the Rhetoric, Quintfn Racionero calls this "definici6n dialectica" (1994:205), although this terminology is not in widespread use. The wishfulness occurs in taking something meant to describe "in outline" as an exact definition. Note that not every corruption of such descriptions is wishful thinking. If we take this description in a dynamic way, i.e., what or how must a lucky person be (we can also admit "what I think he/she must be), then the wrong reading will be a wishful thinking ('fearful thinking', if the expectations are negative?). As a description of what it is, its wrong reading would correspond to other fallacies, such as the caricature or the straw man. Let us consider another case of definition. A whole range of poetic descriptions of human types have been handed down from Ancient Mexico - the man, the woman, the little gir!, the old woman, the sage, the artist. There are many descriptions of concrete artists - the potter, the poet, the painter, the goldsmith, the feather-artist, the smith, the jeweller, the singer (cf. CMRA). These descriptions have three parts. First, "the painter," and some characteristics of this kind of artist; second, "the good painter," with more characteristics; third, "the bad painter," and again some character-

3 See Rhet., I, 10, 136%31-32: "We must regard our definitions as sufficient in each case, provided they are neither obscure nor too precise." See also NE, I, 7, 1098a26-29. 42 istics. As you can guess, between the characteristics of "the painter" and those of "the good painter" there is no relevant difference. (See appendix 3). It seems obvious that a description of the artist has the characteristics of the good artist, and this isn't wishful thinking in itself, although it could be in certain cases. Taking the bad case instead of the neutral definition is often the scheme of the straw man fallacy, for example, presenting as rhetoric a corruption of the rhetoric (as the art of deceiving, for instance), like presenting Islam as Islamic fundamentalism. This is not exactly the metonymy of scales, like height for the scale 'low - tall,' or width for the scale 'wide - narrow,' depth for the scale 'deep - shallow,' etc. (Also the truth value for 'true' or 'false,' although this is not a scale.) This is the principle called by Radden-Kövesces "more over less" (1999:47), and our case is close to it, hut I find more relevant here the principle "ideal over norr-ideal" (better than "stereotypical over non stereotypical" and "typical over non-typical").

6. Usage of real metonymies

As regards the uses of the linguistic metonymy through real metonymies, I can only mention the most typical. In an unconscious way (i.e., thinking that the vehicle is the whole reality), it's a reading error or an existential choice. In both cases one has in mind only the vehicle. It is also possible to have only the concept on the left side, while using the name on the right side (saying "celebration" and thinking "merry-making"; saying "communion" and thinking "meeting"). After getting incorporated into the history of words and concepts, such metonymies (sometimes with an original euphemistic value) often have a degrading effect when they are 43 lexicalized, as is the case of making lave for 'having sex' and charity for 'alms.' In a deliberate way, it would be a stylistic choice to use the name ofthe vehicle in order to denote the target. In this case, depending on the real relationship between the members, the target can be upgraded or downgraded. The latter is more frequently the case, and namely in three different ways.

1. To speak derogatively of that reality. For example, the altar-piece of the Cathedral ofMexico City, a masterwork of 18th century baroque, was described by Joaquin Femandez de Lizardi, author of the first novel published in Latin America, as "a heap of wood, gilded in ancient taste and very indecent" (cf. Belgodere 2002:14).

2. To divert the attention from it. Think of J.S. Bach's well-known words about his mastery with the organ: "all you have to do is touch the right key at the right time and the instrument will play itself' (Geiringer 1981:205).

3. To reconsider its importance, by reminding one's readers of its material substrate. This is very common in spiritual authors. Think of the use of 'flesh' to designate the human being.4

4 St. Josemaria Escrivå writes "Gluttony is an ugly vice. Don't you feel a bit amused and even disgusted, when you see a group of dignified gentlemen, seated solemnly around a table, stufjing fatty substances info their stomachs, with an air of ritual, as if that were an end in itself'?" (The Way, n.679. I used the web page ) 44

And finally, conceming the risks of reasoning with metonymies, I only recall what has been said, i.e. that there is the possibility of: a) fälling inta wishful thinking; b) being falsely accused of wishful thinking; c) seeing erroneously an instance of wishful thinking in someone else, because one

References

Belgodere, F. 2002. Preface to Mexico Virreinal. Arias para voz y piano de Manuel de Zumaya y Vicente Ortiz de Zarate, Raul Banderas Aceves [ed.], Guadalajara: Universidad de Guadalajara - Centra Universitario de Arte, Arquitectura y Disefio. CMRA, C6dice Matritense de la Real Academia, Nahua texts of Sahagun's indigenous infonnants. Geiringer, K. 1981. I Bach, Storia di una dinastia musicale (orig.: The Bach Family), Milano: Rusconi. Pareyson, L. 1982. Verita e inte1pretazione, 2nd ed., Milano: Mursia. Paz, 0. 1985. The Labyrinth oj Solitude, trans!. from the Spanish by Lysander Kemp, Yara Milos, and Rachel Phillips Belash - New York: Grove Weidenfeld. (original 1st edition: 1950) Paz, 0. 1986. El area yla lira, Mexico: Fondo de Cultura Econ6mica. (1st edition: 1956). Racionero, Q. 1994. Introduction and notes to Aristoteles, Ret6rica, Madrid: Gredos. 45

Radden G. and Z. Kövecses. 1999. Towards a Theory of Metonymy, in AA.VV., Metonymy in Language and Thought, Panther, K.-U., and G. Radden (ed.), Amsterdam: John Benjamins.

Appendices

1. The Mexican, according to Octavio Paz. "The Mexican, whether young or old, criollo or mestizo, general or laborer or lawyer, seems to me to be a person who shuts himself away to protect himself: his face is a mask and so is his smile. In his harsh solitude, which is both barbed and courteous, everything serves him as a defense: silence and words, politeness and disdain, irony and resignation. He is jealous of his own privacy and that of others, and he is afraid even to glance at his neighbor, because a mere glance can trigger the rage of these electrically charged spirits. He passes through life like a man who has been flayed, everything can hurt him, including words and the very suspicion of words. His language is full of reticences, of metaphors and allusions, of unfinished phrases, while his silence is full of tints, folds, thunderheads, sudden rainbows, indecipherable threats. Even in a quarrel he prefers veiled expressions to outright insults: 'A word to the wise is sufficient.' He builds a wall of indifference and remoteness between reality and himself, a wall that is no less impenetrable for being invisible. The Mexican is always remote, from the world and from other people. And also from himself." (Paz 1985:29)

2. The Iucky person, according to Aristotle.

"Good fortune and its divisions [noble birth, wealth and power] exhibits characters corresponding to those which have just been mentioned; for those which appear to be the most important kinds of good fortune tend in 46 their direction; further, good fortune fumishes advantages over others in the blessing of children and bodily goods. [1391b} Now, although men are more arrogant and thoughtless owing to good fortune, it is accompanied by a most precious quality. Fortunate men stand in a certain relation to the divinity and love the gods, having confidence in them owing to the benefits they have received from fortune." (Aristotle, Rhetoric, II, 17)

3. The artist, according to Ancient Mexico's teaching.

"The artist: disciple, abundant, multiple, industrious. The artist is elever, prepares himself, is capable. He engages in dialogue with his heart, finds things with his mind. The true artist draws out everything from his heart. He works with pleasure, makes things with calm, with care. He acts like a tolteca, composes things, capably works, creates. He arranges things, he completes them, he makes them adjust. The bad artist acts at random, makes fun of people. He makes things opaque, overlooks things. He acts without care, disappoints people, he isa thief." (CMRA, föl. 115v-116r) THE RHETORIC OF POLITICAL DISCOURSE 48 49

GRA TEFUL USA: A speech act analysis of thanking behaviour

Tille Van Hecke1 University of Antwerp ti11e.va11hecke@,J1a.ac.be

According to Brown & Levinson (1978:72) the speech act of thanking is threatening for the negative face of the speaker (S), insofar as it consists of admitting his/her indebtedness. More recently, Kerbrat-Orecchioni (1996:54, 2001:74) labelled it a flattering act for the positive face of the hearer (H), insofar as it consists in pointing out his/her generosity. However, as will be shown below, a cunning thank:er can also benefit him/herself from his/her expression of gratitude, in the sense that (s)he can use it to affirm his/her power. H, on the other hand, may feel offended, instead of flattered. The object of the present study is the expression of gratitude by the USA to foreign states after the September 2001 attacks up to the present (October 2003), and is based upon 18 written press texts reporting the speech act of thanking performed by US President George W. Bush, US Secretary of State Collin Powell, or US Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld towards a foreign state (12 entire transcripts of speeches and 6 texts in which S's thanks are quoted). These thanks will be discussed from three points of view within speech act theory, namely (i) their illocutionary

1 I would like to thank Tony Bastow, Pieter Van Hecke and Cristi Mujdei for their sharp-eyed corrections and suggestions. 50

force indicating devices (henceforth IFIDs), (ii) their propositional content2 (henceforth p ), and (iii) their preparatory conditions.

1. Illocutionary force indicating devices (IFIDs) Out of a total of 32 IFIDs of thanking in the corpus, 15 are a variation on the formula I am grateful (to be grateful (12), to be thanlifitl (1), to express gratitude (2)), whereas 10 are a variation on the formula I appreciate (to appreciate (4), to express s.o. 's appreciation (5), to be appreciative (1)). The speech act verb to thank is used only 7 times. The thanker's altemating preference for one of these formulas could be explained to a certain extent by the way in which each expression elucidates, or on the contrary, overshadows the roles which the speech act of thanking assigns to the interlocutors, namely on the one hand, the thanker's role as beneficimy, debtor and valuator, and on the other, the thankee's role as benefactor, creditor and subject of evaluation. The formula I am grateful could be considered as the most heartfelt - S states explicitly his/her feeling of gratefulness - and at the same time as the most face enhancing for H - insofar as it emphasizes his/her quality of benefactor who deserves S's feeling of gratefulness. In other words, this formula is particularly appropriate to show that S has the loyalty to admit (and this is a good thing for his/her positive face) that (s)he has received a favour. On the other hand, however, the formula I am gratefid has a property which may make S avoid it and prefer one of the other two formulas. By explicitly stating his/her feeling of gratefulness towards H, S admits - more

2 IFIDs are the expressions S uses to indicate that his speech act has to be taken as a thanks; p is the fäet S thanks for. So, for example, in "I am grateful for your support", I am gratefi1Iis the IFID, whereas your support is p. 51 overtly than in the other formulas - his/her indebtedness to H, and hence the Iatter's (albeit occasional) powerful position of creditor. The formula I appreciate, on the other hand, focuses rather on S's attitude regarding p. Moreover, it can be used to express an evaluation, rather than a mere feeling. As such, the fmmula I appreciate allows S to present p as something which should be considered - from a neutral point of view - as a right action, rather than as something S enjoys because it is profitable to him/her. Likewise, it allows Sto present Has someone who - from a neutral point of view - did the right thing, and not merely as S's benefactor. The formula with the speech act verb to thank is the least used. This could be because it is the most förmal and common formula to thank, the one that is also used in routine situations, the least "heartfelt". On the other hand, it allows Sto clearly indicate that (s)he performs the act of thanking, without stressing any specific role ofthe interlocutors. To resume, the formula I am grateful puts in evidence S's role of beneficiary and debtor, and hence Hs role of benefactor and creditor, whereas the formula I appreciate allows the toning down ofthese roles and at the same time allows to place more evidence on S's evaluating role. The verb to thank is the most neutral IFID. These subtle differences in the staging of the interlocutor's roles can be noticed for example in fragment (1), an extract from Rumsfeld's speech held at a press conference in Tirana, 10th June, 2003:

(1) Generals and Excellencies, I am very pleased to be here. We've had good meetings with the Minister ofDefense, the Prime Minister, the President and the Chief of the General Staff. I thanked each of them 52

for the strong support that Albania has given to the global war on terror. We particularly appreciate and value the assistance in Afghanistan as well as in Iraq. [ ... ] I also want to mention the fäet that Albania has signed the Article 98 with respect to the International Criminal Court [bilateral non-surrender agreements]. The decision lo do that was something that the people oj the United States, the Government oj the United States and certainly the men and women oj the Armed Forces oj the United States appreciate a great deal. [ ... ] The reason for my visit is not mysterious at all. I know that's hard for some to believe. But the huth is that I was invited; I accepted. And the reason I accepted is because I value the relationship the United States has with Albania. It is important to us, and this gave me an opportunity to come here and meet with the senior officials and express my appreciation and my country 's appreciationfor their full cooperation in so many activities. [http://usinfo.state.gov/regional/ eur/balkans/03 0610-rumsfeld.htm]

In none of these thanks does Rumsfeld use the formula I am grateful. What would have been the difference if he had? He would have placed more emphasis on America's indebtedness to Albania, and hence on the latter's role of benefactor and creditor, which would not be so expedient for the US. Over the last few years, Albania's intemational image has been blurred by extending mafia networks of drug traffic and human trade. In addition to this tarnished image, Albania is a far too small anq insignificant nation ( oil facilities notwithstanding) to be deemed worthy of the indebtedness of such a mighty and righteous world power as the US. 53

Instead, using the verb to thank, Rumsfeld clearly fulfills his duty to thank Albania, but without compromising America's image. Further on, the verb to appreciate suggests the evaluating role of the US, rather than its role as beneficiary who enjoys p just because it is advantageous for it to do so.

2. Propositional content The corpus contains 28 p's, that is, in 28 cases S mentions explicitly what he is thanking for. In 3 of these cases p is JI's expression of condolences following the 9/11 attacks. In all the 25 remaining cases, p is JI's assistance, collaboration, help, but most of all his support for the American war against terrorism. The noun support appears 15 times, and in most of these cases it is further specified as, or has to be understood as, "your support in our war against terrorism". Obviously, the use of the noun support offers several advantages. Unlike, for instance, the noun help, it does not present the person who receives the support as weak, as someone who would not succeed without the intervention of the other. Moreover, the noun support can stand for a lot of things: support can be material as well as mental, that is, it can be understood as the other's agreement with your ideas. In general, the thanker in our corpus does not specify which concrete actions of Hhe actually refers to by using the word support. However, even if one leaves it an open question whether those actions were indeed meant by H to support America's war against terrorism (this is history), one should notice (and this is pragmatics) that if they were not meant as such, then thanking H in this way is a very handy way to affirm that he does support America's war against terrorism. Why? Because, when performing 54

a speech act, S presents himself as considering the preparatory conditions ofhis speech act fulfilled. Or, as Alston (2000:54) puts it: when performing a speech act, Stakes the responsibility for the preparatory conditions to be fulfilled. Now, one of the preparatory conditions of thanking is that p is true. The factuality of p is a general preparatory condition which holds for all expressive speech acts, and which stems from the fäet that they have no direction of fit: the illocutionary point of an expressive speech act is not to make the world fit the propositional content (as is the case in directive and commissive speech acts), nor to make the propositional content fit the world (as is the case in assertive speech acts), but to express S's feeling regarding the propositional content, whose factuality is out ofthe question. For this reason, expressive speech acts lend themselves to gently impose on Ha propositional content which, asserted on its own, would be rejected.

By the way, H's support for the American war against terrorism is not the only p whose factuality one may have doubts about. One other example is (2), a fragment of Bush's speech in Berlin, in front of the German Bundestag, 23th May, 2002:

(2) [ ... ] America and Europe need each other to fight and win the war against global terror. My nation is so grateful for the sympathy of the German people, and for the strong support of Germany and all ofEurope. Troops from more than a dozen European countries have deployed in and around Afghanistan, including thousands from this country - the first deployment of German forces outside of Europe since 1945. German soldiers have died in this war, and we moum 55

their loss as we do our own. German authorities are on the trail of terrorist cells and finances. And German police are helping Afghans build their own police force. And we 're so grateful for the support. [http://www. whitehouse. gov/news/releases/2002/05/20020 523- 2.html]

The German people did manifest their sympathy, but for an America that was mouming its victims of the 9/11 attacks, not for an America waging war on Afghanistan. Mentioning the German people's sympathy while talking about war ("America and Europe need each other to fight and win the war against global te1rnr"), suggests that Germany's sympathy still holds also for war-waging America. However, before Bush's visit, people all over Germany came out in vociferous anti-Bush demonstrations and protest movements. Bush cautiously presents his nation as the beneficiary, but this nation includes himself. By implicitly stating the sympathy ofthe German people, he makes it understood that there are German people who do manifest their unconditional sympathy for the US, and that he has no knowledge of the part of the German people who do not agree with the US.

3. Preparatory conditions The factuality of p is not the only preparatory condition which is played upon. In Van Hecke (2001 :167) it is argued that ifthe nation ofpreparatory conditions is to be understood as "the circumstances which are commonly considered to be required in order for the performance of a certain speech act to be normal", then the act of thanking has - in addition to those stipulated by Searle and Vanderveken (1985:212) (i.e. Cl: p isa fäet, and 56

C2: p is good for S) - the preparatory condition C3 that S has the right to consider p as a benefit for him.

I am not convinced that the preparatory condition C3 is always satisfied in my corpus (not to say that I'm convinced that it is not). Let's have a look at (3), a fragment of a speech which Bush gave at a press conference at the White House, on the occasion of the official visit of Spain's Prime Minister Aznar, in May 2003 :

(3) I want to thank the President for Spain 's diplomatic support before the conjlict [in Iraq}, and for the use of Spanish airspace and bases as the war grew closer. I also offer my condolences to the family and friends of the two members of the Spanish media who lost their lives while covering the hostilities. Both Spain and the United States are committed to a stable, democratic and peaceful future for the people of Iraq. Spain has shown that commitment by sending medical and engineering units to help the Iraqi people. And I thank you for that help. [www.usembassy.it/file2003_5/alia/A3050702.htm]

From the very beginning of the war, Aznar has declared himself a convinced ally of the US. The Spanish public opinion, on the other hand, overwhelmingly condemned the use of force in Iraq. Notice that in his thanks, Bush takes care not to lump both parties together. The first part of his thanks is directed at Aznar with quite a precise description of p - "diplomatic support" and the permission to the US to "use the Spanish airspace and bases", in brief: efficient cooperation during the war. The 57

second part of the thanks is not so much directed at Aznar as at the Spanish people (even if Bush gently drives them together in the nation's name "Spain"). In this second part, p no longer contains the words "the conflict" nor "the war", but "the commitment to a stable, democratic and peaceful future for the people of Iraq". The Spanish people would take it badly to be considered as supporting America's war. Meanwhile, they are concemed about the lraqis, they want to help them. In the propositional content of his thanks Bush says exactly what the Spanish people want to do: "sending medical and engineering units", that is, helping the lraqis. So far, so good. But, by thanking Spain for that help, Bush makes it understood that he has the right to consider this help as a benefit to him. It is not on behalf of Iraq that he thanks, but on behalf of the US, by assigning himself the role of beneficiary. It is Bush who manages the war and its aftermath, and he appropriately thanks his allies for their help. In other words, although the sending of medical and engineering units may well have been the help the Spanish people wanted to give Iraq, it nevertheless positions Spain on Bush's side; it is construed as support for his war.

4. Conclusion In this paper it is shown how the thanker's role of beneficiary, debtor or evaluator on the one 4and, and the thankee's role ofbenefactor, creditor or subject of evaluation on the other hand can be emphasized, or on the contrary, toned down by S's choice of IFID. Furthermore, it is described how thanks can tum out to be profitable (instead of threatening) for S's face, and rather compromising (instead of flattering) for H's face, by virtue of the preparatory condition that S has the right to consider him/herself as the beneficiary of p. 58

References

Alston, W. P. 2000. Illocutionary acts and sentence meaning. New York: Cornell University Press. Brown, P. and S. C. Levinson. 1978. Universals in language use: Politeness phenomena. In: E. N. Goody (ed.). Questions and politeness: Strategies in social interaction, 56-289. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Kerbrat-Orecchioni, C. 1996. La conversation. Paris: Le Seuil. Kerbrat-Orecchioni, C. 2001. Les actes de langage dans le discours. Theorie et fonctionnement. Paris: Nathan. Searle, J. R. and D. Vanderveken. 1985. Foundations oj Illocutionary Logic. Cambridge : Cambridge University Press. Van Hecke, T. 2001. Contribution a la theorie des actes de langage: Le remerciement. Ph. D. Thesis, University of Antwerp. 59

On Rhetorically Constructed Emotions: The Appeal to Fear in President Bush's Address to the Nation (March 17, 2003)

Raphael Micheli University oj Lausa,me Raphael.Micheli@frm od. unil. ch

1. Introduction The aim of this paper is twofold: I wish to tackle the difficult question of rhetorically constructed emotions and present a case study in political discourse. I will first argue that unlike the ancient rhetorical tradition, modem argumentation theories say relatively little about how emotions may be appealed to in argumentative discourse in order to get an audience to follow or, at least, to approve of a particular course of action (§2). In order to illustrate this point of criticism, I will then proceed to the analysis of an affect-laden discourse, namely President George W. Bush's address to the nation on the eve of the US intervention in Iraq (March 17, 2003). This case study will allow me to focus on the appeal to fear. The latter 1 crucially involves the rhetorical construction of a threatening event • I will

1 There is much debate conceming the classification of fear appeals and their potential inclusion in the ad baculum category. Following Walton (1996: 305), one could distinguish between " an argument that is threatening and an argument that expresses a threat" (my italics). In this respect, both fear appeals and prototypical argumenta ad baculwn are threatening, but only the latter involve a speech act of threat. In an appeal to fear, the speaker suggests that if one does ( or fails to do) something, bad consequences will occur. Yet he does not" express a commitment to do [ ... ] what is 60

describe such a rhetorical construction as a multifaceted evaluation process (§3.1.). I will take a close look at the various linguistic devices which reflect the evaluation of both the outcome (§3.2.) and the causation (§3.3.) of the threatening event in question. As I go along, I will try and explain how the particular linguistic treatment of these facets of evaluation contributes to the rhetorical effectiveness ofGeorge W. Bush's presidential address.

2. Normative Approaches to Emotional Appeals: a Point of Criticism The argumentative potential of discursively constructed emotions is widely acknowledged throughout the classical rhetorical tradition. Wisse, for instance, has shown in some detail that in both Aristotle's and Cicero's works, "ethos and pathos are put on the same level as rational arguments" (1989: 2). However, modem argumentation theories say relatively little about the rhetorical construction of emotions. The latter is quite often discounted or at least made suspect owing to its so-called lack of rationality, but it is seldom studied in great detail. One notable exception can be found in the work ofWalton, particularly in The Place of Emotion in Argument (1992) and in Appeal to Pity (1997). His approach to emotional appeals in argumentative discourse is resolutely normative. What is at stake, in the end, is not so much to provide a linguistic description of emotional appeals as to evaluate them in a given context of dialogue. According to Walton, the analyst must ultirnately pass judgment and label emotional appeals as "right" or "wrong" considering the textual and contextual evidence at hand. required to bring about [ ... ] th[ ese] painful consequence[ s] ". In a prototypical ad bacu/um, however, the speaker " express[ es] a readiness to take steps !hat will bring about the bad outcome feared by the hearer" (Walton 1992: 152-153). 61

My mam criticism of Walton's work in particular and of normative approaches to emotional appeals in general is that they offer normative judgments without always backing them up with sufficient linguistic description and rhetorical explanation. A fine-grained linguistic description should establish what emotional appeals actually consist of by identifying the various linguistic units most likely to trigger emotions. A rhetorical explanation should help us understand the conditions under which emotional appeals can be effective. True, normative approaches state quite accurately what effects powerful emotional appeals might have on the audience. Y et these effects are seldom traced back to their linguistic origins and the reader does not really know why they are persuasive for their target audience. Using a medical metaphor, I would say that one may quite often agree with normative approaches on the final diagnosis, but that one will hardly be content with the linguistic and rhetorical examination.

3. A Case Study in Political Discourse: The Appeal to Fear in President Bush's Address to the Nation (March 17, 2003)

3.1. The Rhetorical Construction of a Threatening Event: A Multifaceted Evaluation Process In order to illustrate my criticism of normative approaches to emotional appeals, I will now tum to the analysis of President George Bush's address to the nation on the eve of the US intervention in Iraq (March 17, 2003)2. My aim is to discuss in some detail what, in my view, is somewhat neglected in those approaches, namely the linguistic and rhetorical

2 The reader can have access to the full transcript of this presidential address on the official website of the White House (http://www.whitehouse.gov/news/releases/2003/03/20030317-7.html). Both audio and video versions of the speech are available as well. 62 construction of emotional appeals. More precisely, I would like to pin down the discourse strategies by means of which an emotional appeal - in this case a fear appeal - is "grafted "3 onto a genre of practical reasoning. In President Bush's address to the nation, practical reasoning takes the form of an argument from negative consequences whose structure can be represented as follows (see Walton 1996: 303):

(i) If we (the United States government and military) fail to carry out action A, then negative consequences (B) will follow. (ii) Therefore, we ought to carry out action A

Where A is "disarming Saddam Hussein now" (§23) by applying "theji1llforce and might oj [the USJ militmy" (§18)

It is to be noticed that both A and B are presented as undesirable. In other words, they may be thought of as two evils. Yet, as President Bush's rhetoric strives to establish, A is by far the lesser, however painful it may look. In fäet, the argument can only be effective insofar as the anticipated cost of B proves significantly higher than the cost of carrying out action A. As Walton puts it: "The awful badness of [B], so to speak, must force the recipient toward the option of choosing the limited badness of A" (1996: 307). In order to overcome the reluctance to engage in action A, an effective fear appeal requires a strategic rhetorical construction of the threatening event. This might seem trivial at first, yet in order to trigger appropriate emotional responses, such a construction implies a rather complex process of evaluation. Here, one might refer to an assumption which is nowadays common ground to most psychologists who study emotional phenomena:

3 Walton sometimes uses this verb in a metaphorical sense in order to refer to the link between emotional appeals and genres ofpractical reasoning (1997: 120 and 122). 63

emotions involve the "cognitive [ ... ] evaluation of stimuli and situations" (Scherer 1984: 294). Discourse analysts and argumentation theorists interested in emotional appeals claim that the different facets of cognitive evaluation processes are so to speak "reflected" in texts through certain "linguistic triggers" (Ungerer 1997; see also Caffi and Jeanney 1994 and Plantin 1999, 2004 ). In other words, there seem to be specific linguistic correlates to the different facets of cognitive evaluation processes. Bearing this hypothesis in mind, I will desc1ibe the rhetorical construction of threatening events as a multifaceted evaluation process. I will focus on two facets of evaluation that seem crucial in the case of fear: ( 1) the evaluation of outcome and (2) the evaluation of causation. A close study of the various linguistic devices involved in this multifaceted evaluation process should help us get a better understanding of how a rhetorically constructed emotion - in this case fear - is actually shaped.

3.2. Evaluation of Outcome: From Small-Scale to Massive-Scale Consequences In fear appeals, the rhetorical construction of the threatening event implies an evaluation of its consequences in terms of scale - what psychologists call an evaluation of outcome. In President Bush's address, the evaluation of outcome shows a complex and changing pattem: (i) it first wavers between proximity and globality, but then comes to lay hyperbolic emphasis on universality. (ii) It shifts from an estimation of what is quantifiable toan analogical evocation ofwhat lies beyond quantification. Let us contrast two examples which illustrate this pattem, the first taken from the beginning and the second from the end of the presidential address: 64

I. [U]sing chemical, biological or, one day, nuclear weapons obtained with the help of Iraq, terrorists could fulfill their stated ambition and kill thousands or hundreds ofthousands ,ofinnocent people in our country, or any other. (§6)

2. In the 20llt century, some chose to appease murderous dictators whose threats were allowed to grow into genocide and global war. In this century, when evil men plot chemical, biological and nuclear terror, a policy of appeasement could bring destruction of a kind never before seen on this earth. [ .. .]. The security of the world requires disarming Saddam Hussein now. (§22-23)

(1) In the first excerpt and for most of the presidential address, a balance is carefully maintained between proximity and globality. This shows in various prepositional phrases that coordinate two noun phrases: the killing could occur "in our country or any other" (§6), the attacks would be "against the American people and our friends" (§18) and the threat applies "to America and the world" (§ 18). It deserves to be noticed that the very order of discourse always give priority to what is closer to the audience and thus relies on what Ungerer calls the "principle of proximity" (1997: 314). Within the first noun phrase, the use of deictic items ("in our country", my italics) and adjectives or proper nouns related to nationality ("against the American people", "to America", my italics) allows George W. Bush to lay emphasis on what might directly affect his primary addressees. Y et, as Ungerer argues, proximity is " not necessarily a matter of geographical closeness ", but may quite often be a" nation of cultural familiarity " (ibid. ). In this respect, the reader will notice that George W. Bush frequently evokes attacks against " America and our friends " or harm inflicted on" all free nations ". By using such phrases, the President depicts large-scale consequences that transcend the strict national boundaries of the United States, yet his move from proximity to globality is very smooth. Indeed, he manages not to completely lose touch with the " principle of proximity", for he relies on a sense of"cultural familiarity" with other 65 nations sharing both the democratic institutions and the respect for human rights which are supposedly characteristic of the United States. At this stage, one might add, the nation of globality remains highly selective. This dialectic between proximity and globality seems to fäde away in the second excerpt. The distinction between small-scale and large-scale consequences becomes blurred. In fäet, the appropriate scale for the evaluation of outcome is no longer the national territory of the United States ("our country") or the territories of its strategic allies ("all free nations", §21): it becomes the "earth". Fora short moment (§22-23), the analytical reference to "countries" or "nations" dissolves in a synthetical description of the "world" (§23) taken as a whole. Lexically, these two words ("earth" and "world") share the ability to refer to naturally occurring entities, whereas "nations" and "countries" rather refer to what Searle would call "institutional fäets". The !arter are "fäets [which rely on] human agreement" and which "require human institutions for their existence" (1995: 1-2). This lexical shift is fundamental, for it endows the evaluation of outcome with a universal dimension. Thus, the course of action which President Bush seeks to justify- waging so-called "preventive" war on Iraq - appears to find its origins less in national interest than in a generous cancern for what is naturally common to all human beings without exception: the "world", the "earth" - the planet we live on, to put it roughly. (2) In the second excerpt, we are presented with an attempt to quantify the damage caused by the hypothetical threat. It should be noticed that the quantification remains vague to a certain extent, as shown by the structure " x or y " which leaves the exact number of victims indeterminate. Indeed, as regards quantification, the rhetoric of fear appeal 66 does not seem to encourage too high a degree of precision and rather chooses to maintain vagueness. This stems from the fäet that in fear appeals, quantification has to remain flexible and leave room for increase in the mind of the audience. In other words, fear appeals do have to put forward estimated figures, but at the same time need to suggest that the latter are bound to fall short of the horrifying truth to come. In order to be effective and trigger appropriate emotional responses, quantification should always come as a kind ofunderstatement in fear appeals If we now tum to the second excerpt, we quickly notice that the evaluation of outcome does no longer involve quantification, but rather resists it. Here, in what looks like a typical argument from example, explicit figures give way to analogies with historical events. There is first the description of a past failure to take action and the acknowledgment that it was harmful. Second, there is the implicit assertion - through the recurrence of a lexical item- that the UN Secmity Council's "policy of appeasement" towards Saddam Hussein is analogous to "appeas[ing] murderous dictators" before World War Il. Third, there is an evaluation of outcome based on the apparent similarity between the historical event and the present situation. It should be noticed, however, that in a fear appeal, analogies are deliberately constructed asflawed. As regards the evaluation of outcome, the hypothetical consequences of the failure to take proper action in the present circumstances, described as a "destruction of a kind never before seen on this earth", are fundamentally incomparable and eventually resist any analogy, even with a historical event as horrendous as the Nazi genocide. Here, George W. Bush no longer uses explicit figures (such as "thousands or hundreds of thousands of innocent people"): he rather suggests that the future consequences lie 67 beyond quantification and are virtually unspeakable. True, the future event is to a certain extent similar to a past event that is known to have caused the death of about six million people. Y et it can by no means be superimposed on it. This use of argument from example has two main advantages as regards the effectiveness of the fear appeal. On the one hand, it causes recognition: indeed, it makes the future event look more probable by analogically backing it up with a historical precedent. On the other, it plunges the audience into stupour, as it suggests that what is yet to come will not only equal, but also undoubtedly surpass in horror what is historically attested.

3.3. Evaluation of Causation: Trea ting Agents as a Homogeneous Group of "Evil Men" I will now take a close look at the various linguistic expressions which refer to the possible agents of the threatening event in question. What is striking about the evaluation oj causation is that the audience can first identify two separate groups of malevolent agents, but the latter eventually blend into a homogeneous group. For most of the address, there is no difficulty in distinguishing between the two groups of agents incriminated. There is, on the one hand, the proper noun "Saddam Hussein" and a list of co-referential expressions, which are widely used by the Western media as well, such as "the dictator" (§ 13) and the "tyrant" (§ 14). By extension, "Iraq" metonymically designates the whole political and military apparatus, not to mention the pejorative cxprcssion "thc Iraqi rcgime" (§1, §2, etc.), also recurrent in Western media. There is, on the other hand, a very frequent use of the generic term "terrorists", but only one occurrence of the more specific expression "operatives of al Quaeda" (§5). It does not take very long, 68

however, before President Bush ceases to refer to those groups of agents as two distinct entities. The first step, which is of great importance, is the coordination of the previous referential expressions within a single noun phrase and their being the suject of the same verb. Thus, according to President Bush, "[Saddam Hussein] and terrorist groups might in desperation try to conduct terrorist operations against the American people" (§ 18). He adds, this time using "terrorist" as an adjective to qualify a less neutral noun, that "Saddam Hussein and his terrorist allies might choose the moment of deadly conflict when they are strongest" (§21, my emphasis). At this point, it should be noticed that the referential process remains analytical, as it still allows the audience to consider the two groups of agents separately or, so to speak, one after the other. The second step is the merging of the two groups of agents (the Iraqi regime and the terrorists of al Quaeda) into noun phrases such as "enemies" (§20), "our enemies" (§20), "thugs and killers" (§20), "evil men" (§22) or "the violent" (§26). The noun phrase "thugs and killers" (§20) stands out as an example of hendiadys: it involves the coordination of two words in place of a more usual construction in which one word modifies the other ("thugs who kil!" or "killing thugs", for instance). Here, by combining two nouns in parallel position, it "doubles the meaning", so to speak, and has to do with rhetorical amplification. In any case, the relative complexity of the reference completely vanishes: the use of proper nouns for individuals, countries or political grnups gives way to fundamental dichotomies. The agents are no longer referred to on the basis of any of their idiosyncrasies, but are rather subsumed under generic categories. The point is that, however different they might be in some respects, the agents nonetheless form a homogeneous group and can accordingly be designated from a 69 unified perspective. Whatever their identity, whatever the motives for and legitimacy of their actions, they all represent a threat to the well-being of the audience and are thus categorized as "enemies". Here, the categorization relies on a sense of group belonging and on the us vs. them dichotomy. Moreover, the different agents are all morally bad in their unchanging wicked nature, in their very essence, one might say. Here, the categorization relies on what is thought to be universally valid and perfectly obvious moral dichotomies. Thus, as regards the evaluation of causation and the designation of agents, there is a progressive shift from an analytical to a synthetical kind ofreference. At first, there is a certain amount ofreferential complexity that maintains a clear-cut distinction between two separate groups of agents. Then, as we have seen, the latter become intertwined and eventually fall under the same denomination. This merging process rests on a set of binary oppositions (good vs. evil men, friends vs. enemies, etc) from which it systematically borrows the second negative term. The agents are thus no longer depicted as mere individuals, but rather as prototypes for evil and adversity which the audience is likely to recognize - without having to bother asking who they are on an individual basis, what they want and to what extent they actually co-operate.

4. Concluding Remarks This short case study suggests, if anything, that normative approaches, however refined, do not exhaust the topic of emotional appeals in argumentative discourse. True, one might want to pass judgment and label President Bush's appeal to fear as "fallacious", arguing for instance that it tends to "prevent" or "suppress" the audience's ability to raise "critical 70

questions", to use Walton's terminology (1992: 260-264). Yet, as I hope to have shown, there is room for both linguistic description and rhetorical explanation. Normative approaches explicitly attempt to establish criteria by which emotional appeals can be fairly evaluated. Within the frame of a more descriptive approach, however, a better understanding of how the latter are shaped and why they are sometimes so effective should be given first priority4.

References Caffi, C. and R. Janney. 1994. Towards a Pragmatics of Emotive Communication. In Journal of Pragmatics 22: 325-373. Plantin, C. 1999. Arguing emotions. In F. van Eemeren (ed.), Proceedings of the Fourth lnternational Conference of the lnternational Society for the Study of Argumentation, 631-638. Plantin, C. 2004. On the Inseparability of Reason and Emotion in Argumentation. In E. Weigand (ed.) Emotion in Dialogic lnteraction, London : Benjamins, 269-281. Scherer, K. 1984. On the Nature and Function of Emotion: a Component Process Approach. In P. Ekman et K. Scherer (eds.) Approaches to Emotion, London: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 293-317. Searle, J. 1995. The Construction ofSocial Rea/ity, London: Penguin. Ungerer, F. 1997. Emotions and Emotional Language in English and German News Stories. In R. Dirven and S. Niemeier (eds.) The Language of Emotions, Amsterdam I Philadelphia : John Benjamins Publishing Company, 307-328.

4 I wish to thank Beverly Maeder and Gregory Wicky for kindly checking my English. I also thank Paul Danler for his encouraging comments and the members of the ASLA reading committee for their suggestions. 71

Walton, D. 1992. The Place oj Emotion in Argument, University Park : The Pennsylvania State University Press. Walton, D. 1996. Practical Reasoning and the Structure of Fear Appeals Arguments. In: Philosophy and Rhetoric 29(4). Walton, D. 1997. Appeal to Pity, Albany: State University of New-York Press. Wisse, J. 1989. Ethos and Pathos. From Aristotle to Cicero, Amsterdam : Adolf M. Hakkert. 72

Argumentationsstrategier i ideologiserande diskurser

Birgitta Almgren Södertörns högskola [email protected]

Vad händer när vi lär oss ett nytt språk? Vilka känslor och associationer väcks i samband med att vi lär oss de främmande orden och sedan själva använder dem? Vad är det som stannar kvar i minnet och sedan åter aktualiseras och varför just detta och inte annat? Tillfredställande svar på dessa frågor finns ännu inte, men en av nycklarna till förståelsen av hur två kända svenskar kunde försvara två skilda tyska diktaturer finns säkert gömd i dessa språkpsykologiska sammanhang. Traditionellt positivt konnoterade ord som folk, ji-ihet och gemenskap kan fungera som inkörsport till olika politiska ideologier. Eftersom dessa begrepp är så vaga kan var och en ladda dem med egna betydelser och projicera egna önskningar, behov och ideal på dem och denna laddning kan finnas kvar mycket länge. Vi kan inte här gå in på djupare språkpsykologiska frågor, men däremot kan vi analysera texter, undersöka de diskursiva sammanhangen och belysa olika diskursers makt och inflytande. 1 En lingvistisk diskursanalys som på tre nivåer undersöker innehåll, dvs. den semantiska makrostrukturen, argumentationsstrategier och deras språkliga

1Den kritiska diskursanalysen CDA, som utvecklats inom tvärvetenskapliga forskningprojekt av bl.a. Ruth Wodak vid Wiens universitet, Research Center "Discourse, Politics, Identity'', har visat sig mycket fruktbar, se Fairclough och Wodak 1997, Wodak 1990, 1998 ochWodak och Van Dijk 2000. 73

rea/;seringsformer frilägger sammanhang och kan i texter avslöja mer än deras författare ursprungligen kanske avsåg.2 Här vill jag nu presentera exempel på hur två kända svenskar, entusiastiska Tysklandsvänner, beskriver två olika tyska diktaturer och protesterar mot det som de uppfattar som en "förljugen Tysklandsbild" i Sverige. I samband med min diskurshistoriska forskning kring inter kulturella processer Sverige/Tyskland i skuggan av nazismen stötte jag på skriften DDR Grannland av den svenske socialdemokratiske riksdags mannen och skolpolitikern Stellan Arvidson från 1984. Likheten med den berömde Asienforskaren och upptäcktsresanden Sven Hedins bok från 1937, Tyskland och världsfi·eden, är slående när det gäller formuleringar och argumentationsmönster. Hedin pläderade för det nya Nazityskland och menade att det betydde räddningen från en katastrof: Ett allt starkare Ryssland hotade världsfreden. Hedin höll också ett triumferande tal till ungdomen vid invigningen av olympiaden i Berlin 1936. Nästan 50 år senare försvarade Stellan Arvidson en annan tysk diktatur i sin bok. Likheten när det gäller perspektiv är också påfallande trots att de historiska kontexterna ju är helt olika och tidsavståndet är nästan 50 år. Men båda konstruerar rosiga bilder av två diktaturer med hjälp av språket. Upplevde de verkligen verkligheten så? Eller är det önskebilder hur det kunde se ut om? I alla fall är parallellerna i de språkliga retoriska mönstren av intresse. Det handlar här inte om en jämförelse mellan de två ideologierna utan om en jämförelse av argumentations-strategier. Det handlar om retorikens medel, hur språk och politik förhåller sig till varandra när det gäller komplexitetsreduktion, kognitiv förenkling, selektivt seende och försvar av totalitära system.

2 För en utförligare presentation av den teoretiska och metodiska ramen, se Almgren (2001):37ff. 74

Texterna som analyserats är således skrivna av Sven Hedin (1865- 1952) och Stellan Arvidson (1902-1997). För Sven Hedin som studerat i Berlin, "Europas huvudstad", var och förblev Tyskland centrum för den västerländska kulturen. I sin minnesbok, 50 år Tyskland, svärmar han ännu om sin studietid där. Med stor sorg betraktade han Versaillesfreden och ansåg att Tyskland förödmjukats genom orättvisa fredsfördrag. När Hitler kom till makten såg Hedin att räkenskapens timme slagit.3 Allt det han efterlyste för Tyskland: en nationell samling, en folkgemenskap, en kärlek till jorden och till arbetet, det såg ut att kunna uppfyllas av nationalsocialismen. 4 Hedins kärlek till tyska språket och tyska kulturen fick alla kritiska röster inom honom att tystna. Arvidson å sin sida kom redan i början av 1930-talet som ung lektor i svenska till universitetet i Greifswald. Men efter det nazistiska maktövertagandet 1933 avskedades han omedelbart av politiska skäl och fick lämna landet och återvända till Sverige. I Politisches Archiv i Auswärtiges Amt i Berlin finns dokument som rapporterar att "radikalsocialisten Arvidson från Lund" förlorat sin tjänst eftersom han "missbrukat" sin ställning som lektor till att göra öppen socialistisk propaganda. Arvidson kunde aldrig glömma Greifswald och sina studenter. Dessa minnen var outplånliga och skulle komma att påverka hans agerande lång tid efteråt. 1968 blev han ordförande i Vänskapsjörbundet Sverige - DDR, något som inte nämns i något av de större svenska uppslagsverken. Ända fram till sin död höll han fast vid DDR och beklagade murens fall. I DDR-diktaturen ansåg han att han återfunnit många av sina gamla ideal.

3 "För den orättfärdighet som suveränt härskade i Versailles har räkenskapens timme slagit. Nu flyttas de artificiella gränserna, som utgjort en permanent krigsfara, tillbaka till sina naturliga lägen. Över det grandiosa skådespelet reser sig Adolf Hitlers, den okände soldatens, gestalt högre än alla andra. Hedin, 1938. S. 6. 4 Sven Hedin: Femtio år Tyskland.Dagens Böcker 1938. S. 223. 75

Precis som Hedin med Tyskland och världsfreden vände sig Arvidson med DDR Grannland direkt till den svenska allmänheten. Båda menade att de politiska nyordningarna (nazisternas maktövertagande i Hedins fall, DDR:s grundande i Arvidsons fall) hade medfört att de svenska medierna spred förljugna bilder som måste ersättas med "objektiva" bilder och fakta. Det är påfallande hur de samtidigt övertar de ideologiska resonemangen, respektive ideologisk diskurs. I DDR-diktaturen utgav SED-paitiet anvis ningar, s.k. koncept, för att DDR-medborgare aktivt skulle kunna försvara och företräda partiets och regeringens politik, argumentera för fördelarna med DDR och förmedla DDR:s överlägsenhet som "reellt existerande socialism".5 Problem som nedskjutningarna vid muren, rese-förbud och inspärrning av oliktänkande osv. skulle tigas ihjäl, "verbala anfall" och fientlig medierapportering tillbakavisas. I stället skulle den sociala tryggheten i DDR fokuseras som kontrast till arbetslöshet och profithunger i väst. Också DDR:s betydelse för freden som kämpande stat och som skydd för imperialistiska krig i Europa skulle framhävas. Denna argumentering följer också Arvidson i sin bok precis som Hedin å sin sida följer naziregimens anvisningar6 och framhäver de centrala komponenterna i den nazistiska världsåskådningen. Analyserna visar följande gemensamma universella argumentations strategier: * Bagatelliserande medlidande *Vän-och fiendebilder

5 Konzeption far Argumentationen, Anweisungen der SED. Bundesarchiv, Berlin. SAPMO, Zentrales Parteiarchiv der SED, DY 30/N A2/20/585. Jmf. också SAPMO, Zentrales Parteiarchiv der SED, DY 30/15723. Illustrativt exempel är en reserapport från Sverige av kirurgen Doz. Dr. Kurt Pitzer från Jena. Auswärtiges Amt, Politisches Archiv, Berlin. Ministerium filr Auswärtige Angelegenheiten, C253/71. 6 Se bl.a. Rundschreiben vom Reichsverband Deutscher Zeitschriften-Verleger från år 1933. 76

* Polarisering och svart-vit skildring *Tillrättaläggande/legitimering * Mörkande I selektivt seende * Externt hot I katastrofscenario * Kamouflage-teknik * Kognitiv förenkling I båda fallen - NS-Tyskland och DDR - bagatelliseras terrorn och en eländesskildring legitimerar de nya samhällssystemen och framställer dem som nödvändiga och rättvisa. Hedin skriver exempelvis: "Att vinna befrielse från träldomsoket utan personliga offer från den enskildes sida vore för mycket begärt." (Hedin 1937: 301). De båda Tyskland, Tyskland efter Versailles och DDR efter grundandet 1949, framställdes som "fattiga", "svaga" och värda allt medlidande eftersom de var verkliga förlorare: * Tyskland efter Versailles var utplundrat och förödmjukat, nazismen räddade Tyskland ur ett tillstånd av politisk och moralisk upplösning (Hedin 1937: 72-93). * DDR:s utgångsläge efter 1949 var hopplöst eländigt, men tack vare Sovjetunionen kunde den antifascistiska, demokratiska och sociala förändringen äga rum (Arvidson 1984: 27-29). Vän- och fiendebilder konstrueras genomgående med positivt och negativt laddade ord. Det rör sig om endimensionella marginaliserande perspektiv, en svart-vit polarisering och ett tillrättaläggande av fakta så att samhällssystemen får sin förklaring och legitimering. Diktatur är ett sätt att avvärja kriser och undgå hotande katastrofer. Men de semantiska komponenterna skiljer sig när det gäller det externa hotet: fienden är i Arvidsons fall Förbundsrepubliken, i Hedins fall hotet från öster, Sovjetunionen. 77

Med hjälp av vissa signalord och begreppsnät associeras till andra större texter som Hitlers och Ulbrichts tal. Genomgående används polariseringsstrategier - särskilt framhävs det nya gentemot det gamla, det kända gentemot det okända. Men hjälp av dessa kontraster binds läsare vid tankemönster och tankeschabloner. Till och med samma betydelsebärande nyckelord användes. Båda använder begreppet ett nytt Tyskland, Hedin för Tredje riket och Arvidson för DDR. Båda vill i första hand väcka förståelse för det nya Tyskland och här följer några exempel:

"De svenska massmedia tävlar om att sprida enförljugen DDR-bild: man deltar utan hämningar i en internationellt organiserad hetskampanj mot de socialistiska staterna, vilket tjänar syftet att förbereda det tredje världskriget. Man har därvid hjälp av den okunnighet som i västländerna råder om liv och strävanden i den socialistiska världen. Trots att DDR ligger oss geografiskt så nära är det för de flesta svenskar ett obekant land, som man har föga förståelse för. Min bok är avsedd att i någon mån motverka denna okunnighet." (DDR Grannland:! 10, kursivering av mig, BA).

4 7 år tidigare hade även Sven Hedin kallat Tyskland ett obekant land. Första kapitlet i hans bok Tyskland och världsji·eden har rnbriken "Upptäcktsfärd i ett okänt land." Han hoppas att hans bok i "någon mån" ska bidra till att motverka den okunnighet som han möter till och med bland "mycket bildade svenskar". Också följande år återkommer han till detta: "För mig vore det en glädje om de svenskar, vilka tanklöst låtit förleda sig till en hätsk och avog hållning mot vårt mäktiga grannland i söder, genom läsningen av denna bok kunde bringas att i någon mån mildra sina förkastelsedomar över det nya Tyskland och tyskt väsen" (Hedin 1938, sid. 5, kursivering av mig, BA). 78

Intressant är hos de båda författarna konstaterandet av hur svensk opinion ser på diktaturerna: för det första okunnigheten om grannlandet, för det andra massmediernas falska bild, t.o.m. hets och hetskampanj. Båda vill ur sina olika politiska perspektiv återställa den "rätta" bilden av Tyskland. Båda betonar att de vill väcka förståelse. Båda intar en till synes något blygsam position i och med att de kuriöst nog använder samma inskränkande uttryck i någon mån. Både Arvidson och Hedin förenklar och förskönar genom selektivt seende. Arvidson förklarar med eufemismer att Tysklands delning är ett verk uteslutande av västsidans politiker. Arbetarupproret den 17 juni 1953 hade utlösts av den västtyska propagandan. Hedin å sin sida rättfärdigar arbetstjänsten och berättar om gatu- och barrikadstrider före nazisternas makttillträde och hur efter 1933 organisationerna som Kraft genom glädje, Kraft durch Freude, och Arbetets skönhet, Schönheit der Arbeit, hade gjort livet bättre för det arbetande folket i Tredje riket. Terror mot oliktänkande mörkas av båda, antingen berörs den inte alls eller så kamoufleras och bagatelliseras den. Arvidson skriver 1984 att DDR:s levnadsstandard stigit så högt att ingen ville lämna DDR för att materiellt få det bättre. Hedin beklagar visserligen att forskare efter nazisternas maktövertagande lämnat Tyskland. Han kallar dessa åtgärder för "en radikal operation" som skadat Tysklands anseende, men enligt Hedin hade luckorna efter dem som avskedas snabbt fyllts och den tyska forskningen skulle "snart återta sin topplacering." En genomgående gemensamt tema är fredsfrågan. Med suggestiva ord visar båda att världsfreden är hotad, men deras Tyskland är garant för freden. Den nya tyska staten - 1937/1938 och 1984 - betydde säkerhet och 79 trygghet mot hotande makter. I förordet till sin bok Femtio år Tyskland skriver Sven Hedin:

"Låt oss hoppas att framtidens Stortyskland måtte bli och förbliva en garanti för världsfredens och den västerländska kulturens stärkande och bevarande."

Men Arvidsons stil är mer återhållsam och mindre känslosam än Hedin som med patos ännu våren 1945 exempelvis förkunnar:

"I verkligheten är det så att om Tyskland likvideras så kommer portarna för Österns barbari och för ett bolsjevistiskt segertåg att öppnas på vid gavel. [... ] Och så är Tyskland den enda makt på jorden som kan rädda inte bara Sverige och Norden, utan hela Europa från ett namnlöst elände." 7

Genomgående i sma texter målar Hedin på det här sättet upp ett katastrofscenario. Om Hedins fiendebild är öst, så är det väst och Förbundsrepubliken Tyskland som är Arvidsons fiende. Ett helt kapitel ägnar Arvidson DDR:s fredspolitik. Han beskriver kampen för erkännande som slutligen kom 1972. Att det dröjde så länge anser Arvidson berodde på det starka ideologiska och ekonomiska tryck som förbundsrepubliken utövade på de andra kapitalistiska staterna för att isolera och försvaga DDR. Andra faktorer nämns inte av Arvidson. På det här sättet framställde han en hotande attityd från Förbundsrepubliken som en risk och ett hot mot den europeiska freden.8 Fastän båda betonar det opolitiska i sina böcker framgår klart vid en analys och jämförelse att båda övertagit respektive partis jargong,

7 Der De11tsc/1ei11 Sc/1wede11,årgång 11, nr 4. Sid. 2-3. Min översättning. 8 Arvidson (1984). S. 35. 80

ordkollokationer och i vissa fall också hela avsnitt ur respektive partidiskurs. Just detta betonande utan att politiskt ta ställning indikerar ofta motsatsen. Även bildmaterialet bidrar till kognitiv förenkling och komplexitetsreduktion. Det är samma mönster i båda böckerna. Propagandabilderna ska väcka emotioner. Lyckliga glada barn och självmedvetna, nöjda arbetare ler mot oss ur båda böckerna. Sammanfattningsvis kan konstateras att de historiska kontexterna självfallet är helt olika, men ändå lika i några aspekter: Texterna är skrivna i historiska situationer, 1937 och 1984, när den svenska allmänheten visade distans, skepsis och avoghet mot en ny tysk stat. När texterna ställs bredvid varandra framträder likheterna i argumentationen. Argumentations strategierna låter sig naturligtvis inte alltid strikt åtskiljas. De kongruerar och bildar flytande övergångar. Språkligt är texterna av Sven Hedin och Stellan Arvidson exempel på klart ideologiserande texter. Det handlar om universella sätt att argumentera. Här har främst likheten argumentationsstrategier lyfts fram samtidigt som olikheterna när det gäller hot- och fiendebilder klart framgår. Men inte bara motståndarna utan också graden av häftighet och patos skiljer de båda författarna, något som naturligtvis också har att göra med tidsstilen och tidsandan, den tidens olika diskurser. Även när det gäller den tredje analysnivån med språkliga realiserings former finns som vi sett påfallande överensstämmelser i ordval. Den som använder en viss ideologis nyckelord, stereotyper och fraser signalerar att man också intar ett särskilt perspektiv. Språk avbildar inte verklighet utan analysen visar hur i de här fallen bearbetning av realiteter sker efter slutna tankemodeller. Differenser av olika art polariseras språkligt eller elimineras genom stark svart-vit skildring. Detta medför förenklingar och manipulativ reducering av multikausala sammanhang. Språket blir ett verktyg, inte för 81 att orientera sig med i världen utan för att med hjälp av traderade positiva begrepp nå egna mål. Men med och genom språk händer alltid något: En semantisk kamp om den rätta betydelsen. Språket blir här ideologibärare. I de olika texternas ordfält visar sig den grundläggande politiska orienteringen. Hedin och Arvidson är konsekventa i sina försök att leda läsarna in i bestämda tankespår för att nå samtycke. Utan att vara partimedlemmar understödde båda i sina skrifter vid olika tidpunkter två olika diktaturer. Trots de innehållsliga skillnaderna i de olika ideologierna visar argumentationsstrategierna påfallande likheter. I Hedins och Arvidsons fall handlar det inte om ett oreflekterat övertagande av element och passager ur samtida politiska tal utan om målmedvetna försök att påverka den svenska allmänheten.

Litteraturförteckning Tryckt material Almgren, Birgitta. 2001. Illusion und Wirklichkeit: Individuelle und kollektive Denlanuster in nationalsozialistischer Kultwpolitik und Germanistik in Schweden 1928-1946. (Södertörn Academic Studies 7). Almgren, Birgitta (Red.). 2002. Bilder des Nordens in der Germanistik 1929-1945. Wissenschaflliche Integrität oder politisclze Anpassung? (Södertörn Academic Studies 11). Arvidson, Stellan. 1984. DDR Grannland. I samarbete med Britta Stenholm. Förbundet Sveiige-DDR, Stockholm. Fairclough, Norman och Wodak, Ruth. 1997. "Critical DiscourseAnalysis". I T.A. van Dijk (Ed.) Introduction to discourse analysis. London. Sid. 258-284. Hedin, Sven: Tyskland och världsfreden. Medens förlag, Stockholm 1937. Hedin, Sven: Femtio år Tyskland. Dagens Böcker 1938. 82

Hedin, Sven: "Die einzige Macht." I: Der Deutsche in Schweden. Årgång 11. Nr. 4. (Om den nazistiska tidskriften Der Deutsche in Schweden, som utgavs i Stockholm 1935-1945, se Almgren 2002. S. 113-126). Wodak, Ruth u.a. 1990. ,, Wir sind alle unschuldige Täter!" Diskurs historische Studien zum Nachkriegsantisemitismus. Frankfurt am Main. Wodak, Ruth, Rudolf de Cillia, et al. 1998. Zur diskursiven Konstruktion nationaler ldentität. Frankfurt am Main. Wodak, Ruth och van Dijk, Teun A. 2000. Racism at the Top. Parlamentary Discourses on Ethnic Issues in Six Eeuropean States. Klagenfurt.

Otryckt material . Auswärtiges Amt, Politisches Archiv, Berlin. Ministerium fiir Auswärtige Angelegenheiten, C 253/71. Doz. Dr. Kurt Pitzer, Jena. Bundesarchiv, Berlin. SAPMO, Zentrales Parteiarchiv der SED, DY 30/IV; DY 30/15723; DY 13. Institut far Zeitgeschichte, .Miinchen. Rundschreiben vom Reichsverband Deutscher Zeitschriften-Verleger. Berlin 23.8.1933. 83

Rhetoric and Propaganda in Documentary Filmmaking: Leni Riefenstahl's Triumph oftlte Will and Alain Resnais's Nigltt and Fog

Scott Cawelti U11iversityof Northem Iowa [email protected]

1. Introduction

Film as a medium may be divided into two strains: narrative, or fiction film, meaning the stuff of Hollywood and entertainment, and non-narrative or nonfiction, the stuff of newsreels, advertising, and propaganda. Of course fiction films also employ persuasive techniques, but for the sake of limiting this !arge and complex subject, I am going to focus on rhetoric and propaganda in two of the most discussed and effective nonfiction films in the cinematic canon: Leni Riefenstahl's 1934 film Triumph of the Will and Alain Resnais's 1955 rebuttal ofHitler and Nazi ideology, Night and Fog. 1 These two documentary or nonfiction films (I will use these terms interchangeably here) each make use of the classical rhetorical appeals of ethos or credibility, logos, or reasoning and evidence, and pathos, or emotions, but in very different ways. And they both illustrate the nature of propaganda and nonfiction filmmaking in relation to those appeals. 84

2. Rhetorical appeals in Triumph of the Will

Let me begin with Triumph af the Will. Riefenstahl made this 107-minute film from 61 hours of film footage shot

1 In a documentary film made about Riefenstahl by Ray Muller, Riefenstahl comments that "Work and peace are the only messages of 'Triumph ofthe Will."' 85 developed as individuals, but only serve as symbolic representatives of Hitler's loyal followers. So what about logos, the evidence and logical/rational appeal? Riefenstahl provides precious little of this; there is no overt anti-Semitism in the film, meaning a major theme of virtually all of Hitler's speeches is omitted. Only in the various speeches from Nazi party officials, heavily edited, do glimmers of the actual Nazi party ideology come across. For example, at one point, Joseph Goebbels, Nazi Party "Minister of Propaganda and National Enlightenment," comments that "Power which grows out of the barrel of a gun is good-but power that flows from hearts and minds is even better." This overt support ofthe need to change "hearts and minds" using propaganda might be taken as an obvious reference to the Nazis' real methods, with the rather surprising admission that power that "grows" out ofwielding weapons is good, though not as good as propagan da. Of course, Goebbels is speaking to the party faithful here, and could not have been worried about offending those who might find such references abhorrent. Nevertheless, such references to actual Nazi methods are rare in Riefenstahl's film. Hence, the lack of any real evidence that might have been used to understand how the Nazis were actually brutalizing large numbers of innocent people. Hitler himself makes a veiled reference to the "dark shadow" that fell across his party in 1933, referring to the blood purge in which he had several of his former associates killed. This is as close as Riefenstahl comes to offering even the remote possibility of an opposing view, and this occurs only briefly and in only one of Hitler's speeches. Otherwise there is no mention of opposition to Hitler's virulent vision of a superior and all powerful Germany for Germans only; all such references are overwhelmed by the imagery and the passion of the speeches and the bliss on the faces of 86

Hitler's supporters, as well as the size and unity ofthe crowds that form the background ofnearly every image. Hence most of Riefenstahl's film is a combination of ethos and pathos, and that in itself might be a useful definition of propaganda: ethos appeals combined with emotional appeals which together suppress or deny the rational, factual basis of argument. All ethos and pathos, no logos.

3. Rhetorical appeals in Night and Fog

Now let us examine Alain Resnais's 1955 thirty-minute documentary, "Night and Fog." This film remains one of the most powerful documents of the holocaust, so much so that the French government recently showed it on French television to combat a potential resurgence of right-wing ideologies in France. Resnais creates his ethos appeal, his credibility as a filmmaker, by skillfully combining "found" footage from newsreels and the Nazis themselves, as well as footage from Riefenstahl's TRIUMPH OF THE WILL, with his own footage shot in the camps nearly a decade after the war was over. Also he uses voice-over narration to link it all, and this narration carries much of the logos appeal. Interestingly, all of the pre-1955 footage is in black and white, and all ofResnais's 1955 footage is in color. Both in the film's narration and in the images shown, Resnais reveals fäets about the Nazis and what they did-the extent of their success, the horrors they inflicted on innocents, the details of their shocking brutality. Here is where the problematic nature of nonfiction film arises. These shots can be so overwhelming, carrying so much emotional weight, that the pathos appeal outweighs, by a !arge measure, whatever message is carried by the logos appeal in the narration. 87

Indeed, Resnais's narration in voiceover carries a quite different message than his images. Ris shots, scenes, and sequences reveal the Nazis' reign ofterror, and leave viewers shaken with the visual evidence of horrors almost beyond imagination. Images of beheaded corpses, piles of bodies being bulldozed into pits like so much human trash needed to be covered up, soap made from human body fat, mountains of human hair used by Nazis to make cloth, and even human skin used for lampshades and parchment, all fill the screen in sickening detail. Yet Resnais's narration introduces a different idea, namely that Nazis alone are not to be blamed for the holocaust, that "war is napping, but with one eye open." The narration often employs such apostrophes, making it both lively and memorable. Here is the complete narration from the end of the film:

At the moment I speak ta you, the icy water af the ponds and ruins is filling up the hollows af the charnel house. A water as cold and murky as our own bad memories. War is napping, but with one eye always open. (Image: moving along the sunny landscape, flowers swaying in the breeze, with camp barracks in the background)

The faithful grass has come up again 011 the Appelplatz, around the cell blocks. An abandoned village, but still full af peril.

(Image: Still moving: crematorium ruins; twisted wires; broken watchtowers; crumbled chambers; slabs of cracked concrete; abstract figures of stone.)

The crematorium is no longer in use. The devices af the 88

Nazis are out oj date. Nine million dead haunt this landscape. Who

is 011 the lookout from this strange tower to warn us oj the coming ofnew executioners? Are theirfaces rea/ly differentfi-o,n our own? Somewhere among us, there are lucky Kapas, reinstated officers, and unknown informers. There are those who refi1sed to believe this, or believed it only from time to time. And there are those of us who sincerely look upon the ruins today, as if the old concentration camp monster were dead and buried beneath them. Those who pretend to take hope again as the image Jades, as though there were a curefor the plague ofthese camps. Those ofus who pretend to believe that all this happened only once, at a certain lime and in a certain place, and those who refi1se to see, who do not hear the c,y to the end of lime.

Thus Resnais in this closing narration, which employs several rhetorical questions, irony, as well as hyperbole, implies that there are still Nazis who escaped prosecution, but more importantly, that all humans harbor a beast within, waiting to be unleashed again. For Resnais in this narration, the Nazis were merely another manifestation ofhumanity's darker side. This amounts to an unmistakable indictment of humanity, reminiscent of Jung's "shadow" archetype, as well as Freud's id and thanatos concepts, and numerous other psychological and sociological observations that support and develop this concept. It's a defensible and disturbing assertion, and may have partly reflected Resnais's dismay at the French incursion into Algelia, which was occurring as he made Night and Fog. Yet Resnais includes no onscreen images to support this dark assertion. He might well have shown, for example, other examples of such 89 horrors, such as American settlers' treatment ofNative Americans, or more relevantly, the allied fire-bombing of Dresden in 1945, or the Americans' use of atomic weapons in Hiroshima and Nagasaki, all of which killed thousands of non-combatants, or even what was occurring in Algeria under the French military. In any case, the result is a discontinuity between the powerful pathos appeal of the imagery in "Night and Fog" and the message contained in the film's nan-ation. Though Resnais's film does not suppress or deny fäets, and seems to include a balance of all three appeals, it fails to support its narrative point about the possible psychological source of Nazism. Images of the brutality of the Nazis overwhelms this point, making a powerful pathos appeal that seems to indict only Hitler's Nazis rather than the darker side ofhumanity. Indeed, images in nonfiction film can contain so much emotional weight that almost no amount of verbal information, either from onscreen messages or from voice-over narration, can balance them. In an overt propaganda film such as Riefenstahl's Triumph oj the Will, the logos appeal virtually disappears, overwhelmed by the power of the ethos and pathos appeals.

4. Final remarks

Because film is a medium whose visual and aura! impact may affect viewers directly without the mediating effect of language, it lends itself to an overwhelming use of pathos and ethos appeals. Thus it has become an ideal medium for political manipulation and advertising. Finding a balance between ethos and logos and pathos offers a major challenge for documentary filmmakers who wish to create arguments with the integrity and honesty that such a balance offers. In my judgment, precisely because 90

film is such a powerful medium for persuasion using pathos and ethos appeals, even nonfiction filmmakers with the best of intentions, such as Alain Resnais in "Night and Fog," seldom find that balance.

Bibliography Freud, Sigmund. 1930. Civilization and its Discontents. New York: W.W.Norton. Jung, Carl Gustav, 1968. Archetypes and the Collective Unconscious. London: Routledge, Collected Works, No. 9. Muller, Ray. 1993. The Wonderfit!, Horrible Life of Leni Riefenstahl. Documentary film. New York Times, 1994. "Just What Did Leni Riefenstahl's Lens See?" Sunday, March 13. Resnais, Alain. 1955. Nuit et Brouillard. Riefenstahl, Leni. 1934. Triumph des Willens. 91

Political discourse as a case of potential verbal aggression: The example of President Harry Truman's inaugural address

Piotr P. Chruszczewski University of Wroclaw, Poland [email protected]

Do you remember that in classical times wlte11Cicero ltad finish ed speaki11g,the people said, 'How we/1he spoke ', hut wlte11Demosthe11es !,ad ji11ished speaki11g, they said, 'Let us march. ' Adlai Stevenson

Introduction

It is my aim to show in this short study that one may observe cases of verbal aggression in American Presidents' inaugural addresses. I would like to show how this American political discourse genre can become a potential medium of abusive language use. The example chosen for exemplification is President Harry Truman's inaugural speech delivered in January 1949 in Washington, D.C. Ishall proceed to the case ofTruman's verbal aggression after having introduced my point of view on the notion of aggression. If one can say that "a word is a microcosm of human consciousness" (Vygotsky 1970, after Brown 1977: 25), then one is also entitled to ask the question: What are the mechanisms of its functioning and the factors that shape it, especially when "the word" appears to be an instance of aggression, and moreover, when it is uttered in public. When Iistening to the texts of inaugural addresses, one is struck by the idea of their being 92 highly communicative monologues, where "egocentric speech" is almost entirely substituted by "social speech". By "egocentric speech" Vygotsky (1934: 34) understands uttered verbal texts in which the speaker does not intend to address anyone and appears to be thinking aloud. Whereas by "social speech" he understands a highly developed entity, shaped by the speaker's immediate embeddings, that is by his experience, education, social group to which he belongs, as well as his ambition and expectations, self-esteem, moral code, etc.

Method

Although they belong to the same subgenre, inaugural addresses are different and bear signs of their speaker, as well as of changing situational, social and cultural embeddings, all of which are nicely accommodated by the communicational grammar of political discourse mo del built up of three main elements: situational, social and cultural embeddings (for full discussion see Chruszczewski 2002, 2003a). Discourse is understood as a dynamic communicational phenomenon, which is inherently conditioned by its social and cultural circumstances in changing times and functional environments. It is a phenomenon which through its users' contributions shapes various discursive practices of interpersonal communication. It is argued that the core of any discourse is constituted by its interconnected texts. Vygotsky (1934: 284, quoted in Wertsch 1985: 117) concluded his research conceming the above issue by stating that:

The structural and functional properties of egocentric speech grow with the child's development. At three years of age the distinction between this speech and the child's communicative speech is almost zero. At seven years of age we see a form of speech that is fully I 00 percent different from the social speech of the three-year old in almost all its functional and structural prope1ties. It is in this fäet that we find 93

the expression of the progressive differentiation of two speech functions and the separation of speech for oneself and speech for others out of a general, undifferentiated speech function, which, during the early years of ontogenesis, fulfills both assignments with virtually identical means.

I agree with the view that young children cannot differentiate between "egocentric" and "social" texts, due to their lack of experience originating from their lack of exposure to both extra-linguistic and purely linguistic environments, as well as due to the very early stages of their memory development. However, there is much evidence which allows one to adhere to the opinion that political discourse texts in particular almost entirely constitute the corpus of "social speech" texts, even though it may not at times seem to be so. It is possible to see in a given society only manifestations of those forms of aggression that have previously been socially encoded into the society and its culture. This is supported by Geertz (1973: 49):

[T]here is no such thing as a human nature independent of culture. Men without culture would not be the elever savages ofGolding's Lord ofthe F/ies thrown back upon the cruel wisdom oftheir animal instincts; ( ...) As our central nervous system - and most particularly its crowning curse and glory, the neocortex - grew up in great part in interaction with culture, it is incapable of directing our behavior or organizing our experience without the guidance provided by systems of significant symbols.

The idea that human behavior is culture dependent (see also Chruszczewski 2003b), and thus, human actions, both non-verbal and verbal, have their source in patterns of a particular culture, has been emphasised in a number of psychological studies concerning the mechanism of aggression. Belschner (1975: 62) asserts from his psychological perspective that "( ...) aggressive acts as forms of social behaviour produced and changed by environmental circumstances ( ...)" are establishcd by socicty. Forms of aggression may vary from one culture to another and from one stratum of 94

society to another, but the underlying fäet is that no form of aggression is innate to human nature. In other words, people acquire both extra-linguistic as well as linguistic forms of aggression. With respect to forms of linguistic aggression, I contend that they differ in terms of genre and constitute quite a !arge spectrum of texts. They can be ironic or sarcastic, they can have the form of embarrassing ethnic jokes, or occasional swear words, ending on plainly expressed threats. An examination of the post-World War Il inaugural addresses can show the occurrence of several of the already mentioned forms of verbal aggression. One of the apparent cases of verbal aggression occurs in President Harry Truman's inaugural address delivered

( ...) [H]uman institutions are responsible for the social actions man performs and for the norms adopted by his group. It is only in this way that we can hope to break out of the following vicious circle: Postulate of an aggressive instinct [to] search for aggressive behaviour pattems [to] interpretation of concrete behaviour paiiems as expressions ofthe aggressive instinct (possibly in sublimated fmm) [to] a posteriori deduction of an aggressive instinct from the recurrence ofthese 'aggressive' acts.

In the light of the above one may consider the institution of the American Presidency to be a democratically established form of an executive 95

authmity which due to its strength generating nature and ability to operate under the pressure of changing embeddings, exhibits a high potential for escalating aggressive military behavior. This "aggressive military behavior" can be unleashed by means of verbal acts of communication that may be quite "inoffensive" at first sight, like, for instance, a war declaration, or a command to "engage in action". The effects of such communicative acts point to the fäet that an act of verbal aggression can sometimes be expressed in a gentle way.

Text analysis

Let us now consider a few examples from President Truman's inaugural address (all quotations are from the address delivered in January 1949)1. First of all I should clarify that by saying "Truman's verbal aggression" I do not intend to undermine President Truman's address, since I am well aware that verbal aggression ought to be used if necessary. Truman's example is most appropriate because it clearly shows that it is preferable to use verbal means, however strong they may appear, rather than military ones, to prevent the outbreak ofwars. President Truman starts in a quasi-religious tone by reassuring his audience that "the American people stand firm in the faith" which inspired the nation from its beginning, and goes on to state his conviction: "from this faith we will not be moved". He then proceeds to the section of his speech in which he openly expresses his political views as American President by comparing democracy with communism, To describe communism he uses the following rhetorically loaded words: sorrow, deceit, mocke,y, poverty, tyranny. He defines it as "the false philosophy", where "man is weak and inadequate that he is unable to govern himself'

1 For the complete version ofthe address see Harry S. Truman (1964). 96

and adds: "Communism subjects the individual to arrest without lawful case, punishment without trial, and forced labor as the chattel of the state." Aftetrwards President Truman addresses an open threat by conclusively declaring the following: "If we can make it sufficiently clear, in advance, that any attack affecting our national security would be met with overwhelming force, the armed attack might never occur." In this particular case one it was fortunate that "[t]he close links between specific situation, confirmed expectations of success, aggressive behaviour and need satisfaction ( ...)" (Belschner 1975: 68) prevented global war and neither of the "global opponents" went much beyond the exchange of verbal forms of aggression. It is known that the investigated inaugural address was composed of President Truman's actual statements uttered publicly and which constituted his credo. However, they represent nevertheless aggressive argumentative texts whose utterance was officially motivated by the context of intemational politics in the year 1949, and by the role assumed by the U.S.A. and the American Presidency at that time. President Harry Truman was known as a very gentle and a rather cautious person in his contacts with people, which would be just another factor that proves that aggression is a contextual factor which affects human behavior as well as verbal communication processes. From a linguistic point of view discourse is perceived to be a dynamic and changing phenomenon, profoundly rooted into its nonverbal context. The core of any discourse is established by particular texts shaped by their speakers. The meaning of these texts, and their decoding by the hearer seem to depend to a great extent not only on the cognitive processes that take place in the mind of the information receiver, but also on the contextual embeddings, which are as follows: 97

a. the situational embedding, that is the situation in which the text is produced; b. the social embedding, that is the social group/community in which the text is produced, and last but not least, c. the cultural embedding, that is apparently the most difficult to grasp, since it directly translates into what one understands under the elusive term culture. In my opinion, however, the cultural embedding of texts ought to be held responsible both for the projected associations a text may induce in the receiver of textual messages, and for the types and patterns of nonverbal cultural scripts and schemata (see, for example, Yule 1996) that are expected to accompany a verbal text. In the light of the above, a model emerges in which there are certain verbal texts that trigger certain socially and culturally specific behaviors. For the sake of simplicity, this model can be called the communicational grammar of a particular discourse. The proposed analysis applies this model in an efficient and relatively simple way. Harry Truman's inaugural has been divided into numbered arguments. Some of them are very short texts, thus it was sufficient for us 2 to characterize them by means of one marker • A - markes 3 situationality; B - marks emotional attitude ofthe speaker;

C1 - marks recent history references; C2 - marks remote history references; C3 - marks general history/general knowledge references; D - marks arguments constructed of juxtaposed elements; E - marks arguments built on the basis of direct intertextual elements; P - marks arguments made of elements referring to the speaker's policy (and to its implementation).

2 Full analysis and discussion ofthe method are to be found in Chruszczewski 2003a. 98

Characteristic arguments of the speech:

• D/C3 "Communism is based on the belief that man is so weak and inadequate that he is unable to govern himself, and therefore requires the rule of strong masters."

• D/C3 "Democracy is based on the conviction that man has the moral and intellectual capacity, as well as the inalienable right, to govem himselfwitb reason andjustice." • D!CiB "Communism subjects tbe individual to arrest witbout lawful cause, punishment witbout trial, and forced labor as tbe cbattel of the state. ( ... )."

• D/C3 "Democracy maintains that government is establisbed for the benefit of the individual, and is charged witb tbe responsibility of protecting tbe rigbts of tbe individual and bis freedom in the exercise of bis abilities."

• D/C3 "Communism maintains tbat social wrongs can be corrected only by violence."

• D/C3 "Democracy has proved that social justice can be achieved tbrough peaceful cbange." • B/P "In the coming years, our program for peace and freedom will empbasize four major courses of action." • B/P "First, we will continue to give unfaltering support to tbe United Nations and related agencies ( ... )." • B/P "Second, we will continue our programs for world economic recovery." • B/P "Tbird, we will strengthen freedom-loving nations against tbe dangers of aggression."

• C3/P "Fourth, we must embark on a bold new program for making the benefits of our scientific advances and industrial progress available for the improvement and growth ofunderdeveloped areas."

Inaugural address arguments:

1. A/B (situationality), 2. B (emotions), 3. B (emotions), 4. B/C 1 (emotions/ recent history) 5. D (juxtapositions), 6. B (emotions), 7. C2 (remote bistory) 8. B (emotions), 9. B/C3 (emotions/general knowledge), 10. D/C3 (juxtapositions/general knowledge), 11. D/C3 (juxtapositions/general knowledge), 12. C3/B (general knowledge/emotions), 13. D/C3 (juxtapositions/general knowledge ), 14. D/C3 (juxtapositions/general knowledge), 15. D!CiB (juxtapositions/general knowledge/emotions), 16. D/C3 (juxtapositions/general knowledge), 17. D/C3 (juxtapositions/general 99

knowledge ), 18. D/C3 (juxtapositions/general knowledge ), 19. D/C3 (juxtapositions/general knowledge), 20. D/C3 (juxtapositions/general knowledge), 21. B (emotions), 22. D/B (juxtapositions/emotions), 23. CiB (general knowledge/emotions), 24. CiB (general knowledge/emotions), 25. CiB (general knowledge/emotions), 26. C3 (general knowledge), 27. C3 (general knowledge), 28. C1 (recent history), 29. C1/B (recent history/emotions ), 30. C 1/B (recent history/emotions ), 31. Ci/B (recent history/emotions), 32. B/P (emotions/policy), 33. B/P (emotions/policy), 34. B/P (emotions/policy), 35. B/P (emotions/policy), 36. B/P (emotions/policy), 37. B/P (emotions/policy), 38. C 1/P (recent history/policy), 39. Ci/P (recent history/policy), 40. CiP (general knowledge/policy), 41. CiP (general knowledge/policy), 42. C3/P (general knowledge/policy), 43. C3/P (general knowledge/policy), 44. C3/P (general knowledge/policy), 45. · C3 (general knowledge), 46. C3/B (general knowledge/emotions), 47. CiB (general knowledge/emotions), 48. C3/B/P (general knowledge/emotions/policy), 49. CiBIP (general knowledge/emotions/policy), 50. C3/B/P (general knowledge/emotions/policy), 51. CiB (general knowledge/emotions), 52. C3 (general knowledge), 53. C2 (remote history), 54. CiB (general knowledge/emotions), 55. C3/B (general knowledge/emotions), 56. C3/B (general knowledge/emotions), 57. C3/B (general knowledge/emotions), 58. B (emotions), 59. B (emotions), 60. B (emotions), 61. C3 (general knowledge), 62. C3 (general knowledge), 63. C3 (general knowledge), 64. C3 (general know!edge), 65. C3 (general knowledge), 66. A/B (situationality/emotions), 67. B (emotions), 68. C 1 (recent history), 69. B (emotions), 70. B (emotions), 71. B (emotions).

A-2, B- 41, C1 - 8, C2 -2, C3 - 39, D- 12, E- 0, P- 16. President Truman's general argument development model: B/C3/P/D/C1/A/C2'E (emotions/ general la10wledge/policylj11xtapositions /recent history/situationality/remote hist01y/intertextuality).

Conclusions By refe1ring to the audience's assumed knowledge of the current events, President Truman skillfully juxtaposes the philosophy of communism and that of democracy. A very noticeable feature of his address is the fäet that he trusts his message receivers to share or to be ready to embrace his views about his contemporary world, as well as to support the anti-communist 100 policy of the state. His arguments are mainly arguments from cause to effect, hut also arguments from definition to classification. Truman is aware that he has been embarking on a very dangerous policy against the Soviets. The prevailing situation at the time is of crucial importance to him, therefore no ad verecundiam arguments are necessary. Truman is one of the few presidents whose number of statements conveying assumed knowledge of the political status quo is higher than the number of highly opinionated statements whereby emotional attitude is expressed. His address is one of the few where the policy of the state is clearly stated and then explained to the receivers ofthe speech. President Truman's inaugural address can be described as down to earth and very pragmatic, oriented towards "wise actions" (Chruszczewski 2003a: 67).

REFERENCES Belschner, Wilftied. 1975. Leaming and Aggression. [In:] Herbert Selg (ed.) The Making of Human Aggression. London: Quartet Books; 61-68. Brown, James. 1977. Mind, Brain and Consciousness. The Neuropsychology ofCognition. New York: Academic Press. Chruszczewski, Piotr P. 2002. The Communicational Grammar of Political Discourse. Berlin: Logos Verlag. Chruszczewski, Piotr P. 2003a. American Presidential Discourse. An Analysis. Berlin: Logos Verlag. Chruszczewski, Piotr P. 2003b. Toward Cultural Neurolinguistics: A Preliminary Mode!. [In:] Elzbieta H. Oleksy and Barbara Lewandowska-Tomaszczyk (eds.) Research and Scholarship in Integration Processes. Poland - USA - EU. L6dz: L6dz University Press; 237-246. 101

Geertz, Clifford. 1973. The Interpretation af Cultures. New York: Basic Books. Jakobi, Ute, Herbert Selg and Wilfried Belschner.1975. The Aggressive Instinct. [In:] Herbert Selg (ed.) The Maldng of Human Aggression. London: Quartet Books; 50-63. Truman S. Harry.1964. Public Papers af the Presidents of the United States; Hany S. Truman: January I to December 31, 1949. Washington, D.C.: United States Govemment Printing Office; 112-116. Vygotsky (Wygotski), Lev, Semenovitch. 1934. Myshlenie i rech: Psikhologicheskie issledovaniya. [Thinldng and Speech: Psychological Investigations]. Moscow and Leningrad: Gosudarstvennoe Sotsialno Ekonomicheskoe Izdatelstvo. Vygotsky (Wygotski), Lev, Semenovitch. 1970. Thought and Language. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Massachusetts Institute of Technology Press. Wertsch, James V. 1985. Vygotsky and the Social Formation of Mind. Cambridge, Massachusetts, London: Harvard University Press. Yule, George. 1996. Pragmatics. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 102

SE-constructions in Spanish and Portuguese from a rhetorical-functional perspective

PaulDa11ler U11iversityoj I1111sbruck [email protected]

1. Introduction In this short study I will first discuss briefly the SE-diathesis in Romance languages in general and in Spanish and Portuguese in particular. From the point of view of language theory it seems interesting whether or not the traditional differentiation between passivizing 1 and impersonal SE constructions is to be upheld. From a rhetorical-functional perspective though, it seems most interesting to analyze which communicative and/or political purpose the use of SE-constructions serves. Arguments will be supported by selected passages from speeches by Franco and Salazar.

2. The SE-diathesis As far as the SE-diathesis in Romance2 is concemed, one of the central questions is whether the passivizing constructions with SE on the one hand, and the impersonal ones with SE on the other, are actually different in nature. One group in linguistics argues that these two types of constructions do represent two different phenomena (cf Salvi and Vanelli 1992; Marcos

1 These passivizing constructions are called pasiva rejleja in Spanish and si passivante in Italian. 2 We generally talk about SE-diathesis in Romance even though in Italian it is si rather than se which assumes the respective functions. 103

Marin et al. 1999; Gili Gaya 1998; etc.). The criterion that needs to be met by passivizing constructions - in the traditional tenninology - is congruence between the verbal functor and the actant depending on it. This, however, does not seem to be the case with impersonal constructions. This means that SE-constructions with transitive verbs, like Spanish se ven !as estrellas I Portuguese veem-se as estrelas (?stan; are seen), are passivizing, whereas the ones with intransitive verbs, like Spanish se va a Viena I Portuguese vai-se a Viena (?one goes to Vienna), are impersonal, in which SE functions as some kind of subject. The question arises though, what happens if the second argument of a transitive verbal functor remains unrealized, as in Spanish Desde aqtd se ve bien I Portuguese De ca ve-se bem (From here one sees well), or if the second argument is realized by a pronoun, like in Spanish Se las ve I Portuguese Ve-se-as (They (I) are seen)? Further, what if the second argument in Spanish is characterized by the semantic feature [+human] and therefore requires the preposition a even in transitive constructions, thereby blocking the congruence between the verb and a plural noun depending on it, as in se busca a los amigos perdidos (?someone looks for his or her !ost fi·iends), which, however, results in procuram-se os amigos perdidos in Portuguese? It would not even seem plausible if se ven !as estrellas I veem-se as estrelas were to be considered passivizing but se ve bien and ve-se bem respectively impersonal. Besides, it would be equally hard to plausibly or logically argue that procuram-se os amigos perdidos in Portuguese is passivizing, while se busca a los amigos perdidos in Spanish is impersonal. Anyways, even though this discussion is going on, the thesis that SE is not the equivalent of French on or German man, which do assume the role of the respective subject, would appear to be gaining more acceptance (cf. Wehr1993; 1995). Some authors consider SE nothing more than a place- 104 marker with a generic pseudo-reflexive function (cf. Albrecht 1993:263), others, however, take it - mainly when occurring in the allegedly impersonal constructions - as a sentence constituent which, however, merely bears the status ofan affix (cf Siller-Runggaldier 2001a; 2001b). Coseriu (1987:139) points out the grammatical functions that all SE constructions in Romance languages have in common. Kemmer ( 1993:179) proves that all impersonal passive constructions in Romance languages, including the impersonal and the passivizing ones, in addition to the middle voice, have occurred in written texts since the thirteenth century.3 Similarly, Sånchez L6pez (2002:123) traces back all SE-constructions to the originally reflexive use of SE which in the course of time has extended first to transitive and then to intransitive verbs. As a result of these insights the different SE-constructions will be envisaged from a unifying perspective according to which SE is not to be seen as subject, either in the constructions traditionally called passivizing or impersonal respectively, or in constructions with middle verbs.4 I will, however, differentiate between the various SE-constructions in the analysis to follow, namely according to the criteria a) of specified arguments and b) of serialization.

2.1 SE + intransitive verb In (1) and (2) below it is the impersonal use ofthe SE-diathesis which isat the center of interest.

3 ,,Such constructions apparently began with transitive verbs, and remain so restricted to this day in French and some other Romance languages. In Spanish and Italian, however, they have been extended to intransitive verbs as well" (Kernmer 1993: 179). 4 One of the definitions of middle verbs is ,,verbs with passive-Iike meaning such as in The door opened" (Bussmann 1996:306), which is to be translated into Romance Ianguages by La porte s 'ouvre in French, La porta si apre in Italian, A porta abre-se in Portuguese, La puerta se abre in Spanish etc. (1) La Falange sabeis estä inspirada en lo castrense y en lo monästico, y tanto en la milicia de Dios como en !as de la Patria se asciende solo por el camino de la virtud. (Franco 1942:244)

The Falange, you know, is inspired by the soldierly and the monastic; and in the militia of God as well as in the ones of our native soil one only ascends on the path ofvirtue. 5

According to Franco it is only through virtue that one can rise in the militia of God or in the national Spanish rnilitia. Syntactically one ascends obviously does not faithfully translate the Spanish version se asciende in which, as pointed out above, se merely represents an affix rather than the subject or the first actant which is only concentrically realized in the 6 Spanish construction. Franco's statement seems to, gain the i value of general truth through the metaphorical analogy or parallel he draws. Every human being can see himself or herself as a warrior of God. For this reason, virtue will lead to some kind of ascent in any case even if there is no tangible proof of it. The use of the SE-diathesis results in absolute genericity which a priori includes everyone. At the same time, however, the use of the SE-diathesis also means that every individual is asked to choose a very special way of living, namely a virtuous one in a very particular sense.

(2) [No Estado modemo a excessiva preocupac,;aoda defesa dos direitos e liberdades individuais contra os possiveis abusos do Rei e seus Ministros pös por toda a parte em crise a chefatura do Estado. ( ... ) Em Portugal porem fez-se tudo quanto era humanamente possivel ( ... ) para anular os principais 6rgaos da soberania, aqueles em que principalmente reside a forc,;a e autoridade do estado.] A vergonhosa estatistica que apresentamos

5 All the quotations have been translated by the author ofthe article. 6 A concentric actant as opposed to an eccentric one is only realized by the verbal morphology (cf Ågel 2000; Milewski 1967). 106

como expressao de havermos passado todas as marcas revela, com o completo desprestigio das instituii;5es politicas, termos criado as condii;5es 6ptimas em que niio se podia governar. (Salazar 1943:391-392)

In the modern State an excessive preoccupation with the rights and freedoms of the individual against every possible abuse on the part of the King and his Secretaries has everywhere plunged the heads of the State into a crisis. ( ... ) In Portugal, however, everything humanely possible was done to dissolve the main organs of sovereignty, those in which the strength and the authority of the State principally reside. The shameful statistics we presented as an expression of our having gone too far reveal, with the complete loss of prestige of the political institutions, that we created the optimal conditions for making it impossible to govern.

In this passage Salazar provides an extremely cynical explanation of how governing Portugal eventually became impossible. Compared to the preceding quotation from Franco's speech, however, the referential horizon is very narrow in this statement as Salazar only refers to those who were obviously somehow meant or destined to govern Portugal. The Portuguese verb governar can function as a transitive or intransitive verb, just as the English equivalent to govern (ej. Busse 1994:252). The type of SE-diathesis niio se podia governar (?one could not govern), i.e. SE followed by the intransitive variant of the verb, not only allows the sender to refrain from specifying the privileged elite in question, meant or destined to govern, ,hut it even makes it possible for the sender to refrain from perspectivating it on the abstract semantic level. If for some reason this seemingly anonymous elite did occur lexemically in the utterance, a certain suitable reconstruction, reluctance, refusal, or vague discontent could be triggered in the audience. 107

2.2 SE + transitive verb + infinitive or noun respectively In the following excerpts (3) and (4) it is the passivizing SE-construction, in the traditional terminology, which is looked at under the aspect of discourse-strategic functions.

(3) l,No percibis c6mo insidiosa y malevolamente se intenta sembrar dudas y fomentar desconfianzas, dentro y fuera, contra nuestro Movimento, al tiempo que se lanzan especies de anacr6nicas dictaduras militares o de restauraci6n de viejos poderes, intentando hacer ambiente al sistema bicefalo que esteriliz6 la obra y facilit6 la caida del general Primo de Rivera? (Franco 1939:18)

Don't you realize how insidiously and malevolently they are trying to sow the seeds of doubt and distrust, inside and outside, against our Movement, at a time when different kinds of anachronistic military dictatorships or the restoration of old powers are supported, and thereby public opinion is stirred up in favor of the bicefalous system which sterilized the work and made easy the fall of the General Primo de Rivera?

The constituents to be examined in (3) are on the one hand, the phrastically realized second actant of percibis, and on the other, the required relative clause of the complex temporal circumstantial al tiempo. The bipartite infinitive construction sembrar dudas y fomentar desconfianzas is the patientive first actant or undergoer, respectively, of se intenta. In the case of se lanzan it is the constituent especies de anacr611icas dictaduras militares o de restauraci6n de viejos poderes which realizes the function of thc undergoer. The respectivc agents or actors are seemingly taskless; in the terminology of the Relational Grammar they have tumed into chomeurs. 1

7 The French word ch6meur means unemployed (person). 108

(4) [A obra polftica e sobretudo obra de resultados. ( ... )] Seja como for, niio se devem confundir os resultados gerais com dificuldades de momento, os sacriflcios individuais com o bem estar colectivo que os tomou necessarios; e para se /azer o balanr;:o exacto da situar;:iio devem ainda ter-se em conta correctamente as circunstdncias em que se desenvolveu. (Salazar 1943:384)

[A political work is first and foremost a work of results. ( ... )]. However, general results must not be confused with momentary difficulties, individual sacrifices with collective prosperity which made them necessary; and to provide an exact balance of the respective situation, the circumstances in which it developed also have to be properly taken into account.

Niio se devem confimdir govems the bipartite patientive first actant, or undergoer, os resultados gerais (.. .), os sacriflcios individuais. For se/azer it is the monopartite element o balanr;:o exacto with the attributive prepositional group da situar;:liowhich realizes the patientive first actant. Further as circunstdncias with the necessary relative clause em que se desenvolveu eventually assumes this function for the above-quoted phraseologism devem [ ...] ter-se em conta. With the introductory statement A obra polftica e sobretudo obra de resultados, which would appear to communicate a general truth, the whole passage can be understood as claiming general validity. In other words, the horizon is not referentially limited. In the first case of Nlio se devem confundir os resultados gerais com dificuldades de momento the reference is absolutely timeless and generic. In the second and third case the referential frame is potentially also generic. It might, however, also be meant to exist just for those who are trying to imagine the socio-political and economic situation of Portugal at the time of Salazar's speech. A discourse-strategic quintessence of these passages is, however, that by 109

resorting to SE-constructions, Salazar can generically formulate his philosophical beliefs and political convictions without appearing too patronizing or even authoritarian.

2.3 Noun + SE + transitive verb In the last two quotations (5) and (6) I will briefly deal with SE constructions which can be read through the prism of the middle voice. Gutierrez Ord6fiez (2004) has pointed out the semantic-pragmatic

difference between the two serializations SE + transitive verb + 1101111(cf

2.2) and 1101111+SE+ transitive verb (cf 2.3). He comes to the conclusion that in the first case it is convenient to speak of the passivizing use of the verbal construction, whereas when the respective verb is used as a middle verb - which he here calls anti-causative - , there is a tendency to place the noun before the SE-construction, the intrinsic force of the patientive first actant thereby coming out much more clearly than in the so-called passivizing SE-constructions. First and foremost, however, the semantic criterion has to be taken into account according to which the action or activity - at least in the metaphoric sense - can be imagined as the result of an intrinsic force of a patientive first actant which nevertheless at least looks agentive. In order to provide unequivocal examples we furthermore resort to constructions

which fulfill the syntactic criterion of the SN + SE + V trans serialization which, as pointed out above, is a further indication for the anti-causative, i.e. medial usage of the SE-diathesis according to Gutierrez-Ord6fiez (2004). 110

(5) La guerra, eon sus inseparables consecuencias, fue el unico camino de redenci6n que a Espafia se oji-ecia si no queria sumirse, por siglos, en el abismo de barbarie y anarqufa en que hoy, desgraciadamente, se debaten otros pueblos martires del Nordeste europeo. (Franco 1939:8)

The war with all the consequences necessarily resulting from it revealed itself as the only way of redemption for Spain unless she had been ready to sink into the abyss of barbari ty and anarchy for centuries, an abyss in which unfortunately other peoples of martyrs of northeastem Europe have been struggling.

El änico camino de redenci6n assumes the function of an undergoer. However, in combination with the verb se oji-ecia and additionally reinforced by the given syntactic serialization it appears as if it were an agentive first actant as well. The referential horizon is drawn by the third actant of se ofi·ecia, namely a Espai'ia. If only one single option tums out to be the way to redemption or, as it says, reveals itself as the way to redemption, then this probably ought to, be understood as if Spain herself had brought forth a way out of her own misery. As in the then deeply Catholic context of Spain this way out is called redemption, Franco's utterance could be understood as conveying the idea that the revelation of that way out oj misery and to redemption was the merit of a well-meaning God holding his protective hand over the endangered country. However, someone has to perceive that mysterious intrinsic revelation of that way to redemption. And who, if not Franco himself along with like-minded subordinates of his, would be suitable for that kind ofperception?

(6) Em politica os problemas simplificam-se pela delimitai;ao de fronteiras e de poderes. [O principio e que nem duas soberanias num territ6rio nem competencia de aut01idades para a mesma actuai;ao.) A regra aplica-se tambem aos territ6rios coloniais, 111

acerca dos quais algumas ideias correntes estao longe de ser claras e inofensivas. (Salazar 1943:411)

In politics problems are simplified by the delimitation of horders and powers. [The principle is - neither two sovereignties in one territory nor competition between authorities for one activity.] This rule also applies to the colonial territories on which some current ideas are anything but clear or harmless.

Os problemas at first sight appears to be an agentive first actant. The problems themselves seem to be doing something. And yet, it tums out that this constituent is the patientive first actant of simplificam-se. A regra is analogously the patientive first actant of aplica-se. It seems as if problems solved themselves just like laws applied themselves - in both cases obviously due to some intrinsic force. By means of the SE-diathesis, Salazar manages to propagate his personal ideas and suggestions, which he has, would like to, or will put into practice, without ever syntactically showing up as actor, without even ever being semantically perspectivated as an argument. 8

3. Conclusion Franco and Salazar delivered speeches on many topics. They touched upon countless things and sometimes even dealt with them in detail. However, by resorting to SE-constructions in syntactic structures that enable the fading out of the agent or actor, they also managed to selectively refrain

8 Ilie (1998:76) points out another way of fading out the true agent or actor. She conciudes from her analysis of Ceau~escu's totalitarian communist discourse that "une of the most serious and conspicuous Jinguistic violations consists in the fäet that an argument conceived as a prototypical Agent in terms of semantic roles [ ... ] can often be encoded [ ... ] as an Instrument or a Patient role. Thus the Agent role undergoes a process of demotion and backgrounding through instrumentalization or objectivization, whereas the Instrument, Patient and Locative semantic roles can be seen to undergo a process of promotion and foregrounding, often acquiring the status of what I call institutional Agents acting as substitutes for the real Agents." 112 from saying things openly, which might also have been relevant for the respective audience. This short analysis has shown that this very fading out of the agent or actor tums out to be a crucial rhetorical function of SE constructions in political speeches delivered in Spanish and Portuguese, at least by Franco and Salazar.

References

Ågel, Vilmos. 2000. Valenztheorie. Tiibingen: Narr. Albrecht, Jörn. 1993. Reflexivität, Medialität und Ergativität im Romanischen und Deutschen. In Rovere, Giovanni and Wotjak, Gerd (eds), Studien zum romanisch-deutschen Sprachvergleich. Tiibingen: Niemeyer, 259 - 275. Busse, Winfried. 1994. Dicionario sintactico de verbas portugueses. Coimbra: Almedina. Bussmann, Hadumod. 1996. Routledge Dictionary of Language and Linguistics. London: Routledge. Coseriu, Eugenio. 1987. Grundziige der funktionellen Syntax. In: Petersen, Uwe (ed.) Eugenio Coseriu. Formen und Funktionen. Studien zur Grammatik. Tiibingen: Niemeyer, 133 - 176. Gili Gaya, Samuel. 1998. Curso superior de sintaxis espm1ola. Barcelona: Vox. Gutierrez Ord6fiez, Salvador. 2004. Gramåtica y modificaciones valenciales. In Kailuweit, Rolf and Hummel, Martin (eds), Semantische Rollen. Tiibingen: Narr, 143 - 167. Ilie, Comelia. 1998. The ideological remapping of semantic roles in totalitarian discourse, or, how to paint white roses red. In Discourse & Society 9(1), 57 - 80. 113

Kemmer, Suzanne (1993), 17ie Middle Voice. Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Marcos Marin, Francisco, Satorre Grau, F. Javier andViejo Sånchez, Ma Luisa. 1999. Gramatica espaiiola. Madrid: Sintesis. Milewski, Tadeusz. 1967. Etudes typologiques sur les langues indigenes de l 'Amerique. Typological Studies an the American Indian Languages. Krak6w: Polska Akademia Nauk-Oddzil W. Krakowie. Salvi, Giampaol and Vanelli Laura. 1992. Grammatica essenziale di riferimento de/la lingua italiana. Firenze: Le Monnier. Sanchez L6pez, Cristina. 2002. Las construcciones eon se. Estado de la cuesti6n. In Sanchez L6pez, Cristina (ed.), Las construcciones eon se. Madrid: Visor Libros, 13 - 163. Siller-Runggaldier, Heidi. 2001a. Unpersönliche Konstruktionen mit transitivern Verb und nachgestellter Nominalphrase. Italienisch, Französisch und Zentralladinisch im Vergleich. In Wunderli, Peter/Werlen, Iwar/Grilnert, Matthias (eds), Italica - Raetica - Gallica. Studia linguarum litterarum artiumque in honorem Ricarda Liver. Tlibingen: Francke, 595 - 614. Siller-Runggaldier, Heidi. 2001b. Semantik und Wortbildung: ihr Einfluss auf

Speeches

Franco, Francisco. 1939. Mensaje del caudillo a los espai'ioles. Discurso pronunciado por SE el jefe del estado la noche del 31 de diciembre 1939- ai'io de la victoria. Madrid: Editorn Nacional. Franco, Francisco. 1942. Discurso en el acto de clausura del segundo consejo nacional del frente de juventudes. In Franco, Francisco (ed., edited in 1943), Palabras del Caudillo. 19 abril - 7 diciembre 1942. Madrid: Editorn Nacional, 241 - 246. Salazar, Oliveira. 1943. Os principios e a obra da revolm;ao no momento intemo e no momento intemacional. In Salazar, Oliveira (ed., edited in 1959), Discursos e notas polfticas Ill 1938-1943. Coimbra: Coimbra Editorn, 383 - 415. 115

THE RHETORIC OF THE MEDIA 116 117

The Presentation of Self in Everyday Job Ads - emotiva uttryck i tyska och svenska företags självpresentationer i platsannonser (Ett bidrag till en kontrastiv svensk-tysk stilistik)

Birgit Hoffina1111 Syddansk universitet, Snnderborg/DK [email protected]

1. Inledning

I mångkulturella sammanhang möter vi ofta följande konstellation jag tog som utgångspunkt: Sändaren vill kommunicera en viss sak och mottagaren tolkar signalen som någonting annat på grund av sin annorlunda språkliga och kulturella bakgrund. Ett sådant missförstånd uppstår oftast mindre på grund av den referentiella delen av budskapet än på grund av en icke avsedd tolkning av andra budskap, som t.ex. ett jag-budskap eller ett vi budskap, det vill säga av socialt relevanta delar i kommunikationen. Social relevans ligger till en stor del i våra stilistiska val vars verkan vi inte alltid är medvetna om. Därför handlar den här uppsatsen om att i en specifik textsort undersöka stilistiska skillnader mellan svenska och tyska. 118

2. De teoretiska utgångspunkterna

2.1. Komparativ textlingvistik - val av texter och analys av texternas struktur Vilket material är överhuvudtaget jämförbart dvs. ger pålitliga resultat om jag vill undersöka stilistiska skillnader i två språk? Lämpliga texter hittade jag med hjälp av den komparativa textlingvistiken - en disciplin som vill utforska olika konventioner för textsorter bl.a. genom att jämföra så kallade paralleltexter (Textsorten kontrastierung, Spinner 1981)1. För att komma den svenska respektive tyska normen så nära som möjligt måste jag analysera texter som är skrivna på respektive språk och som skulle användas i en svensk respektive tysk kontext. Dessutom behöver jag texter där sändare, mottagare, situation, tidpunkt, ämne, mål etc. liknar varandra i största möjliga utsträckning. Om mediet väljs noga, ser jag alla dessa krav uppfyllda i platsannonser. Platsannonser är visserligen rätt överskådliga texter, men för att kunna se på en struktur ovanför meningsnivån har jag delat upp platsannonser i det jag i enlighet med Sandig (1986:173) och Engberg (2001:60) kallar deltexter (Teiltexte). Deltexter är relativt självständiga delar av en större 2 text som jag identifierar efter typografiska och/eller funktionella kriterier • Ett exempel på indelningen i deltexter kan vi se i bild 1. Deltexten FÖRETAGSPRESENTATION med funktionerna "ge information" och

1 Paralleltexter delas vanligtvis upp i tre grupper. Detta gör bl.a. Hartmann i vars kategorisering vi rör oss i kategori C beskriven som: "Class C parallel texts are typically unrelated except by the analyst's recognition that the original circumstances that led to the creation of the two texts have produced accidental similarities, as might happen when you campare instances of a specific text-type (such as the marriages and deaths column in newspapers or the infonnation on seed packets) across pairs of languages ( ...)." (Hartmann 1980:38) 2 En detaljerad diskussion av hur deltexter identifieras kommer att finnas i min doktorsavhandling (planeras vara avslutad år 2005). 119

"etablera en positiv bild av arbetsgivaren" finns med i de allra flesta annonserna och eftersom den med stor sannolikhet kan antas innehålla emotiva tekniker, ska den belysas närmare.

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Bild 1: Platsannons ASTRA

Från textlingvistiken vänder vi oss till stilistiken med nästa fråga: Det är ju inte likheterna utan skillnaderna som vållar problem i interkulturell kommunikation. Vad kan leda till att kommunikationen utvecklas på ett oönskat sätt även om det inte är några problem på innehållsplanet? Eller: Hur hänger stil och missförstånd ihop?

2.2. Stilistik - stilens socialt relevanta roll i tillkomsten av ett missförstånd I en kommunikationssitution finns alltid minst två deltagare med sina respektive antaganden kring situationen och med motsvarande respektive 120

resulterandeforväntningar. Den som yttrar sig försöker att välja en språklig yta som kan anses vara lämplig för situationen och som kan anses gagna 3 det kommunikativa målet • Den som lyssnar/läser tolkar, mot bakgrund av sina antaganden och förväntningar, det som yttrades, dvs. tolkar sändarens val4. Exempel EFFEKT hos recipienten "Min samtalspartner är 'fiskiz'!" Tolkningsprocessen resulterar i ... j Recipienten RELATERAR den valda yttringen upplevt: slappt hands/ag och det förväntade, utifrån detta tolkar hon/han förväntat: fast hands/ag sig fram till den STILISTISKA FUNKTIONEN Yttringsf01men utlöser ... 1 X YTTRINGSFORMER fast I slappt hands/ag Varje handlingstyp är konventionellt förknippad med ... j X HANDLINGSTYPER le, ge handen, säga x, ... Varje handlingsmönster består av ... 1 X HANDLINGSMÖNSTER HALSA Handlingskompetens består av '..'.'.}___ .,>ilH I'' ' HA.i .. ' ,! ' ( erfarenhet / det inlärda, medveten / omedveten kunskap) i I Tabell 1: från handlingskompetens till stilistisk effekt enligt Sandig (1986), läses nerifrån och upp

Vår handlingskompetens omfattar en rad handlingsmönster (t.ex. HÄLSA) som kan förverkligas i form av olika handlingstyper (le, ge handen, ...). En

3 Goffinan (1959:15) om sammanhanget mellan (språkligt) uttryck och situationsdefinitionen: ,, ... it will be in his (= an individual presenting himself before others, B.H.) interests to control the conduct of the others, especially their responsive treatment of him. This control is achieved largely by influencing the definition of the situation which the others come to formulate, and he can influence this definition by expressing himself in such a way as to give them the kind of impression that will lead them to act voluntarily in accordance with his own plan." 4 Jämför Sandig: Es ,,gibt fiir die sprachlich Handelnden gewisse erwartbare Durchfiihrungen, man weill und envartet ,,wie es gemacht wird" ( ...). Abweichungen von diesen Erwartungen erhalten i n R e I a t i o n zum per Konvention Erwartbaren einen Sinn." (Sandig 1986:34, fet stil B.H.) 121

handlingstyp (ge handen) kan förverkligas som olika yttringsformer, t.ex. ett fast eller slappt handslag. Som mottagare har jag en viss förväntning (t.ex. ett fast handslag). Det jag upplever (den valda yttringsformen) relaterar jag till min förväntning. Tolkningen av denna relation skapar en effekt hos mig (t.ex. "Min samtalspartner är 'fiskig'!"). Sammanfattningsvis kan vi säga: Att välja bland x antal alternativ betyder att göra ett stilistiskt val. Frågan efter stilen fokuserar (ifr. Sandig 1986:23) på det socialt relevanta sättet att genomföra en handling. När vi väljer anses vi vara kompetenta, dvs. de andra tror på ett medvetet val. Därför kan felaktiga stilistiska val leda till oönskade och oftast oförutsebara tolkningar - i motsats till de flesta felaktiga grammatiska valen. De stilistiska valen sker på olika språkliga nivåer, bl. a. textmönster och konventionella alternativ, tematisk struktur, menings-lsatsbyggnad och lexikon och kräver därför olika lingvistiska metoder. För att kunna analysera stilistiska alternativ på ett ospekulativt sätt måste vi undersöka det enda som är "synligt" och det är de valda yttringsformerna - analysen sker alltså på nivån yttringsformer, jfr. Tabell 1. - För att kunna beskriva de andra nivåerna delas korpusens alla yttringsformer in i grupper; grupperna med de mest frekventa yttringsformerna antas representera svenskans resp. tyskans typiska yttringsformer och därmed normer. Dessa normer tillåter oss att dra mer eller mindre sannolika slutsatser kring läsarens förväntningar och tolkningsprocesser. Att arbeta med emotiva uttryck betyder mest att arbeta med menings och satsbyggnad samt fr.a. lexikon. Lexikala emotiva element betecknas av Barker och Galasinski (2001) somfeel-good vocabulmy. Ändå föredrar jag "emotivt språk", bl.a. för att jag ser emotiv potential i mer än bara lexikala enheter. Uttrycket "emotiv" ska nu definieras något närmare. 122

2.3. Emotivt språk Inom lingvistiken möter vi begreppet "emotiv" vanligtvis i Jakobsons (1960) betydelse: Sändaren kan med hjälp av språkets emotiva funktion uttrycka sin attityd till det sagda. Jakobson poängterar dessutom att den emotiva funktionen försöker väcka intrycket av en emotion - därmed kommer mottagaren in i spelet, eftersom intrycket bara kan avses uppstå hos mottagaren; men i litteraturen reduceras Jakobsons "emotiv" vanligtvis till den talandes attityd, t.ex. i Levinson (1983:41) och Cassirer (1993:158). Den synen passar inte till det jag vill beskriva. I moderna platsannonser har vi i vanliga fall med en kollektiv sändare att göra, nämligen ett företag. Personligen har jag svårt att föreställa mig att detta icke-individuum 5 kommunicerar sina attityder och emotioner rörande sig själv • Men å andra sidan är det så uppenbart att företagspresentationerna innehåller formuleringar som kommunicerar och formar attityder och emotioner och som skapar bilder. Och det sker hos mottagaren och därför vill jag definiera "emotivt språk" med mottagaren i fokus. Emotivt språk, som jag uppfattar det, riktar sig till mottagaren. Hos honom/henne ska en effekt uppnås och/eller en bild formas. Med den synen håller jag mig nära en förståelse av ordet "emotiv" som Lorentzon (2001: 1) formulerar som "lexikala kategorier, vilkas primära funktion kan antas vara att påverka läsaren genom att framkalla känslor" och detta sker med hjälp av "värdeladdade ord". Lorentzon baserar sig delvis på H0igård (1978) som delar upp emotiva ord i tre grupper: permanent och ofta värdeladdade ord samt ord som är värdeladdade bara i speciella sammanhang. Hon betonar betydelsen av att se ett språkligt

5 "rörande sig själv" för att vi ser på företagspresentationer! 123

uttryck i hela sin kontext därför att ett uttryck kan vara positivt i en kontext men negativt i en annan. Om vi nu går tillbaka till företagspresentationer i platsannonser, så är emotiva uttryck alltså sådana som i den här kontexten används för att med hjälp av värderingar skapa bilder eller positiva associationer hos mottagaren. Emotioner kan vara en del i den processen. Emotiva uttryck ska få företaget att framstå som så attraktivt att mottagaren gärna skulle vilja anförtro sin framtid till det och söka jobb där.

3. Analys och resultat Hur beskriver ett företag sig själv som attraktivt med en tysk respektive svensk läsare i åtanke? Efter att ha samlat fonnuleringar med positiv emotiv potential, grupperade jag dessa formuleringar efter den mest sannolika intentionen. På högsta nivån kan vi bilda två grupper vars formuleringar ska framkalla positiva bilder genom att tala omji-amgång eller positiva strukturer. FRAMGÅNG delas upp i 1) kvantitativa faktorer, 2) kvalitativa faktorer, 3) referenser, uppgifter och arbetsprocesser och 4) spridning. POSITIVA STRUKTURER delas upp i 5) kunden i centrum, 6) produkten i centrum, 7) arbetssätt och 8) organisation. 1) "Kvantitativa faktorer" omfattar antal medarbetare, antal filialer, marknadsandel, omsättning, budget etc., dvs. det omfattar det som går att uttrycka i siffror. Sådana verifierbara faktorer kallar jag för "kalla fakta". Ett exempel är "Vattenfall producerar cirka 20 procent av den el som behövs i Norden." - Om det finns kalla fakta, borde det också finnas "varma fakta". Med "varma fakta" menas uttryck som vanligtvis är påståenden, i det här fallet om kvantitativa faktorer. De är gärna lätt 124 suddiga och kan inte verifieras i någon bilans eller dylikt. Som typexempel kan vi nämna "Pappersgruppen är landets ledande pappersgrossist." Här ser vi utmärkt hur vagt detta "ledande" är: Ledande i vad? I antal medarbetare? I omsättning? I kvalitet? I service till kunder? I renomme? I miljövänlighet? 2) "kvalitativa faktorer" berör produktens kvalitet. Här är det sällsynt med kalla fakta ("Svenskt Papper har tilldelats kvalitetscertifikat enligt ISO 9002.") men "varma fakta" är frekventa emotiva medel, t.ex. "Vi erbjuder högklassiga tjänster som är direkt anpassade till vårt produktsortiment och våra kunders behov och önskemål.". 3) Med "referenser" avses hänvisningar till en ägare, till partners, till specifika kunder eller specifika produkter. Hela den här kategorin verkar hänga samman med säkerhet och självständighet: Att vara del av ett större ekonomiskt sammanhang introducerar en viss stabilitet (som bakgrund"kunskap") i den situationella kontexten. Men det hänvisas inte enbart till överordnade strukturer utan också till partners och specifika kunder med stora namn eller på till specifika produkter som läsaren kan antas känna igen. Referenser används mest av arbetsgivare som tillverkar produkter. Arbetsgivare som myndigheter, sjukhus etc. talar snarare om "uppgifter" såsom "Kommunledningskontoret ... fungerar som koncernstab, dvs( ...).". "Arbetsprocesser" syftar till någonting produktionsrelaterat som "Träpulvret tillverkas i en kvarnanläggning." och avser vanligtvis kalla fakta som ska tala för sig själva. Referenser till partners och kunder kan också vara suddiga och därmed klassificerade som "varma fakta", exempelvis "Division Graf marknadsför 125

från välkända svenska och utländska leverantörer." - Även produkter kan omtalas på ett vagt och suddigt sätt, t.ex. ''patientnära forskning". 4) "Spridning" handlar om arbetsplatsernas läge, dvs. om var huvud-kontoret ligger, var i Sverige och världen andra kontor finns, eller så handlar det om vilken marknad som täcks och som eventuellt kan bli den sökandes framtida arbetsfält, t.ex. att si och så många "kunder i Norden" köper hos företaget. - Även omgivningen kan beskrivas på ett mycket emotivt sätt, t.ex. då ett företag framhäver att de finns "i nya ljusa lokaler". - Som kalla fakta räknades alla referenser till konkreta geografiska enheter: ,,Celle (Niedersachsen), Straubing (Bayern) ...", ,,in Deutschland", ,,bundesweit" etc. medan ospecifika uttlyck som ,,In- und Ausland" eller ,,weltweite" aktiviteter räknades till "varma fakta". POSITIVA STRUKTURER omfattar resten av de positiva budskapen: 5) Kunden står i centrum: Här betonas service och förtroende. "Vi ger( ...) ekonomisk hygghet under livets olika skeden ..." 6 6) Produkten står i centrum: Här framhävs framtids- och innovations-anda ("miljöanpassad", "forskningsintensiv") men även en lång tradition framställs som mycket positiv ("Das in Jahrzehnten erarbei tete Betreiber-Know-how

6 En del kan vara svåra att klassificera: "Nätet körs/övervakas från central driftlednings plats." - handlar "övervaka" om service (som det klassificerats som) eller om något förtroendeskapande? 126 att redovisa för en uppifrån given struktur8 som kan konnoteras positivt, neutralt eller negativt. Genom den här indelningen kan vi se några tendensiella skillnader i texterna, kan vi se att de tyska och svenska företagspresentationema skrivs med olika preferenser.

FRAMGÅNG POSITIVA STRUKTURER kvantitativa faktorer kvalitativa referenser, uppgifter och spridning kunden produkten I ar- orga1 faktorer arbetsprocesser I centrum bets- satic centrum samt ... sätt kalla fakta "varma"kalla "varma" kallafakta vag, kalla vag, seNice, framtid, tradi- aktiv, X fakta fakta fakta anonym fakta posl förtro- lnno- tian koope- liv ende vation, rativ, modem dyna- misk storlek omsätt- påstå- X påstå- själv- part- pro- part- pro- X X X X X X X (1) ning ende ende slän- ners dukter ners duk- (3) (4) (2) dighet & & ter vs. kun- kun- av- der der hän- glghet (5) sv 64/ 27 34/ 8 41/ 65 P4 81/ 20 24/ 63 28 22/ 39/ 4 33/ K14 29, 65? 42? 50? 83? 25? 25? 43? 38? 32'! TY 26 9 22 0 33/ 14K P4 20 15 15/ 17 28/ 12 19/ 7/9? 41 K2 38? 55? 2W 16? 30? 20? 71 A B C D E F G H I J K L M N 0 p QI

9 Tabell 2: Sammanfattning FÖRETAGSPRESENTATIONer Då korpusen (50 annonser på varje språk) inte omfattar så många annonser att jag vill tala om representativa resultat måste jag hålla mig till påfallande

.. 7 Det kan gora.. det genom att antyda bredden.. " Vård - och omsorgsnamndens verksamhet omfattar äldre- och handikappomsorg, LSS-verksamhet, omsorger för utvecklingsstörda, psykiatri samt kommunal hälso- och sjukvård.". 8 "Vårds- och omsorgsnämndens organisation består av linjeorganisation med en områdeschef och enhetschefer med självständigt verksamthetsansvar samt en stabsorganisation för vårdbedömning, LSS-handläggning och övergripande utredningsarbete." 9 SVENSKA 1997, 40 /20, 0 90,32 ord, TYSKA 1997, 20/10, 0 47,78 ord (1) x medarbetare., x filialer, marknadsandel, (2) omsättning, budget, (3) ORT (inland)/ NATional (rikstäckande) I LAND (utland), (4) NATional / lNTemationelL / lNTx = in ca. x Ländem I SKAND / WELT, (5) DELA V/ egen 127

siffror och tala om tendenser och enbart de kommer att tas upp sammanfattningen nedan 1°. Först ser vi på de kvantitativa faktorerna. Ser vi på siffrorna i spalterna A-C horisontellt, så använder sig de tyska annonserna ungefär lika mycket av kalla och varma fakta. I de svenska annonserna finns tydligt fler kalla, verifierbara fakta. - Ser vi på det vertikalt, bibehåller de svenska annonserna en relativt stark övervikt av kalla fakta. Vad gäller kvalitativa faktorer (spalt D+E) är skillnaden inte lika tydlig. Man föredrar och använder gärna "varma fakta" i båda språken för att tala om ens arbetes kvalitet. Vid referenser, uppgifter och arbetsprocesser (spalter F-J) liknar bilden den av kvantitativa faktorer: Horisontellt är varma och kalla fakta rätt jämnt fördelade i de tyska texterna, medan de svenska visar en tydlig tendens till kalla fakta. Ve11ikalt är iögonfallande att de svenska texterna använder betydligt fler kalla fakta än de tyska (se fr.a. spalterna F+H). Särskilt intressant är spalt F: De tyska företagen säger betydligt mindre om vilken koncern de tillhör än de svenska. Man får spekulera kring det här: Förutsätter en tysk sändare att en intresserad läsare kan sina sammanhang?

10 Det är viktigt att de svenska företagspresentationerna 1997 i genomsnitt omfattar nästan dubbelt så många ord som de tyska: 90,32 jämfört med 47,78. Min bedömning av högrelevanta tekniker (ty: 20, sv: 40 förekomster) och relevanta tekniker (ty: 10, sv: 20 förekomster) speglar 1:2-relationen i antal ord. - Siffror i liten stil (t.ex. spalt G) står för relativ lågfrekventa tekniker, större stil betyder att tekniken förekom minst 10 resp. 20 gånger. Siffror i större och fet stil står för tekniker som förekom minst 20 resp. 40 går1ger. Som syntaktiskt fenomen undersöktes kumulationer i deltexterna. Det gav dock inget påtagligt resultat, förutom att de svenska FÖRETAGSPRESENTATIONerna nämner betydligt fler produkter (kalla fakta, spalt H) än de tyska. Skillnaderna i de andra kategorierna visar för få förekomster för att allvarligt kunna diskuteras. Angående emotivt språk i denna deltext har vi alltså i princip enbart med lexikala fenomen att göra. 128

Vill den svenska sändaren tillmötesgå läsaren och presentera den information som ändå är så lätt att ta fram i offentlighetsprincipens Sverige? Står det för en solid bas och därmed en säker arbetsplats att vara inbäddad i ett stort ekonomiskt sammanhang? Angående spridning (spalter K + L) kan vi konstatera att de svenska FÖRETAGSPRESENTATIONerna uttrycker mycket tydligare var företaget befinner sig eller agerar. Spalterna P och Q visar ännu en gång att de tyska texterna gärna tar med varma fakta (arbetssätt), medan de svenska i mycket stöne utsträckning innehåller kalla fakta (organisation).

4. Sammanfattning

För att enkelt sammanfatta det hela: Svenska företag försöker att övertyga mer med hjälp av kalla fakta och lägger större vikt på var de är representerade än tyska. Tyska företag använder sig mer av "varma fakta". En lingvist talar i så fall om olika preferenser och ser det hela värdefritt. Men de flesta läsare av platsannonser är inte lingvister utan får spontana och kanske okritiska intryck. I ett svensk-tyskt sammanhang kan detta leda till att svenskar betraktas som sifferfixerade, medan tyskarna verkar påstå saker ingen kan kontrollera, dvs. att de slår blå dunster i ögonen på läsaren. Men vi kan också se det hela på ett annorlunda sätt, nämligen att de svenska företagen formar en "låtsas-objektiv" bild av sig själva, medan de tyska öppnar sig lite mera och visar hur de ser på sig själva, dvs. att de tyska företagen i sin större subjektivitet bjuder lite mer på sig själva. Det finns ett indicium som skulle kunna styrka denna syn, nämligen att vi finner relativt sett fler pronomen i 1:a person pluralis i de tyska annonserna än i de svenska. De svenska företagen talar mer om sig själva i 129 en distansskapande, låtsas-objektiv 3 :e person singularis. Pronominas funktion leder oss däremot till frågor om distans respektive dialogicitet i texterna som kommer att tas upp i en senare publikation.

Litteraturförteckning

Barker, C. and D. Galasinski. 2001. Cultural Studies and Discourse Analysis: A Dialogue on Language and Identity, SAGE Publications. Cassirer, P. 1993. Stilistik & stilanalys, andra upplagan, Natur och kultur, Stockholm. Engberg, J. 2001. Zeitlicher und kultureller Wandel von Texthandlungsmustem in Geschäftsbriefen. I: Uber Grenzen gehen - Kommunikation zwischen Kulturen und Unternehmen. Festschrift fiir Ingrid Neumann. Eschenbach, J. & T. Schewe (Hrsg.), H0gskolen i 0stfold, Rapport 2001 :3, 57-72. Goffrnan, E. 1959. The Presentation of Self in Eve,yday Life. Reprinted in Penguin Books 1990. Hartmann, R.R.K. 1980. Contrastive Textology. Comparative Discourse Analysis in Applied Linguistics. Julius Groos Verlag, Heidelberg. H0igård, A. 1978. Språkbruken i partiprogrammer. En analyse av H0yres og Arbeiderpartiets arbeidsprogrammer for perioden 1973-77. Oslo, Novus. Jakobson, R.1960. Linguistik und Poetik. I: Roman Jakobson, Poetik. Ausgewählte Auftätze 1921-1971. Herausgegeben von Elmar Holenstein und Tarcisius Schelbert, Suhrkamp, I. Aufl. 1979, Frankfurt/Main, 83- 121. Levinson, S.C. 1983. Pragmatics. Cambridge University Press 130

Lorentzon, T. 2001. Tendenser i vänsterpartiets manifestvokabulär. Jämförande studier av lexikala förändringar 1948-1998. ORDAT rapport 8, april 2001: spraakdata.gu.se/ordat/pdf/8Lorentzon.pdf (21/9- 2003) Sandig, B. 1986. Stilistik der deutschen Sprache. de Gruyter, Berlin/ New York. Spillner, B. 1981. Textsorten im Sprachvergleich. Ansätze zu emer Kontrastiven Textologie. I: Kontrastive Linguistik und Ubersetzungs wissenschaft. Kiihlwein, W., G. Thome & W. Wilss (Hrsg.). Akten des Internationalen Kolloquiums Trier/Saarbriicken, 25.-30.9.1978, Fink, Miinchen, 239-250. 131

Different styles, different image(s), different cultures? Preferences in German and Swedish advertising style

Maria Bomter Syddansk Universitet [email protected]

1. Introduction The adaptation of advertising to local markets has in recent years become an issue for people both in the advertising business and in marketing research. On the orre hand, there is global competition in a global marketplace, and some intemational brands are sold with what seem to be very similar strategies all over the world. Researchers in the field of marketing (e.g. Usunier 1996), on the other hand, have argued for adapting advertisement to local values, at least for certain groups of goods, e.g. food. Marketing researchers are in general aware of a relationship between culture and advertising style; however, their understanding of cultural issues has mostly to do with questions of standardization vs. localization of marketing strategies as a question of saving economic resources. The linguistic details of the creation of an advertisement are of minor or no interest to them, These detai!s, however, are of great importance to linguists who want to look into the micro-cosmos of stylistic differences between languages. 132

2. Aim and method Ever since Galtung's perceptive article (Galtung 1985) about the relationship between structure, culture and intellectual style, we are aware of different text patterns in different language communities. This difference in pattern may reveal a language community's preferences for doing things in a certain way as "cultural baggage" in the sense of Anna Wierzbicka (e.g. in the introduction to Wierzbicka 2003) or Michael Clyne, who pointed out that "people's values systems, including those taken over from the group of which they are part, play a substantial role in the way they use not only their first language(s) but also subsequently acquired ones" (Clyne 1994:I). This of course has relevance in a potentially intercultural setting, where the "baggage" of one language can interfere with another language and among other things contribute to our expectations about how a "proper" text in a given genre ought to look (cf. Birgit Hoffrnann in this volume). It is the aim of this paper to describe the different ways of doing things in Swedish and German texts as a potential manifestation of "cultural baggage". 1 The description will focus on stylistic properties. Although style is a somewhat fuzzy concept, it can be defined for the purpose of comparative text analysis as a choice out of the range of possibilities in a given language. Thus I understand style as features of language usage in the sense of Sandig (1986): Style is a way of doing things with language in a socially meaningful way. Sandig in her ethnomethodologically-based textlinguistic approach defines style as a property of texts, a phenomenon that makes sense and transports meaning. She distinguishes two aspects of function, namely stylistic meaning

1 Fora comparison ofGerman and Norwegian cf. http://www.hf.uio.no/german/sprik/ or http://www.hf.uio.no/german/sprik/SPRIKprosjektbeskrNFR03.pdf. 133

(Stilsinn) as the illocutionary aspect of style and stylistic effect (Stilwirkung) as the perlocutionary aspect of style.2 Using this framework, a textlinguistic analysis of text-interna! features of parallel texts3 in Swedish and German will provide knowledge about stylistic meaning and stylistic effect in both languages and about the potential stylistic differences between them that might indicate differences in the underlying culture. I would like to comment briefly on the concept of image, as well. Image is here understood in the sense of image of self of the consumer type or the audience created by the text. This of course goes back to Goffman's idea of face as "image of self delineated in terms of approved social attributes" (1982:5), but was also inspired by Frandsen/Johansen/Nielsen (1997) who talk about how different types of advertisements create different types of audiences or target groups through the configuration of the text. The idea of creating an audience by means of the text thus relates nicely to Sandig's concept of stylistic effect.

3. Analysis of two parallel ads The parallel ads for a prestige item analysed here - a built-in coffee machine - share the same basic layout and the same picture.4 The Swedish ad (Allt om mat 6/1999) is comprised of a headline and a subline; the copy text consists of five paragraphs. The German ad consists of only one

2 "Dic stilistischcn Funktionen sind zu unterteilen in stilistisehen Sinn (als "Bedeutung"

paragraph. The picture in the Swedish ad is somewhat reduced compared to the German ad (schöner wohnen 4/1998) to allow for the longer copy text. The German headline Unser Kaffee kommt aus den besten Einbaugebieten is puzzling at first sight, since the picture only shows a kitchen in cool blue colors. The neologism Einbaugebiet, which forms a minimal pair with Anbaugebiet, a common term in coffee ads, refers to the built-in machine in the center ofthe picture. The pun at the same time is an intertextual reference to a common wording in coffee ads, which claim Unser Kaffee kommt aus den besten Anbaugebieten der Welt. The copy5 starts out with the claim Guten Kaffee erkennt man an seiner Herkunft. This reinforces the impression created in the headline, that this ad might be about (bean) coffee; the ad for a coffee machine is thus disguised as an ad for coffee. At the same time the intertextual reference to coffee ads is reinforced, regions of origin of coffee beans being a commonly mentioned topic. The statement addresses an audience of connoisseurs or specialists, aware of the importance of the region of origin for the quality of finest coffee(beans). The discrepancy between the contents of the text and the depiction suggests an audience aware of the disguise technique. The pun in the headline functions as a cue: Do not take the text at face value, be aware of potential ambiguity. The coffee specialties mentioned in the following statement Herrlich duftender Espresso, Cappuccino und Cafe au fait aus frisch gemahlenen Bo/men kommen beispielsweise aus dem Hochschrank Ihrer Einbaukiiche belong to the isotopic chain of coffee as well as herrlich dziftend andfrisch

5 Guten Kaffee erkennt man an seiner Herkunft. Herrlich duftender Espresso, Capuccino und Cafe au lait aus frisch gemahlenen Bohnen kommen beispielsweise aus dem Hochschrank Ihrer Einbaukiiche. Vorausgesetzt, Sie haben den ersten Einbau Kaffeevollautomaten der Welt zu Hause. Wenn Sie sich von seinen Qualitäten iiberzeugen wollen, Ihr Miele Fachhändler lädt Sie geme mal auf eine Tasse ein. 135 gemahlen which bring forth the sensual aspect of good coffee with reference to the smell of freshly ground coffee beans. The isotopic chain of coffee beans is further elaborated on with the pun Hochschrank, which of course reminds the reader of Hochland, another term familiar in quality coffee ads (highgrown coffee beans). As a whole, this again constitutes an intertextual play; one is led to think of Hochschra11kkaffees aus den besten Einbaugebieten der Welt as a variation of a common claim in coffee ads Hoch/a11dkaffees aus den besten Anbaugebieten der Welt. Finally at this point the product in the advertisement becomes the topic: Vorausgesetzt, Sie haben den ersten Einbau-Kajfeevollautomaten der Welt zu Hause. The first part of the compound presents the product casually as part of the fitted kitchen in a home. The novelty aspect, very prominent in the Swedish ad, is not very prominent in the German ad by its nature as adjective and its position in the middle of the copy. The matter-of-fact statement focuses more on the possession of the product than its novelty. Since the ad first established an audience aware of quality aspects, this statement seems like an implicit promise that this product will allow its owner to show that he or she belongs to those people who know what quality means. The German ad ends with the offer or invitation to test the high quality of the coffee and thus the machine's quality: Wenn Sie sich von seinen Qualitäten iiberzeugen wollen, 1hr Miele Fachhändler lädt Sie gerne mal auf eine Tasse ein. This can be read as an implicit meta-statement that both the interna! communicator and the audience are aware of the fäet that an ad is an ad. The playful ambiguity of seinen, which might refer either back to the coffee machine or forwards to the Miele-dealer as a person with whom one has a personal relationship, is taken up in the last part. Read as words 136

in their own right, auf eine Tasse einladen means: the dealer will serve you a cup of coffee from this new machine for free; or it can be understood as an idiom: he will socialize with you over a cup of coffee. Världsnyhet för finsmakare! with its exclamation mark follows the pattem of a rather traditional headline, announcing the product denotatively as the ultimate novelty. The audience is invited to identify with the image of a gourmet; the headline implies "du som är finsmakare". The subline Nu är den här, världsnyheten för espressoälskare reemphasizes through its repetition of världsnyhet the aspect of novelty. Nu är den här presupposes that this new development was expected and wished for. At the same time the subline specifies what kind of finsmakare this advertisement is addressed to. The Swedish copy6 creates a holiday scene presupposing an audience of travellers who know Italian coffee specialties well: Blunda och tänk dig en trattoria någonstans i Italien. Espresso doppio... Caffe latte ... Cappuccino ... Such an audience will of course know that the production of these coffee specialties requires specific equipment and that these coffee

6 Blunda och tänk dig en trattoria någonstans i Italien. Espresso doppio ... eaffe latte ... eapuccino .../ .Öppna ögonen och titta på ditt kök, hemma eller på kontoret. Tänk dig en elegant espressobryggare indbyggd i skåpsimedningen./ Miele ev A 620 ger välsmakande espresso och krämig cappuccino, och är dessutom avpassad för installation i ett 60 vm standardskåp.I Först och ensam i världen om detta brygger den också två koppar espresso samtidigt. Ångpipan gör att du kan skumma mjölk och få äkta cappuccino. ev A 620 har också en hetvattentapp för andra varma drycker och steglös inställning av vattenmängd och malningsgrad. Det här är en maskin som gör riktig espresso, där vattnet hettas upp till 95 grader och sedan under hårt tryck (hela 14 bar) pressas genom särskilt utvalt och nymalet kaffe./ Servera den aromrika espresson med sin tjocka krämiga yta, i en liten kopp av tjockt porslin och njut av en ovanligt smakfull världsnyhet. ["/" marks paragraphs, M.B.] 137 specialties thus have to be related to the product advertised and shown in the picture. 7 With Öppna ögonen och titta på ditt kök, hemma eller på kontoret. Tänk dig en elegant espressob1J1ggareinbyggd i skåpsinredningen the Swedish consumer is addressed both in a private and a professional role, whereas the Ge1man ad only talks about the private home. The obvious explanation is the fäet that Swedish workplaces seem better equipped with facilities for preparing coffee and snacks than most of their German counterparts. The design quality of the product is described as elegant, whereas the German ad only connotes elegance through the picture. There is an explicit mentioning of the model Miele CVA 620. The adjectives välsmakande and krämig refer back to the scene in the beginning, recalling the sensual aspect of the beverages which contrasts strikingly with the topic of plain standard fitted kitchen cupboards in avpassad för installation i ett 60cm standardskåp. The idea of a standard contrasts at the same time with the idea of exclusivity of the product advertised, be it something new and revolutionary or not. The following detailed description of the technical details and their function presupposes that the audience is interested in the technical features depicted in the illustration and appreciates the uniqueness of the machine, since it is stressed again. The ad might at the same time insinuate that someone who likes cappuccino does not necessarily know about steaming milk, that someone fond of espresso does not necessarily know what temperature and pressure produce the best results, and also does not realize that hot water can be used to make a number of other hot beverages. That

7 At the same time there is a puzzling discrepancy between the stereotypical image of Italy as channingly chaotic and the clinically cool and tidy picture in the ad. 138 means there is an encyclopaedic knowledge built into the ad: e.g. you need foam to get that froth on cappuccino, you need high pressure in order to make espresso, and what high pressure in this context means is specified by a concrete figure. With Servera den aromrika espresson med sin tjocka krämiga yta, i en liten kopp av tjockt porslin och njut av en ovanligt smakfull världsnyhet the whole ad is finally tied together: the audience is to imagine that they are already using the machine and can enjoy the superb espresso produced with it. The advertisement, which otherwise generally exhibits rather plain wording, here utilizes a modicum of playful ambiguity with the vague reference to smakfull världsnyhet, which might refer either to the taste of the coffee or to the design of the product.

4. Results of the analysis of linguistic features To sum up the differences: The German ad fakes the topic of origin of coffee, a topic completely absent in the Swedish ad, for the sole purpose of getting attention; it thus establishes a playful relationship between the communicator and the audience. The second difference is the degree of elaboration in the topic of coffee beverages. The German ad just mentions espresso, cappuccino and cafe au lait as more or less every-day items, whereas the Swedish ad emphasizes a holiday situation and the authenticity of the coffee beverages made with this machine by using the ltalian original names and by introducing them in an "Italian atmosphere". A comparison of the product information in both ads reveals a significant difference: the Swedish ad stresses the novelty of the product by explicitly assigning it novelty character in the headline and the subline, while the German ad almost downplays this aspect by mentioning it for the 139 first time in the middle of the copy text. The Swedish ad insinuates the machine's suitability for people like you and me with ordinary standard kitchen cupboards. In the German ad this is not a topic at all, but is only implied in the term Anbaukiiche. The most obvious difference is the great detail in which the technicalities of the product are described in the Swedish ad.8 It thus creates what Frandsen/Johansen/Nielsen (1997: 144) have called "den rationelle modelmodtager", the rationally oriented audience, influenced by objectives like cost-benefit relation, safety or warranty, or - as is the case here - cutting-edge technology. The German ad appeals to a different type of audience, since the product comes across as a symbol for status, as an attribute of a life style. This brings to mind Frandsen/Johansen/Nielsen' s "integrerede modelmodtager", an audience influenced by social interaction with others, e.g. the allusion to a social relationship with the Miele-dealer. Finally, in order to judge stylistic differences with respect to potential stylistic effects, I would like to sum up with a focus on how the fabric of persuasion is woven in the two ads.9 The German ad uses puns, a jocular tone, and intertextuality for attracting attention which at the same time function as cues for mutual understanding that an ad is an ad, while the Swedish ad emphasizes absolute novelty and technical perfection and uses hard fäets to show that the ad is not just propaganda. Thus both ads eschew blunt propaganda, but use different techniques.

8 This feature is prominent in other Swedish ads for kitchen equipment, as well (cf. Bonner 2000). 9 For the function of persuasion cf. Stöckl 1997 who distinguishes seven different functions. 140

The German ad has a low information content and shows a preference for implicitness, while the Swedish ad gives information explicitly in great detail. The features that make the German ad attractive to readers are word play 10 such as punning, misleading cues, intertextuality, ambiguity, remotivation of idioms. The feature that makes the Swedish ad attractive to readers is the detailed description of the product. At the same time the added encyclopaedic knowledge serves to educate the audience.

5. Conclusion To judge from this comparison, the German text shows a preference for implicitness and playful communication. This points to intellectual diversion as an important stylistic feature of contemporary German advertising style.11 A playful text like this might strike Swedish readers of German texts as silly, complicated, hard to understand or simply unintelligible and uninteresting. The Swedish ad obviously appeals to an enlightened audience, fond of fäets and interested in advanced technology. This points to a sober scientific approach as a commonly accepted social value and a more informative style in Swedish advertising. A German reader might find this kind of text boring and longwinded, he or she might feel infantilised by the overwhelming amount of seemingly superfluous information provided. It is in these potential reactions towards texts in another language, in these judgements about stylistic effects, that I see the manifestation of the cultural baggage of different cultures.

10 We might see this as the result of a more recent development in German advertising language. According to Panagel (1981) playing with words is a new trend in German advertising, that starts in the seventies. In the sixties Ruth Römer had reason lo claim: "Wortspiele kommen vor, sind aber nicht sehr häufig." (Römer 1968: 197). 11 As Cölfen 1999 has pointed out, values in German advertisements have changed considerably over the last 50 years. 141

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(Sprache der Gegenwart, 4). Sandig, B. 1986. Stilistik der deutschen Sprache. Berlin, New York: de Gruyter (Sammlung Göschen, 2229). Stöckl, H. 1997. Werbung in Wort und Bild. Textstil und Semiotik englischsprachiger Anzeigenwerbung, Frankfurt am Main [usw.]: Lang (Europäische Hochschulschriften. Reihe XIV. Angelsächsische Sprache und Literatur, 336). Usunier, J.-C. 1996. International Marketing. A cultural Approach. 2nd ed. New York/London/Toronto: Prentice Hall. Wierzbicka, A. 2003. Cross-Cultural Pragmatics. The Semantics of Human Interaction. 2. ed. (Trends in Linguistics. Studies and Monographs, 53). 143

Verbal Anchoring and Implicit Meaning in Magazine Advertisements

Margot van Mulken, Natasja B0011 and Saskia Kleijer University of Nijmegen - The Netherlands m. [email protected][ lntroduction

The marketplace is filled with vivid, attractive and complex advertising images. Meyers-Levy and Malavyia (1999) have shown that the experience of processing advertisements influences the persuasive power of the advertisement. The consumer associates the pleasure s/he experienced in processing the ad with the product or service that is advertised, and this, in tum, leads to a more positive attitude towards buying the product. Rhetoric can mediate this pleasurable experience in several related ways. It is therefore necessary to investigate to what extent the various forms of rhetoric influence the processing of advertisements (McQuarrie & Mick 1996). A special form of rhetoric affects the relation between word and image, and the relation between product and word or image. In an experiment, we have investigated to what extent the implicitness of these relations influences the experienced complexity of the advertisements, and how this affects the appreciation of the ads. 144

A model of classification has been developed and pretested with the help of corpus analysis. 100 participants, 50 French and 50 Dutch, accepted to take part in an experiment and evaluate a total of 18 advertisements that have been carefully selected along the lines of the classification mode!. The results show that the degree of implicitness plays indeed a role in the experienced complexity. This is true for the relation between word and image, and for the relation between the product/service, on the one hand, and the word or image, on the other.

Literature review In bis effort to analyze and describe the functioning of pictorial semiotics, Barthes (1964) has been the first to use advertising conventions to defend the existence of visual rhetoric. He has shown convincingly that, as in verbal rhetoric, one can decipher several layers in the visual components of a pictorial message. Like words, images can have several connotations, and can make 'sense' in the context of other images, externa! references or in interaction with words. The complete proliferation of rhetorical devices that operate in verbal texts may also apply to images. McQuarrie & Mick (1996) have put rhetoric on the research agenda of cognitive pragmaticists and other scholars of persuasion. They have shown that there is a need for a well-developed interpretative taxonomy to predict the working and effectiveness of rhetoric in advertising. They propose to discern the well-known figurative classes of schemes and tropes, introduced by Quintilian, in advertising rhetoric. Whereas schemes are superficial, redundant hut robust figures, tropes require cognitive processing (McQuarrie & Mick 2003). However, McQuarrie & Mick's taxonomy does not distinguish the verbal rhetoric from the pictorial figures. 145

They claim that, either in word or image, the rhetorical figure is fundamentally of a schematic or tropical nature. We esteem that a distinction between the verbal or pictorial mode of expression is necessary to account for the entirely different way of processing, but also for the possible multiplicity of figures and especially for the interaction of modes. Since processing effort and depth of processing are amongst the main arguments for the traditional distinction between schemes and tropes, we consider that the in-depth processing of the interaction of word and image must be accounted for in the taxonomy. The successive order in processing (Pieters et al 1996), the different way of processing (Paivio 1986) and the fundamentally different production of meaning in words and images suggest a different classification. One part ofthe solution is offered by Barthes (1964). When speaking of the interaction between word and image, he introduced the notion of verbal anchoring (ancrage as opposed to relais), by showing that a text accompanying a picture can guide the interpretation of the image. Images without copy require more cognitive effort than images with copy (Phillips 2000). Consider the picture in Figure 1. Although the interpretation of this image can be found without help of the header, the text 'Weightless Mascara' certainly makes the interpretation easier - and this is precisely how verbal anchoring works: it guides our interpretation of the eyelash as a feather. Complete verbal anchoring refers to a header that tells exactly what is shown in the picture. lncomplete verbal anchoring therefore always entails an implicit relation between the text and the image (as is the case in Figure 1). 146

Figure 1 lncomplete verbal anchoring: Weightless Mascara

In several experiments Phillips has shown that the degree of verbal anchoring coheres with the experienced complexity of the message (Phillips 2000). However, the experienced complexity does not only depend on the degree of anchoring, but it also depends on the explicitness of the relation between the product (or branche, service etc.), on the one hand, and the text or image, on the other. This is what Leiss, Kline and Jahlly 1990[1986] call product-image relation (and what we prefer to call product-image/text relation). For example, in Figure 2, if one is not aware of the fäet that the ad is intended to promote hygiene products for women, then the ad remains enigmatic, and difficult to process (the text reads: 'Modess, because ... '). When the reader is obliged to spend extra processing effort to recover the relation with the sender and the main message, the ad will be experienced as more complex (Tanaka 1992). It has not yet been investigated to what extent the product-image/text relation has to be made explicit in order to make an advertisement easier to process. If the relation between product and image or text remains implicit, then this may influence the processing of the ad. 147

Figure 2 Implicit product-image/text relation: Modess, because ...

We therefore investigate the relationship between product and text or image, on the one hand, and the anchoring ofword and image, on the other. This entails that we distinguish two types of Implicitness: the degree of verbal anchoring and the implicitness of product-image/text relation. We have discemed four categories: I. complete verbal anchoring and explicit product-image/text relation 2. incomplete verbal anchoring and exp/icitproduct-image/text relation 3. complete verbal anchoring and implicit product-image/text relation 4. incomplete verbal anchoring and implicit product-image/text relation On the basis of Tanaka (1992), Phillips (2000) and McQuarrie & Mick (2003), we expect that ads for which complete verbal anchoring is used in combination with an explicit product-image/text relation, will be judged as easier to understand than ads for which the anchoring is incomplete and the product-image/text is implicit. On the basis of Berlyne (1971) and McQuarrie and Mick (2003), we also expect that incomplete verbal 148

anchoring and implicit product-image/text relations will be evaluated more positively than explicit product-image/text relations or complete verbal anchoring, because the processing of more complex figures will be experienced as more pleasurable and enjoyable. Scott (1994) stresses that culture plays an important role in the recognition and appreciation of rhetoric, we therefore decided to include French and Dutch participants in our research. Following De Mooij (2003), we expect to find a difference in rhetorical style preferences between French and Dutch participants.

Experiment In an experiment we verified to what extent the degree of verbal anchoring and implicitness of the product-image/text relation influences the experienced complexity and appreciation of the advertisement. Out of the 100 participants, 50 were French and 50 Dutch. A total of 18 advertisements were selected that had been developed by professional copywriters and had been published in various Dutch and French magazines. A twofold 2 X 2 within-participants design was used. A questionnaire was developed to elicit data from participants in the experiment. The participants were all students, aged 19-24, 50% female, 50% male. Experienced complexity was operationalized as 'easy to understand' or 'difficult to understand' on a 7-point scale. Participants were invited to express their appreciation in terms of positive or negative evaluation, also on a 7-point scale. The data was processed by means of a two-way analysis ofvariance and t-tests. 149

Results Table 1 below presents the mean evaluations on comprehension. We can infer from Table 1 that the perceived difficulty of the advertisement increases exactly in the direction of our expectation. Incomplete verbal anchoring in combination with implicit product-image/text relation is judged to be the most difficult type of advertisement.

DUTCH FRENCH TOTAL Type of implicitness PARTICIPANTS PARTICIPANTS (N=lOO) (N=SO) (N=SO) Mean Std. Mean Std. Mean Std. Dev Dev. Dev Complete verbal 2.16 0.95 1.83 0.78 2.49 0.97 anchoring with Explicit product-image/text relation Incomplete verbal 2.67 0.88 2.59 0.86 2.74 0.89 anchoring with Explicit product-image/text relation Complete verbal 2.73 1.07 2.36 0.92 3.09 1.1 anchoring with Implicit product-image/text relation Incomplete verbal 3.47 1.08 3.77 1.07 3.17 I.OJ anchoring with Implicit product-image/text relation

Table 1: Mean evaluations (and standard deviations) on comprehension of the different types of advertisements (1 = very easy to understand, 7 = very difficult to understand) as a function of implicitness of product-image/text relation and completeness of verbal anchoring.

These results show the main effects of implicitness of product-image/text relation on comprehension (F (1, 98) = 69.55, p < .001, 112 = .41), of completeness ofverbal anchoring on comprehension (F (1,98) = 61.12, p < 150

.001, 112 = .38). There was no interaction effect ofcompleteness ofverbal anchoring and implicitness of the product-image/text relation (F < 1). Between-subjects test revealed that overall there was no significant effect of nationality (p > .05). Table 2 below presents the mean evaluations on appreciation. Both nationalities find advertisements with incomplete verbal anchoring and an explicit product-image/text relation the least appealing type. This was not what we expected. Complete verbal anchoring in combination with implicit product image/text relation is more appreciated than the more complex type, the incomplete verbal anchoring with implicit product-image/text relation.

DUTCH FRENCH TOTAL TYPE PARTICIPAN PARTICIPANT (N=lOO) TS (N=SO) S (N=S01 Mean Std. Mean Std. Mean Std. Dev. Dev. Dev Complete verbal anchoring, with 3.91 1.21 3.83 1.30 3.99 1.12 Explicit product-image/text relation lncomplete verbal anchoring with 3.57 0.95 3.70 0.94 3.43 0.95 Explicit product-image/text relation Complete verbal anchoring, with 4.08 1.14 3.97 1.06 4.19 1.22 Implicit product-image/text relation lncomplete verbal anchoring, with 3.88 0.89 4.11 0.92 3.63 0.79 Implicit product-image/text relation

Table 2: Mean evaluations (and standard deviations) on appreciation of the different types of advertisements (1 = very negative, 7 = very positive) as a function of implicitness of product-image/text relation and completeness of verbal anchoring. 151

The results show the main effects of implicitness of product-image/text relation on appreciation (F (1, 98) = 7.11, p < .005, 112 = .07) and the effects of completeness of verbal anchoring on appreciation (F (1,98) = 10. 73, p = .001, 112 = .1). In Table 2, the role of nationality was again not a significant one (F < 1). Again, there was no interaction effect of completeness of verbal anchoring and implicitness of the product-image/text relation on appreciation (F < 1).

Concluding remarks The results of our experiment show that the two levels of Implicitness used in our analyzing glid, verbal anchoring and implicitness of product image/text relation matter: the judgements differ significantly. It appears that verbal anchoting and the transpareney of the produet-image/text relation influence the perceived complexity and that this also influenees the appreciation of the advertisement. Nationality does not play a significant faetor in the appreciation of the classes of advertisements, although it appears to play a role (though minor, since the size effeets are only limited) in the judgements of the pereeived complexity of the advertisements. Our French partieipants judged the ads to be more diffieult than our Dutch subjeets and they also showed a preferenee for less eomplex advertisements. In fäet, the appreciation eurve of our French partieipants is similar to the one found by Phillips (2000), who too found that if advertisements are eonsidered to be too eomplex, they are evaluated less positively. It may be the fäet that Freneh subjects are less familiar with eomplex advertisements, although this is eontra1y to De Mooij's (2003) conclusions. An extensive corpus analysis should shed 152 more light on this (cf. Van Mulken 2003). We may conclude that the traditional taxonomy of rhetoric in ads, often restricted to schemes and tropes, profits from the inclusion of the classes 'verbal anchoring' and 'implicitness of the product-image/text relation'. It is therefore wise to incorporate these two dimensions in the classification of rhetoric in advertisements. Future research that combines schemes, tropes and the two dimensions of implicitness promises to be very fruitful.

References Barthes, R. 1964. Rhetorique de l'image. In: Communications 4, 40-51. Berlyne, D. 1971. Aesthetics and Psychobiology. New York, Appleton. De Mooij, M. 2003. Consumer Behavior and Culture. Consequences for Global Marketing and Advertising. Sage: Thousand Oaks, London, New Dehli Leiss, W., S. Kline, and S. Jhally. 1990 [1986]. Social Communication in Advertising: Persons, Products & Images of Well-being. Scarborough: Routledge. McQuarrie, E. and Mick., D.G. 1996. Figures of Rhetoric in Advertising Language. Journal ofConsumer Research 22: 424-437. McQuarrie, E. and Mick, D.G. 2003. The Contribution of Semiotic and Rhetorical Perspectives to the Explanation of Visual Persuasion in Advertising. In Persuasive Imagery, A consumer response perspective. L. Scott and R. Batra. Mahwah, New Jersey, London: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. 153

Meyers-Levy, J. and Malaviya, P. I 999. Consumers' Processing of Persuasive Advertisements: An Integrative Framework of Persuasion Theories. Journal of Marketing 63: 45-60. Paivio, A. 1986. Mental Representations. A Dual Coding Approach. New York - Oxford, Clarendon Press. Phillips, B. 2000. The Impact ofVerbal Anchoring on Consumer Response to Image Ads. Journal af Advertising 29: 15-24. Pieters, R. G. M., Rosbergen, E. et al. 1996. Visual Attention to Advertising: the Impact of Motivation and Repetition. Advances in Consumer Research 23, 242-248. Scott, L., M. 1994. Images in Advertising: the Need fora Theory ofVisual Rhetoric. Journal af Consumer Research 21, 252-273. Tanaka, K. 1992. The pun in advertising: A pragmatic approach. Lingua 87, 91-102. Van Mulken, M. 2003. Analyzing rhetorical devices in print advertise ments. Document Design 4(2): 115-128. 154

The enunciative structure of news dispatches: A contrastive rhetorical approach

Nadine Lucas GREYC, CNRS, Universite de Cae11(France) [email protected]

News release has become a commonly available corpus for linguistic studies, and its main advantage in the theoretical field is to illustrate a genre in a very wide variety of languages (Adam, 1997; see also Fl0ttum, 2001 on the academic genre). In the practical field, it is also a challenge for computational handling of information (Kando, 1999; Karlgren, 2000). Language comparison is limited here to English and Japanese. The news release samples used for this study come from Ky6d6, Reuters and Associated Press. On the one hand, we observed differences in the informational pattems among language families. On the other hand, we observed different types of layout and marks in the Japanese corpus along another line related to audience, intemational versus national broadcast, then between homeland news and news from abroad. First, I studied the distribution of necessary information in the layout of the news dispatch. It shows that Japanese standards favour event-oriented information. Second, the distribution of infom1ation along reference axes in the text allows a first 155 classification between dispatches. I will show common rhetorical processes that achieve the same informational objective in plain news dispatches.

Theoretical model A dispatch can be written in Japanese or in English, although the source is the same. The theoretical frame used to back the interpretation of a dispatch is based on Jakobson's work on enunciation (Jakobson, 1960, 1971). Jakobson's model is extremely valuable because it is general and it allows for differences that can't be explained by language alone, but rather by communication constraints. Unlike many linguists (cf. Petöfi, 1988; Schiffrin et al, 2001; Johnstone, 2002), I start from the message (the news dispatch as a whole). We evaluate the information tips, such as

Example 1. Short dispatch (AJD 16) 108/19/97FRANCE: ITOI'.ALBOOSTED BY SALES RISE. !PARIS,Aug 19 (Reute111-Shares in oil group Total SA were boosted by a general market recove,y and a rise oj 19.4 percent in first half sates, dealers said. 156

At 0813 GMT, Total was up 2. 74 percent at 601 fi·ancs while the CAC- 40 index was up 1.25 percent at 2,905.92. -- Paris newsroom +33 1 4221 5452 (c) Reuters Limited 1997 REUTERS NEWS SERVICE

Two opposite realms of reference are then built at each end on a scale that can be stretched to accommodate for variations in situation as well as complexity. Realm E (for enunciation) refers to the sphere of interaction between the actual sender ofthe message and the reader, while realm U (for utterance) refers to the action between protagonists of the reported event 1 itself • The dispatch structure can be captured through enunciation marks linked to a reference axis and one these realms, enunciation or utterance. They are noted Te, Le, Pe and Tu, Lu, Pu. In the dispatch above information referring to realm E is represented inside boxes. Let us consider the P axis (in bold) to give flesh to the abstract scale of reference. The enunciation main protagonist (related to the reader) is the sender of the message; it is equated with the news agency (here Reuters). The utterance main protagonist is the actor of the reported event (Total). But usually in the news dispatches, at least one more protagonist is mentioned: the main source or informant on the reported event (dealers). An intermediary realm M is inserted between E and U and the informant is noted Pm. There can be other protagonists (commentators) and events (discussing on fäets) that create more intermediate realms. Each time there is a shift from one realm to another, special morphemes, words, expressions or phrases are used to signal it. These are called shifiers.

1 This is often called informational content as opposed to transactional content. 157

It should be stressed that in a traditional news reading situation, realm E is scarcely marked. There are few comments directly addressed to the reader2, apart from copyright warning. On the relative scale we use here E is set at the minimal communication level enabling the reader to identify the situation. In the international format for news, the sender of the message Pe is always clearly specified, as well as the time and place of emission, respectively Te and Le.

Relation to layout

Dispositional patterns differ sharply in Kyödö interna! Japanese releases on the one hand and Reuters, AP and Kyodo intemational on the other hand. This is important to answer the question "What can the reader refer to at the very start of his reading?"

International disposition: reporter-oriented

In a dispatch (ex. 1), the text-body is surrounded by the "peritext" (Lane, 1992): the title zone (header) and the sign zone (footer). Peritext conveys information related to the enunciation realm, such as copyright. The title can be followed or preceded by broadcasting time and place (Te, Le). Information on the sender is often repeated at the beginning of the text proper, in an in-line header called inner header (of the text body). Thus, the physical layout of the dispatch will reflect abstract reference realms with some zones relating to the E realm (set in boxes in example I) and others to the U realm.

2 Though on the websites, interaction is indeed possible and tends to take a greater place (for example, direct injunction "rate this article", or warnings "editors adding info") 158

Intemational layout pattems give a large autonomy to each piece of news. They provide reference related to the reporter's world. The inner header expressing TLP information allows the reader to imagine the situation. Reference is first established according to the sender's settings. By default, they become shared settings for the content. The inner header is a text shifter because it allows common reference for the E and U realms. Kyodo news has more than one layout. The English version of Kyodo intemational shows little difference from the other intemational agencies. The inner header and footer convey information on the E realm. Example 2 Kyodo news in English (Japan section) (AJD 113) Yacht overturns, sinks in Lake Biwa, 7 missing IOTSUJapan Sept 16 KyodojAyachtwith 12 people aboard ... 2003 Kyodo News© Established 1945. All rights resen,ed

Japanese disposition: fact-oriented Kyödö in Japanese (below name with accents) displays a difference in layout and disposition between news from abroad and interna! news, a common classification in the news agencies pertaining to genre. Examples are romanised using the Hepbum transliteration. Kyödö intemal news shows a contrast, as peritext is limited to the title. The inner header is missing. Information referring to the sender (stating Te, Le and Pe) is to be found once at the top of the page, and not in each dispatch. In an ordinary reading situation this is an economy, but in case of delayed reading, finding the referential clues requires scanning the entire web page. Example 3 Kyödö news from homeland (16/09/2003) (JJD56) 12 nin nori yotto ga tenpuku Shiga, Biwako, 7 nin fumei 159

15 nichi gogo 5 ji 55 jim goro, Shiga-ken, Shiga-shi no Biwako de, 12 nin nori yotto ga tenpuku shita ta "Shiga yotto kurabu" (doshi, Kitahama) kara Katata-cho ni todoke ga atta .... A yacht with 12 people aboard capsizes: in Lake Biwa in Shiga, 7 missing th On the 15 , around 5: 55 p.m., message was sent ta the police station af Kanda by the "Shiga yacht club" (Shiga city, Kitahama) that a yacht with 12 people aboard capsized in lake Biwa, Shiga city, Shiga prefecture ....

In a Japanese dispatch, the reader starts from the fäets, reference is first established as related to the reported event. Comparison with example 2 above relating the same event shows that the place of emission, Otsu, is not mentioned in the Japanese text. Le is missing. Instead, location of the event itself (Lu) is precisely stated (including name of prefecture Shiga in the title ). Detailed information on time and location of the event is to be found in the text body. These mentions are accompanied by mention of the message itself. Although impersonal, the source stands for the intermediate protagonist (Pm). The actual sender and receiver of the message are mentioned in this example, but impersonal, objective presentation of fäets, stating information means rather than informant, is the rule in Japanese. This shows that contrary to intemational rhetoric, information is linked to the event itself (U realm). Meanwhile Kyödö news from abroad in Japanese follows a mixed standard. As in the intemational layout the in-line header is present, stating Te, Le and Pe. But information Tu, Lu, Pu is repeated in the text, and inanimate subjects are preferred at the start. 160

Example 4. Kyödö news from abroad (16/09/2003) (JJD57) Beikeijo akaji ga kaka saidai:johanki, 2773 dortt ljwashinton 15 nichi KyodoJI Beishomusho ga 15 nichi happyo sllita kotoshi 4-6 ki no keijo shushi no akaiigaku (kisetsu chosei sumi) wa, ... US deficit hitting record: first semester 2,773 dollars th th [Washington, 15 , Kyodo] The deficit figures published on the 15 by the US ministry af trade for the period April-.lune this year an current balance payments ...

Table 1 shows the contrast between the intemational and the Japanese standards. The abstract realms of reference for tips of information given in a news dispatch differ.

T a bl e 1. In fiormahon pattems as re Iate d to re f,erence an d enunc1ahon rea ms Te Le Pe Tu Lu Pu Reuters needed needed needed stated AP needed needed needed stated Kyodo needed needed needed stated intemational Kyödö Japan stated needed needed needed

Reference standards

"What can the reader refer to at the very start of his reading?" was the first question we addressed. We now tum to the text-body to relate enunciation marks to collective style. The starter of a dispatch (text-body) states a number of itcms rclatcd to time, place and protagonists. How do they relate to the rest of the text? Let us look at example 5, a very simple dispatch with only one event. The common settings are signalled by the co-reference Thursday (Tu) == 161

Oct 23 (Te). The informant is also the main protagonist. Noun anaphora allows consistency between paragraphs. The disposition favoured for English entails that the reader gets "down to the fäets" in the course of reading. Factual information is found at the core of the text (§2); the most vivid direct reported speech comes at the end. Example 5 Reported speech (no conflict) (ADJ 123) Anaphora Blair calls for international push on N. Korean issue !LONDON, Oct. 23 Kyodo -j British Prime Minister Tony Blair called Thursday for a "concerted international push" to deter North Korea from developing nuclear weapons. Speaking at his monthly press conference, Blair praised attempts by the international community, including Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi, to try and find a solution to the North Korean nuclear problem and said Britain was willing to assist in any way it could. "I think it's a very dangerous thing for the world if they (North Korea) get a long-range nuclear weapons capability," Blair said.

In the Japanese disposition, for a plain report, common settings are marked by repeated dates 23 (Te) = 23 (Tu). Noun anaphora also allows consistency between paragraphs. Example 6 Reported news, no conflict (JDJ 73) Anaphora

2003~ (1J[}JX15~) lOJl 24 R

;((,_(7)fl!!ffifi1 7i 5 0 0 0 fl!!f.1-J:f}J(7)r/ili-'(s1:~00-•1l: ['71/1/ J-.:.,,23 R~lol] .ll!lf;i<(7)r/ill.:v,oi.t(7)fl!!ffilili/it22'htd:lt--z'Rf.J17i53 o Ofl!! ' 1:4?JJ:'E(;f;:--z'li2 l liffll.:J:00 I]:,/;:, %00ft c· 5 3 7J00(7)f41''Jlr:1';v-7';?123 R, OOi!J!ft ~(7)••--z-s~#~~--z-~c~~m(7) f#iJi-F1:~oo• ■• ~1/~Ä) J(l)••~••L~ liJfJE:1';v-7'1i f 2' lv:'.li.\Vtc'(7)1:.\\J,.ll!l(7)W(~~/fMil.:J: MUJ--z', 1:lf'.;?11f;?>2'htv' -5#il~1:,i;JJ L~v 'J c r.lllhioiiiJO)'.i./i§;?{sO)iijf,E Uli'

Sakana no shurui wa 1 man 5000 shu ijö Hajime no kaiyö seibutsu kokuseichösa Fish species more than 15, 000 First int'I survey of marine fauna [Washington 23 Kyödö] Fish species living in the world seas have only just been numbered; they amount to 15, 300, against 210, 000 for all animal species. On the 23rd, a group of scientists from 53 countries, including Japan and the US published results of a survey "lnternational Census on marine fauna", the first of lhis type, which was carried on over 3 years and was funded by the United Nations, among others. The research group made it clear !hat "many marine species are endangered due lo over fishing, coral reefs destruction and so on". They insisted on the need to reinforce protection policies. Following accumulation of research results, with more !han 300 scientists participating to the census, in three years, nearly 600 species have been newly registered and species having been recorded in databases reach 15, 304. Newly discovered species [number] should increase in the future, and it is possible !hat in 2010 this number amounts to 2 -3, 000 species.

Japanese standards lead the reader right into the reported event. Moreover personal reference is avoided at the start and inanimate protagonists are favoured to relay inf01mation. Anonymous dispatches are the rule in Japanese. From the enunciation realm downward, the P axis is filled by void, or non-personal (inanimate) or indefinite (collective) values, until personal protagonists appear at the deeper level in the utterance realm. In example 6, infonnational value lays in § 1 and the most vivid direct reported speech appears in §2. That is why the reader "gets down to 3 people" at the core of the text •

3 For more elaborate examples see http://www.info.unicaen.fr/~nadine 163

Concluding remarks

Anonymous writing is the rule in Japanese press (also in newspaper articles) for the sake of objectivity. Journalists claim this is a necessary condition to ensure freedom of speech. However, the Japanese language provides very simple means to express fäets and events in an impersonal fäshion with no volitional agent: todoke ga atta, literally "a message was there", kota ga wakatta, literally" fäets became clear" etc. Such means are related to the grammatical difference between the spontaneous voice (action with no agent) and the active voice with a volitional agent, for example naosu ("get right" or "heal" by itself) as opposed to naoru ("repair" or "heal") that makes pairs for some verbs (McC!ure, 2000). As a conclusion, Jakobson's enunciation mode! is useful to study news dispatches sharing a communication situation, although languages and collective styles vary. Special attention was given to disposition in order to campare starting reference marks. Ethno-linguistic variation appears in the choice of the most salient reference realm, with a bend towards enunciation-related processes in the international (English-based) standard, and a bend towards utterance-related processes in the Japanese standard. The English reader gets down to fäets, while the Japanese reader gets down to embodied information. Still, reference axes and rhetorical processes like anaphora explain the text structure.

Bibliographic references ADAM, J.-M. 1997. Unites redactionnelles et genres discursifs: cadre general pour une approche de la presse ecrite. (Redaction units and discourse genre: general frame for newspapers study). Pratiques, (94). 164

FL0TTUM, K. 2001. Personal English, indefinite French and plural Norwegian scientific authors? Norsk Lingvistisk Tidsskrift 21: 21-55. JAKOBSON, R. 1960. Linguistics and Poetics. In Sebeok (ed), Style in Language New York, Wiley, 350-77. JAKOBSON, R. 1971. Shifters, verbal categories and the Russian verb, (Harvard University, 1957) In Selected writings Il Word and Language, The Hague/Paris : Mouton. KANDO, N. 1999. Text Structure Analysis as a Tool to Make Retrieved Documents Usable. In Proceedings af the 4th lnternational Workshop an Information Retrieval with Asian Languages, Taipei, Taiwan, Nov. 11- 12, 1999, 126-132. JOHNSTONE, B. 2002. Discourse Analysis. London/Oxford : Blackwell (Introducing Linguistics 3). KARLGREN, J. 2000. Stylistic Experiments for Information Retrieval. PhD thesis, Stockholm. LANE, P. 1992. La peripherie du texte. Paris, Nathan. LUCAS, N. 2004. Le temps, dans les depeches de presse (Time in news dispatches). Le temps dans les systemes complexes 1 r journees de Rochebrune, Paris, Ecole nationale superieure des telecommunications ENST 2004 S001. 187-197. McCLURE, W. 2000. Using Japanese: a guide to contemporary usage. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. PETÖFI, J. S. 1988. Text and Discourse Constitution. Berlin/New York, De Gruyter. SCHIFFRIN, D., TANNEN, D. and HAMILTON, H. 2001. The Handbook af Discourse Analysis. Oxford: Blackwell. THE RHETORIC OF ARGUMENTATIVE DIALOGUE 166 167

Ironi som maktmedel vid middagsbordet?

AsaBrumark Södertöms högskola [email protected]

Inledning Häromdagen utspann sig följande lilla episod vid kassan i vårt lokala snabbköp. En pappa höll på att betala för sina varor, medan den omkring tioårige sonen stod och gnällde utanför kassan. I handen hade han en godispåse, som uppenbarligen inte blivit betald men som han var i färd med att öppna. En synbarligen irriterad pappa, trängd mellan kassörskans krav på betalning och sonens gnäll, gav till slut efter med följande ord:

(1) Pappa jaja du får väl ta EN om du nu kan räkna så långt!

För mig, som stod därnäst i kön, föreföll denna kommentar till ett barn i skolåldern lite väl ironisk, kanske till och med sarkastisk. Jag rannsakade mig själv i minnet. Brukade jag fälla sådana ironiska kommentarer till mina egna barn? Använde jag ironi som (makt)medel i min kommunikation med elever i olika åldrar? Dessvärre fick jag lov att erkänna för mig själv nog har jag varit ironisk i många situationer, där jag inte bort använda den sortens kommunikativa verkningsmedel. Incidenten vid kassan och minnet av mina egna barns upprörda reaktioner över ibland ironiska kommentarer reste en rad frågor. Ironi 168

brukar beskrivas som ett stilistiskt verkningsmedel som kryddar och förgyller ett litterärt budskap. Och ironi används dagligdags i både formella och informella sammanhang i samtal mellan vuxna. Men i kommunikation med minderåriga i en asymmetrisk relation anses ironi, åtminstone av pedagogisk expertis, nästan som en dödssynd. Frågan är alltså om ironi, sakkunskapen till trots, är vanlig i kommunikation mellan vuxna och unga i till exempel familjen. Och i så fall, vilka typer av ironi förekommer, i vilken utsträckning och, framför allt, vilka funktioner fyller ironiska yttranden? Eftersom jag redan samlat in ett material bestående av videoinspelade bordssamtal i 20 svenska familjer, gick jag snabbt igenom transkriptionerna och fann en hel del exempel på vad jag anser vara ironi. För att få svar på frågan hur och varför ironi används i kommunikation mellan familjemedlemmar, företog jag en specialstudie av 18 samtal vid middagsbordet i 18 av de 20 svenska familjerna med barn i åldern 6 - 15 år. Bordssamtalen var 9-25 minuter långa med en medellängd på 17 minuter. För att se om barnens ålder kunde .ha betydelse för användandet av ironi, delade jag in familjerna i två grupper. Den första gruppen bestod av familjer med barn i åldern 6 till 10 år och den andra gruppen av familjer med barn i åldern 11 till 15 år. Även barnens ironiska yttranden togs med i undersökningen. Resultatet blev ett litet material om 36 yttranden (knappt 2 % av det totala antalet yttranden) som jag och en medbedömare upplevde som ironiska. I det fortsatta ska jag med utgångspunkt i exempel från min egen undersökning illustrera några typer av ironi som kan förekomma runt middagsbordet. Jag ska också diskutera vilka funktioner ironi kan ha i de 18 familjesamtalen. 169

Vad är ironi? Att på ett begränsat utrymme utreda fenomenet ironi låter sig naturligtvis inte göras. Här vill jag dock ta upp några gängse teorier, ge exempel från mitt eget material och formulera kritik - egen och andras - mot teorierna för att slutligen försöka precisera några drag som är gemensamma för olika typer av ironi. Enligt en vanlig uppfattning i till exempel handböcker uppstår ironi genom att en talare/skribent säger en sak men menar något annat, i syftet att nå en viss stilistisk eller kommunikativ effekt (för en översikt, se Sigrell 2001). Denna "motsatsteori" återgår på den kooperationsteori som Paul Grice lanserade 1975 och vidareutvecklade 1978. Enligt kooperationsprincipen bryter en ironisk utsaga mot en eller flera maximer för ändamålsenlig kommunikation, nämligen "tala sanning", "ge tillräcklig information", "var relevant" och "uttryck dig situationsanpassat". I mitt transkriberade material finns flera exempel på brott mot dessa maximer (även om jag inte skulle beteckna alla maximbrott som ironialstrande). Begrunda följande dialog, föranledd av en tioårings klagan över att maten varken duger eller räcker till (ironiska yttranden är kursiverade):

(2) Mamma stackars barn som BARA får två portioner Barn ta fiwn nån riktig mat Mamma mm makaroner e väl de?

Mamman i exempel (2) är inte sanningsenlig när hon genom betoning av bara antyder att två portioner mat skulle innebära att barnen får svälta. Också barnets kommentar kan få en ironisk effekt genom implikationen 170 att makaroner inte är "riktig" mat, även om någon avsiktlig ironi kanske inte finns där. I exempel (3) är mamman ordentligt irriterad över barnets gnäll vid matbordet, bland annat för att potatisskalningen tar så lång tid:

(3) Mamma du kanske vill byta mat me Leo (katten)? Barn går den fortare? Mamma mm

Här ger situationskontext, kroppsspråk och intonation en tydlig indika tion på att yttrandet är ironiskt menat. Implikationen, att kattmat på burk går snabbare att äta, men är otjänlig som människoföda, förstår dock tioåringen inte, utan uppfattar yttrandet som ett allvarligt menat förslag. Att maximbrottsteorin inte klarar av alla typer av ironi lika bra framgår av exempel (4), där en tonåring gör sig lustig över mammans insatser i bandy: (4) Pappa mamma ska också spela sen Barn som bänkvärmare

Omvänt gäller, som påpekats ovan och i tidigare forskning (t ex Giora 1995, Utsumi 2000, Sigrell 2001), att alla maximbrott naturligtvis inte behöver vara ironiska, vilket följande omdöme om ett popband bekräftar:

(5) Barn I tycker du dom sjunger bra? Bam2 men han som ja jobbar me sjunger bra

Det andra barnets yttrande bryter mot principen om tillräcklig information genom att säga för lite. Effekten av denna - icke-ironiska - kommentar blir slutsatsen att bandet inte är särskilt lysande - med ett undantag. En annan teori, härn111i11gsteori11(Sperber och Wilson 1998), ser ironi som en genom nonverbala signaler markerad upprepning av tidigare 171 yttranden, tankar o s v, i eller utanför den omedelbara kontexten. Flera exempel på denna typ av ironi kan hämtas ur det transkriberade materialet. I följande exempel försöker en elvaåring förklara att Sjöhistoriska museet inte ligger i närheten av Wasamuseet, vilket den äldre system låtsas förstå.

(6) Barn 1 längre (skakar på huvudet) a ungefär så åker man in i stan å så längst bort i hörnet i hörnet av stan Bam2 (skrattar) i hörnet av stan, jaha

Dialogen i exempel (7) nedan är ett utdrag ur en åtta gånger så lång sekvens, som inleds av att mamman anmärker på att hon funnit ogjorda läxor. Hon anställer därför ett veritabelt korsförhör, där den tioårige sonen måste förklara sig och bedyra att överenskommelsen om läxläsning ska gälla även i fortsättningen. Sonen lovar till och med att arbeta extra och beklagar att han haft en del annat att stå i, något som blir föremål för mammans ironiska upprepning.

(7) Barn nej ja ska rycka mej framåt Mamma ja dusa deja Barn men ja hann inte ja gjorde lite andra grejer Mamma nä nä (tittar intensivt på barnet) ja precis (skrattar) lite andra grejer Barn ja de e skolan man håller på me kompisar å grejer

En teori som påminner om härmningsteorin är "allusio11steori11" (Kumon-Nakamura et al 1995, se Utsumi 2000 för kritik), som går ut på att ironin består av en förlöjligande allusion på något i den situations eller kulturkontexten. Både exempel (2) och (4) ovan kan ses som allusioner, den första på en förment åsikt hos barnet och den andra på en 172

(kulturellt betingad) nesa att som ovan spelare tvingas tillbringa stor del av tiden på avbytarbänken. Förutom i exempel (6) ovan finns i materialet dessutom ytterligare några exempel på ironi som går ut på att talaren låtsas en respons (vilket är den etymologiska innebörden av ordet ironi). Det skulle därför kunna analyseras enligt ''förställ11ingsteori11", en variant av allusionsteorin:

(8) Mamma I .. .I har du ont i örat? Barn näja har hål i örat Mamma e de sant? (låtsasjön,åning)

Sammanfattningsvis kan med utgångspunkt i de här presenterade exemplen sägas att flera teorier fångar vissa aspekter av ironins väsen utan att lyckas täcka hela fenomenet. Kanske beror det på att ironi är ett funktionellt begrepp för en kommunikativ handling som uppstår i en konkret situation. Dock kan man utifrån teorierna och exemplen extrahera några strukturella drag som är gemensamma för de flesta former av ironi:

a) Ironi är ofta ett uttryck för känslor, attityder eller reaktioner hos en talare/skribent i förhållande till personer omständigheter o s v riktat mot en mottagare, som kan, men inte behöver utgöra mål eller offer för ironin. b) Den ironiska markeringen sker ofta genom en oväntad språklig form och/eller genom verbala, nonverbala ledtrådar och/eller kontrasterande kontextuella omständigheter som bidrar till att skapa distans mellan sändare och uttryck och mål för ironin. c) Det ironiska uttrycket har ofta en utformning och en placering i ett 173

budskap som gör det svårt att besvara det på annat sätt än genom en minimal respons. Det sistnämnda kan exemplifieras genom de två följande dialogerna:

(9) Barn vill du ha min bacon mamma? Mamma va, vill du inte ha den? hörru jaja/varför varför vill du inte ha den? Barn ja vet inte ja va inte sugen på de alls Mamma jaha de va dä,jör du tog så mycke

Här väljer den vuxna ett ironiskt uttryck i stället för ett direkt i form av en fråga, som t ex: "varför tog du så mycket då da?", som hade krävt ett svar och kanske fortsatt argumentation. I följande fall menar mamman motsatsen, vilket denna tolvåring förstår mycket väl:

(10) Mamma va ska du göra nu da? Barn sitta vid datorn Mamma de brukar du aldrig göra va (ironiskt tonfall och menande blick) Barn nä

Men ett "Jo!" är inadekvat som svar och hade förstört den ironiska, här lite skämtsamma, poängen. Mamman vill troligen förmedla sin kluvna inställning till aktiviteter vid datorn. Även mer explicita frågor kan uttrycka ironi som utesluter ett svar, som i följande exempel:

(11) Childl: gör han inget som mamma säjer? Child 2: trodde du de eller?

Vilka funktioner fyller ironi i ett bordssamtal? Ironi tycks alltså uppstå som ett subjektivt upplevt spänningsförhållande mellan tecken och betecknat. Mer fruktbart än att försöka definiera begreppet är, enligt min mening, därför att studera ironiska yttrandens funktion och effekt i en given situation. Här ska jag ge exempel på några av de funktioner som ironi tycks ha i de 18 bordssamtalen. Talaren kan använda ironi för att 174

(i) uttrycka kritik, som antingen mildras eller förstärks (mot sarkasm) genom ironin Gfr Pexman et al 2002) i syfte att a) uppmana till handling (oftast som initiativ) b) kommentera i uppfostringssyfte (oftast som respons) (ii) avvärja kritik (ofta riktad mot den egna personen) för att a) rädda ansiktet b) visa solidaritet (iii) skapa och underhålla gemenskap, en "vi-känsla", genom att a) skapa och testa ramar och gränser b) retas (oftast i solidaritetsskapande syfte) Ytterligare ett syfte kan vara att helt enkelt underhålla, roa genom ironin (som då kanske hellre betecknas som "humor"). I de 18 bordssamtalen uppträdde i genomsnitt två ironiska yttranden i varje men fördelningen på frekvens och typer av ironi varierade avsevärt mellan de två åldersgrupperna. I den första gruppen (med barn i åldern 6- 10) förekom ironiska yttranden tre gånger så ofta bland föräldrarna, medan barnen i denna åldersgrupp sällan eller aldrig använde ironi. Vanligast förekommande i dessa bordssamtal var yttranden i syfte att kommentera och reglera barnens beteende, som i de två följande exemplen:

(12) Pappa gör en insamling nu å så gör du ett sista dödsryck va? potatis ål borde vara rätt laddning för dej

Här möter vi en desperat far som inte lyckas få den 10-årige sonen att äta ordentligt till middag (dvs ladda upp inför en "viktig" hockeymatch dagen därpå). När sonen protesterar växer irritationen:

(13) Pappa nä nä nä sluta nu nu är du ute å cyklar 175

Denna typ av ironi såg vi redan i exemplen (1) - (3) ovan, samt exempel (7) som visar att även mammor kan vara ironiska och till och med sarkastiska, om nöden så kräver. Annars är mödrar oftare milt ironiska, d v s använder ironi som mildring av uppmaningar, medan fäder, i stället är mer sarkastiska för att skärpa en uppmaning eller anmärkning, vilket antyddes genom det första exemplet (jfr exempel i Rundquist 1992). I den här gruppen förekom även några exempel på avväpnande ironi från den vuxnas sida, som i följande dialog om en mamma som totalt missförstått en teaterrepetition på kvällstid i barnens skola:

(14) Mamma I .. .I tur att ja inte ringde polisen Barn tänk om du skulle va konstigt de skulle blitt då Mamma jaa "knäpp mammaförstör teater"

I det här fallet rör det sig kanske snarare om den tredje, solidaritets skapande funktionen. Annars är gemenskapsskapande ironi betydligt vanligare i den andra gruppen med barn i åldern 11-15 och det är framför allt barnen som är ironiska i denna grupp. I exempel (11) ovan är det den äldre systern som gör sig lustig över broderns "inbillning" att kompisen skulle lyda sin mamma. Men ironin i detta exempel upplevs inte som kritik utan snarare som retsamhet av den typ som brukar förekomma mellan syskon. Detta gäller kanske också för exemplen (15) - (17) här nedan. I exempel (15) tar samma storasyster som i (11) åter tillfället i akt att retas: (15) Barn 1 extra kryddigt Barn2 jaja kände de snart e ja en drake Mamma kan du passa mejl ge mej brödfatet Barn 1 snart? du e redan de 176

får ja också ta en brödbit tack

I en annan familj med en 11-åring och två tonåringar ligger den ironiskt retsamma tonen lurande i nästan alla repliker mellan ungdomarna. Endast någon enstaka gång blandar sig de vuxna i:

(16) Barn 1 ja e femton i år så ja kan inte va me i de här [inspelningen] Bam2 du e inte alls femton/ fjorton Barn 1 men ja/ Bam2 /nä du e sju år Barn l ja räknar me i år Barn2 men [name} d11ser faktiskt äldre ut ä11sju år Pappa ha11äter i11tesom om ha11va sju år

I exemplet ovan framstår faderns tillägg som lite mer sarkastiskt och han tycks här utnyttja tillfället för en beteendereglerade kommentar. Som nämnts förekommer ironiska kommentarer flitigt i samtalen mellan ungdomar men det kan ibland vara svårt för en utomstående att uppfatta ironin. I följande fall antyder dock kontext och nonverbala signaler att den femtonårige brodern från exempel (16) är måltavla för systems ironiska kommentar: (17) Barn 2 han har gjort den där tröjan i slöjden (skrattar och pekar)

Sammanfattning

Även om frekvensen kanske inte är påfallande hög används ironi alltså flitigt i vissa funktioner. Föräldrar verkar ta till detta medel för beteendereglerande uppmaningar och kommentarer medan de äldre barnen oftare använder ironi i solidaritetsskapande och statushöjande syfte. Ironi tycks alllså, på olika sätt, vara ett viktigt maktmedel vid matbordet. 177

Referenser Giora, R. 1995. On irony and negation. Discourse Processes 19 (2): 239- 264. Grice, H. P. 1975. Logic and conversation. In: Cole, P. and Morgan, J. (Eds) Syntax and Semantics 3: Speech acts, 41-58. New York: Academic Press. Grice, H. P. 1978. Further notes on logic and conversation. In: Cole, P and Morgan, J (Eds.) Syntax and Semantics 9: Pragmatics, 113-128. New York: Academic Press. Kumon-Nakamura, Sachi, Glucksburg, Sam and Brown, Mary. 1995. How about another pice of pie ? The allusional pretence theory of discourse irony. Journal oj Experimental Psychology, General 124 (1):3-21. Pexman, P. and Olineck, K. 2002. Does sarcasm always sting? Investigating the impact of ironic insults and ironic compliments. Discourse Processes, 33(3): 199-217. Rundquist, S. 1992. Indirectness: a gender study of flouting Grice's maxims. Journal oj Pragmatics 18: 431-449. Sigrell, A., 2001 (2a uppi). Att övertyga mellan raderna. Rhetor förlag. Sperber, D. and Wilson, D. 1998. Irony and relevance: A reply to Seto, Hamamato and Yamanashi. In: R. Carston and S. Uchida (Eds.) Relevance the01y: Applications and implications, 283-293. Amsterdam: Benjamins. Utsumi, A., 2000. Verbal irony as implicit display ofironic environment. Distinguishing ironic utterances from nonirony. Journal oj Pragmatics 32: 1777-1806. 178

"Titta, jag klar" [Look, I ready] Rhetorical devices in an immersion classroom

Asta Cekaite Linköping University astce@tem a. liu. se

This paper explores how children gain teacher attention and deal with conversational participation in an immersion classroom (förberedelseklass). Traditionally, SLA (second language acquisition) research has studied leaming as an individual cognitive process. The present study approaches L2 (henceforth second language) leaming and use as a process, situated in everyday conversational practices. During several decades, children's situated language practices have been the ethnographic focus of language socialization approaches. They examine language leaming by linking language use to sociocultural processes (cf Ochs 1988). Lately, several researchers studying SLA in school contexts have similarly argued for a holistic and ecological-perspective on language leaming, pointing out that the social activities of the leamer are central to any understanding of language learning (Kramsch 2002). Moreover, conversational studies have pointed out the need to address the issue of language learning through the close examination ofthe actual classroom talk (cfMarkee 2000). Classroom interactional data were collected in a Swedish speaking 179

immersion classroom for 7-10 year olds in a Swedish school. In an immersion classroom children are normally grouped according to basic language proficiency in Swedish. All children in the present study were non-native speakers who had recently arrived in Sweden. The children's classroom interactions, as well as their play activities, were recorded

Children's attention calls

In-depth analyses of video recordings reveal basic attention call formats. The present analysis highlights lexico-semantic, as well as prosodic and other nonverbal, features in the production of attention calls. The activity of engaging in conversations in the classroom is usually accomplished in the following way: at first, interactional work is needed to gain attention, then to achieve sustained interaction, and finally to engage the respondent in a conversational activity with a shared focus (to direct the interaction towards the child's communicative project). Fusi has been working on a mathematics task on her own, accompany ing her work with counting aloud. In line 1, she raises her gaze and looks intently at the teacher aid Fare and stops her work, thus indicating that she has finished ber task. Her coordinated nonverbal actions can be seen as an attention call. An announcement about her progress on task 'K-la:r' ('ready') serves as another attention call, when she addresses her announcement to the teacher aid Fare, whom she summons in the form of a vocative. The address vocative she uses is immediately followed by 181

extended information on her 'communicative project' and is thus interpreted as a call for a special attention to Fusi. She then continues her attention sequence by issuing a request of action 'ko:m!' ('come! ') and by providing a revised account of why the teacher's attention is needed 'klar jag' ('ready I').

Ex. 1. Classroom activity: individual work on mathematics. A gir!, Fusi (7 years) , and a boy, Sawan (9). Teacher aid Fare and Thom (substitute teacher).

-> 1. Fusi: K-!la:r(.S) Fair~ tko:m tklar jag. Ready (. 5) FARE come ready I. ( (writing, turns and looks at Fare))

-> 2. ( (Thom goes to Fusi. Fusi looks at Thom, waves with her hand and then points with her pencil at the exercises))

3. Fusi: Jag !klar. I ready. ( (falsetto singing voice, pointing energetically at the book with her pencil))

4. ( (Thom leans down to the exercise book and checks her task))

5. Fusi: Bra? Good?

6. Thom: Bra. ( (nods affirmatively and goes away)) Good.

Several different attention getting devices can be seen in this brief episode: (1) insistent gaze, (2) informing about her progress on the task, (3) a vocative and (4) a directive. She apparently requests an evaluation of her progress. The way in which her words are uttered is important. The intonation and the extensive use of prolonged vowels, as well as the voice quality portrays her not as a neutral 'petitioner', but as one who is in great need. Thus, in line 1, Fusi not only provides a reason for her attention call, but also acts upon the teacher's duties in the classroom, and takes up a 182

stance of a pupil who is more entitled to attention than other less 'needy' pupils. The performance of an affective state ('demanding', 'needing help') is thus also used as a way of pursuing the teacher's attention. Despite Fusi's persistent attempts, there is no uptake, as the teacher is involved in helping another child. A substitute teacher Thom then approaches Fusi. Fusi tries to secure his engagement by waving her hand, thereby summoning him. She directs his attention to her communicative project by pointing with a pencil at the exercises and framing the activity by announcing that she has finished her task. When Thom's orientation is secured, Fusi fills the 'first topic slot' with 'jag klar' ('I ready'). Fusi uses both verbal and nonverbal devices first to secure attention, then to frame her 'expected' involvement, i.e. getting evaluation of the work she has done, and finally locating precisely the focus of the exchange, the exercises she needs to get feedback on. Consistent with such a reading is 'Bra?' ('Good?') in line 5, where Fusi is soliciting further action and invi ting evaluation of her work. Several actions are achieved with minimal semantic resources. The broad interpretative frame is established and a specific activity 'evaluation' and 'giving praise' is invited. In her initiation of talk engagement with the teacher, Fusi relies not only on verbal, but also on a series of nonverbal actions: such as tuming and looking to the recipient, waving her hand (as a summans), pointing to diiect specific attention, and displaying her book as the mutual focus of attention (cf Goodwin, 2000), thus invoking the communicative project of 'getting evaluation and praise'. 183

Changing addressee and communicative project Children, in fäet, also used the multiparty nature of the interactional setting as a resource for achieving involvement. An important repair strategy for achieving involvement is change af addressee. In the following example we will see how, in their attempts to achieve participation, the children changed the addressee and approached her/him with the same communicative project. Moreover, they changed or modified the communicative project. When Layla approaches her desk and wants to sit there, Nok moves playfully to Layla's desk and pretends to 'take' her place. In line 1, when her closest peer group neighbour is approaching her seat, Nok makes an attention call which takes form of a playful invitation 'jag heter Layla' ('my name is Layla'). She finishes offwith a laughter invitation and smile. Her playful invitation is an accomplished performance of this playful 'identity switch', as she not only uses the verbal mode, but also performs this play scenario by moving from her desk and taking Layla's place. Actually she relies on a specific activity usually played out between the teacher and a child who has left her desk and is instead seated at another child's place. This activity hasa great entertaining value for the children. They frequently initiate it with both the teachers and the peer group. The sequential organisation ofthis play routine requires a forthcoming comment, a relevant second pair part, disagreement or agreement with Nok's claim on Layla's identity. However, there is no verbal uptake to her play invitation. Layla pushes away Nok from her desk without making any verbal comment. Although she smiles briefly, she momentarily redirects her attention toward the teachers and the main classroom activity. 184

Ex. 2. C!assroom activity: teacher-fronted story telling. Girls: Nok (7 years), Layla (9) and boys Sawan (9), Abdi (7). Teacher Vera and teacher aid Fare.

-> 1. Nok: Jag heter Layla! ha ha My name is Layla! ha ha ( (standing close to La yla' s desk) )

2. Layla: ( (smiles briefly at Nok and sits at her own desk. Then she looks at Fare))

3. Nok: ( (moves to her own desk and turns to Layla))

4. Fare: Den som är döv (.) som inte kan prata Somebody who is deaf (. ) who can't speak

5. Layla: A ( (to Fare)) Yeah

6. Fare: Han vill ha någonting att dricka (.) He wants something to drink (.)

7. Layla: A= ((to Fare)) Yeah=

-> 8. Nok: =X [JAG HETER LAYLA! ((to Layla)) =X [MY NAME IS LAYLA!

9. Fare: [Han är döv {.) han kan inte pra]ta (.)han vill ha [He is deaf (. ) he can't speak (.) he wants

10 någonting att dricka ( .) Vad skall han säga? something to drink (. ) What shall he say?

-> 11 Nok: ((lays her head on her arms on the desk on her desk, displays 'tired and sleeping', and looks toward Layla and Abdi)) 0 Jag sover. 0 0 I'm sleeping 0

12 Layla: XX ( (to Fare))

-> 13 Nok: [;Abdi jag rsover. [ Abdi I'm sleeping. ((rises energetically her head, and lays down again 'sleeping')

Abdi: [A: ((to Fare)) [Yea:h 185

In line 8, Nok repeats her playful invitation and this time she also addresses it to Layla through her gaze. She upgrades her attention call by emphatically marking the utterance and raising the volume. However, a response is not forthcoming, and in line 11 Nok makes an attention call once again, 'jag sover' ('I'm sleeping'), with a 'tired', 'sleepy' voice and lower volume. Simultaneously, she performs the role of a 'sleeping' person by changing her body posture. Nok lays her head on the desk. Thus she has changed her 'communicative project', from extending an invitation to play 'jag heter Layla' ('my name is Layla') to enacting the role of a 'sleeping' pupil. Although Nok has shifted the content of involvement proposals, staying with the same respondent, there is no uptake. In line 13, Nok repeats her attention calls, but this time she reorients the attention to another addressee, she summonses Abdi and recycles her preceding playful invitation, 'jag sover' ('I'm sleepirtg'). Simultaneously, she lays her head on the desk, performing again the role of the 'sleeping person' in the classroom. No response is coming this time, since Abdi is involved in the main classroom activity. To summarise, the present multiparty setting allowed the children to reshape their attention sequences and use multiple recipients in order to achieve the same communicative project. The children pursued the same communicative project by employing a range of variously shaped attention calls each of which was designed to the particular respondent in the classroom. The children selected the recipient by gaze, body direction and/or by language choice. Body posture as such provided a resource for engagement, which set up the stage for an attention-getting sequence. The interpretative frame was thus accomplished through embodied action and 186 talk, shared and available in the classroom community resources: display of the book, standing position, intonation pattem, and displays of affective stance. Although the communicative project in numerous cases was not revealed verbally, it was often invoked through displays of the target of attention, e.g. the book, which was visible to the gaze of the recipient.

Conclusions In the immersion class the children produced a range of different kinds of attention calls, some of which were successful, but the majority were not. Attention calls in the language classroom draw on multilayered local resources: multiple recipients, different forms of participation in on- and off- task activities. Exploiting locally available resources, the children were able to indicate their communicative projects and to rhetorically mark the noteworthiness of their attention calls, in spite of their limited linguistic resources. Resources for achieving involvement are also the knowledge of specific activity systems, playful 'identity switch' invitations, 'parasitic' imitations of the teacher's or student's characteristic activities, such as hand raising, or giving directives. Those are resources that arise from a shared knowledge of a common history of the particular classroom community. In their attempts to achieve participation, the children changed the addressee and approached her/him with the same communicative project. Several times, they changed or modified the communicative project too. The children's numerous, hut often unsuccessful, attention calls were issued at some seconds' intervals and can be intcrprctcd as a way of 'being' and 'participating' in the classroom when the child's limited linguistic skills do not provide access to the main line activity in the classroom. Also, 187 and quite importantly, they can be seen as a way of spending time when the classroom activity seems boring.

Performative expressions of affect While using affect markers in involvement initiatives, the speaker/the child appeals to the addressee to provide attention. Children's ways of signalling their communicative project in attention calls directed to the teacher are very much a like caregiver - child interaction (see Ochs 1988, where Samoan children used affect pronouns to obtain sympathy from someone 'who bad the desired good'). In this classroom, the child orients toward the teacher as a caregiver, whose duties are to monitor and react not only to the child's 'work in progress' hut also to his/her emotional displays. Thus emotion displays are used as rhetorical strategies. Children use affect loaded attention getting devices and performative affect displays of being 'unhappy', 'happy', 'playful', 'desperate' as rhetorical resources in order to obtain the preferred response from the teacher. When addressing the peer group, the children often use performative displays ofan 'interesting', 'joking', witty' or 'challenging' person and the presentation of the communicative project is usually an invitation to a playful or non serious activity. The children's varying ways of inviting involvement with teachers and the peer group can be considered to be different patterns for presentation of the self in relation to classroom community members, thereby constituting rhetorical resources for gaining access into a classroom community. Performative displays of affect, as well as other extensively employed resources from the nonverbal modality, or in fäet, the intertwining modalities in achievement of immediate understanding, can be analysed in 188

terms of the communication strategies children use in meeting basic communicative needs. This approach to L2 communication strategies can be productively used for the investigation of interactional, social and educational issues (Rampton 1995). According to the language socialization approach, language use affects language leaming. Hence, the child's communicative activities influence the organisation of her/his linguistic knowledge. In other words, the rhetorical force of children's utterances and their rhetorical strategies may account for certain acquisition pattems (Ochs 1988: 188). The present analysis of children's ways of engaging in conversations reveals that attention getting devices mirror the social life of the classroom community and classroom teaching ideologies, leaming and peer group relations. In line with language socialization studies, it is important to explore hos different participant roles the children adopt in the immersion classroom interactions, and the rhetorical design of their talk influence their L2 knowledge.

References

Goodwin, C. 2000. Action and embodiment within situated human interaction. Journal of Pragmatics 32: 1489-1522. Kramsch, C. (ed). 2002. Language acquisition and language socialization. London: Continuum. Markee, N. 2000. Conversation analysis. Mahwah: Lawrence Erlbaum. Ochs, E. 1988. Culture and language development: Language acquisition and language socialization in Samoan Villuge. Cambridge: University Press. 189

Pallotti, G. 1996. Towards an ecology of second language acquisition: SLA as a socialization process. In E. Kellerman, B. Weltens and T. Bongaerts, (Eds.) EUROSLA 6:a selection af papers, 121-134. Toegepaste taalwetenschap in artikelen 55. Amsterdam: VU Uitgeverij. Rampton, B. 1995. Crossing: Language and identity among adolescents. London: Longman. Sacks, H. 1992. Lectures an conversation. Oxford: Basil Blackwell. Willet, J. 1995. Becoming first graders in an L2: An ethnographic study of L2 socialization. TESOL Quarterly 29: 473-503.

Tra11scriptio11key : prolonged syllable [ ] : demarcates overlapping utterances (.) : micropause, i.e. shorter than (0.5) (2) : numbers in single parentheses represent pauses in second YES : relatively high amplitude x : inaudible word

0 0 : denotes speech in low volume (( )) : further comments ofthe transcriber ? : denotes rising terminal intonation : indicates fälling terminal intonation : denotes latching between utterances t ! : pitch movements Fare : sounds marked by emphatic stress are underlined ha ha : indicates laughter 190

Kan man argumentera som man vill? Om ungdomar som ogiltigförklarar resonemang

Karolina Wirdenäs Göteborgs universitet karo/[email protected]

Om retorik och publik 1 Man kan fråga sig vem som äger rätten att avgöra vad som är ett riktigt sätt att argumentera på. I Perelmans och Olbrechts-Tytecas The New Rhetoric är publiken en central aspekt av argumenterande och övertygande aktiviteter (1971: l 7ff.). De menar att det alltid finns en publik, även om man argumenterar för att övertyga sig själv (1971: 35ff.). Det är publiken, reell eller imaginär, och dess karaktär som är avgörande för hur man väljer sina ord och anpassar sina argument. Dessa tankegångar är naturligtvis grundläggande för retoriken i stort, där man alltid frågar sig hur man uttrycker sig på bästa sätt för att vara så övertygande och vederhäftig som möjligt. Synen på en ständigt närvarande publik gör perspektivet dialogiskt. I den samtalsanalytiska traditionen betraktas emellertid alltid interaktion som ett dialogiskt - ett samarbete mellan deltagare (ifr Bakhtin 1981, Linell 1998). Det finns alltid en konkret och närvarande publik (mist två deltagare för ett samtal). Interaktionen äger rum i ett sammanhang där varje yttrande pekar såväl bakåt som framåt; på en och samma gång är ett

1 Tack till Catrin Norrby och Barbro Wallgren Hemlin som givit mig värdefulla kommentarer på texten. 191 yttrande en respons på vad som föregått och förutsättningen vad som kan följa (Linell 2002). Samtalet betraktas som något dynamiskt och öppet för ständig påverkan. En persons argumentation och argumentativa strategier kan därmed påverkas och omförhandlas kontinuerligt under ett samtal. Detta gäller inte minst om det uppstår oenighet mellan samtalsdeltagare. I det följande kommer jag att visa på samtalsexempel från oplanerad interaktion då samtalsdeltagares resonemang möter motstånd. Det är där ur detta perspektiv samtalsdeltagarna, eller publiken, som signalerar att det är något problematiskt med argumentationen och som med andra ord avgör vad som accepteras. I analysen av interaktion och argument använder jag mig av CA-metod (Conversation Analysis, se Atkinson & Heritage 1996, Sacks 1992 och Sacks et al 1974) i kombination med interaktionell sociolingvistk, vilken tar hänsyn till den sociala kontexten ( dvs. situationen samt information om deltagarnas sociala bakgrund och deras relationer, se Gumperz 1982, Schiffrin 1994, 1985). Vidare anlägger jag ett retoriskt perspektiv utifrån vilket ogiltigförklaringars effekt eller påverkan på samtalen studeras (se Perelman & Olbrechts-Tyteka 1971).

Ogiltigförklaringar i materialet Undersökningsmaterialet utgörs av bandinspelade gruppdiskussioner mellan gymnasieungdomar. Deras samtal har ett givet ämne (musik) och en utomstående samtalsledare är närvarande (Wirdenäs 2002: 42ff.). Trots detta har interaktionen vardaglig karaktär. Det händer ofta att ungdomarna blir oeniga under inspelningarna - nästan en tredjedel av deras samtal behandlar oenigheter som uppstått spontant. Samtalsdeltagarna och grupperna har olika sätt att hantera 192 oenigheten och flera sorters tekniker för att argumentera används. En av dessa argumentationstekniker har jag kallat ogiltigförklarande. Denna vänder sig mot hur något sägs och inte vad som sägs, eller med andra ord sättet som någon resonerar på och inte mot någons åsikter och ställningstaganden. Det kan till exempel handla om att yttranden upplevs som orimliga, ogrundade, oklara eller irrelevanta. Tre samtalsexempel kommer att konkretisera argumentationstekniken. Där visas för det första vad som föranleder ogiltigförklaringen, för det andra presenteras det ogiltigförklarande yttrandet och för det tredje diskuteras dess följder. Exemplen jämförs därefter kort och artikeln avslutas med en sammanfattande diskussion om ogiltigförklaringarna som retoriskt redskap.

Exempel 1: "de e musiken vi snackar om" I gruppen2 som kallas A pratar man här om Lisa Ekdahls musik. Gruppen består av två flickor, AK5 och AK6, och två pojkar, AMI och AM2. Samtalsledaren ställer en fråga (r. 1) i början av exemplet vars svar ger upphov till oenighet: 3

1 S: va tror ni på de här mä könsfördelningen då? ä de (.) 2 kvinnor eller män

2 Grupperna som exemplen är hämtade från motsvaras i materialet av grupp 11, grupp 7 respektive grupp 21. Namnen är ersatta av koder. 3 Transkriptionsprinciper enligt förenklad och modifierad CA-modell: bra musik, visar den aktuella exemplet; (.), paus; bra musik, emfatiskt tryck; braaa 0 0 musik, förlängning av ljud; +bra musik+, sägs med höjd röst; bra musik , sägs med svag röst; *bra musik*, sägs med skrattande röst; SKRATT, alla skrattar; SKRATTAR, en deltagare skrattar, LOTTA SJUNGER, metakommentarer skrivs med versaler; bra musik-, fortsättningsintonation; (bra musik), osäker transkription, x, x x, x x x, omöjligt att höra ett, två respektive flera ord;?, frågeintonation; [, överlappande tal; [[, samtidigt inledda turer; », turen fortsätter inte på följande rad utan längre ner; =, latching, dvs yttranden som följer på varandra utan paus. 193

3 AMl: som lyssnar eller? 4 S: m [ (.) som lyssnar 5 AMl: [ja 6 (.) 7 AK6: detta e nog meer- 8 AMl: men de e väl d- hon å [CajsaStina Åkersten» 0 9 AM2: [ nää vet inte X X (.) ja 10 AMl: »eller ja (.) jag tror de e ganska mycke killar som 11 lyssnar på dom för dome ju (.) snygga tjejer 12 SKRA[TT 13 AKS: [jaja men de[ e musiken vi snackar om 14 AM2: [jag tror faktiskt de e [mycke eh-» 15 AK6: [FNISSAR 16 AM2: »(.) ganska (.) bra fördelat eller så [X X 17 AMl: [ja de tror jag 18 (.) [ja 19 AK6: [ja de e nog inget 20 (.) 21 AKS: hm (.) men jag tror (.) sånahär låtar tror jag de e 22 mer tjejer som lyssnar på 23 AMl: den spela dom my- den spela dom ganska mycke på radio 24 va när den kom va (.) precis (me när den bli)-

Här är den samtalskontext som ger upphov till oenigheten tämligen kort. Det första fullbordade svaret på samtalsledarens fråga står AMl för. Han antar att många killar lyssnar på Ekdahl och liknande artister. Detta antagande backar han upp med ett argument: "för dome ju snygga tjejer". Han gör en kort paus innan han yttrar de två sista orden i sitt argument och argumentet mottas med skratt. Pausen bidrar förmodligen till förslagets effekt och det upplevs som komiskt. Vad som föranleder ogiltigförklaringen r. 13) är just det argument som stöder AMl :s antagande. AKl invänder med 'jaja men nu e de musiken vi snackar om". Hennes ogiltigförklaring vänds således inte emot antagandet i sak utan angriper argumentets relevans. Sambandet mellan tes och argument verkar vara allt för svagt för henne. Med andra ord tar AMl upp Ekdahls utseende istället för att diskutera den konkreta musiken. AMI försvarar inte sitt argument, men i efterhand kan man fråga sig om det verkligen är ogiltigt på de grunder som AK5 antyder. Väldigt få 194 moderna musikartister bedöms enbait utifrån det hörbara; deras utseende, klädval och attityd torde vara något centralt för populariteten. Om det är så att manliga fans faktiskt uppskattar Ekdahl på grund av hennes utseende, så skulle argumentet alltså vara giltigt. Förmodligen kan man i AK.5:s yttrande finna en annan förklaring till hennes invändning, vilken snarare grundas i vår gemensamma sociala kontext än i samtalskontexten. Det skulle kunna vara så att hon i AMI :s argument tycker sig finna ett exempel på slentrianmässig objektifiering av kvinnor - något hon kanske möter ofta och som hon vant sig vid att invända mot. I det aktuella exemplet är det dock tveksamt om hon har någon grund för en sådan invändning. AMI :s sätt att skämta visar snarare att han är medveten om en sådan problematik. Ogiltigförklaringen i sig leder inte till någon diskussion av argumentet, däremot följer flera nya teser. Den första föreslår en jämn fördelning av könen bland lyssnarna (r. 14-16). Därefter följer AK5:s tes (r. 21-22). Det visar sig att hon tror att det är "mer tjejer" som lyssnar. Emfasen på "tjejer" signalerar att hon kontrasterar detta mot tidigare förslag och då kanske främst AMI :s. Här har det alltså blivit tydligt att AK5 varken höll med om AMI :s tes eller hans sätt att stödja åsikten. Efter detta byter AMI ämne (r. 23) och oenigheten avslutas.

Exempel 2: "förut var ju det enkla dåligt" Den grupp som kallas B består av fyra pojkar, BMl, BM2, BM3 och BM4. I detta andra exempel diskuteras också Lisa Ekdahl.

1 BM2: verkar inte så ööverjobbat liksom överjobbat 2 X: ox[xo 3 BMl: [(men då tycker jag att verklien att man kan säja att 4 den inte) eftersom att den e så ennkel [(.)» 5 BM2: [ja 6 BMl: »[att den (består av- 195

7 BM2: [den e ennkel ja 8 BMl: hja 9 BM2: enn[kel X hja 10 BMX: [X 11 BM3: jo men hela hennes personlighet e ju 12 otroligt enkel också hela hon e ju så- 13 (.) hjah (.) [(fötterna på jorden å naturligt å-) 14 BMl: [hon kanske inte e så enkel de kanske e 15 utstuderat [(.) att de ä- SKRATTAR TILL 16 BM3: [hja 17 SKRATT 18 BM3: hjaa men hennes utstrålning å detta hon e ju (.) 19 hon e ju inte konstlad på nåt sätt [asså [(.)» 20 BM2: [hnä 21 BMl: 22 BM3: » 0 ingenting 0 23 (.) 24 S: men dä ä den här enkla som gör att ni tycker dä ä braa 25 eller? 26 BM2: jaa 27 BM3: ffiffiffi::; 28 BM2: =jaa (.) jag tyck[- 29 BM4: [men förut var ju de enkla dåligt (.) 30 mä dansbanden? 31 BM3: [[XX X 32 BM2: [(ja [men de beror på- 33 BMl: [+ja men då- ja men då mena jag på att de vaa 34 eehh (.) mycke meer liksom DRAR EFTER ANDAN °(ja) 0 va 35 man (ska) såja artificiellt konstgjort på nåt sätt (.) 36 de här de här kommer ur (henne liksom) 0 [(.) (hon» 37 BM2: [ja de 38 BMl: »har) suttit me hjälp av daator åh testat in den åse 39 hur- [(.) X eller tatt) fram den här låten 40 BM3: [omo 41 BM3: 42 (2 .1) 43 BM3: 0 hon e duktig hon°

Här har tre av deltagarna, BMl, BM2 och BM3, under ett länge avsnitt tillsammans formulerat en samstämmig uppfattning av Ekdahls musik (r. 1- 22). Slutsatsen blir att musiken är enkel (r. 4, 7 och 9). Man kan se hur deltagarna fyller i, bygger på och upprepar varandras yttranden (r. 4-17). Detta uppfattar jag som ett tydligt exempel på ett språkligt bidrag till konstruktionen av en gemensam identitet mellan dem. 196

Samtalsledaren ber om ett förtydligande och vill veta om beskrivningen av Ekdahl är värderande och därmed ett stöd för deras uppskattning av exemplet (r. 24-25). BM2 och BM3 bekräftar detta utan att tveka. När det står klart att enkel här används som en positiv beskrivning, föranleder detta den fjärde deltagaren att invänder genom en ogiltig förklaring (r. 29-30). Det är nämligen så att BMl, BM2 och BM3 vid en tidigare sarnkonstruerad beskrivning av dansbandsmusik använt samma ord, enkel, för att göra en negativ värdering av musiken. BM4 verkar således vända sig mot inkonsekvensen i användningen av ordet. När enkel används i motsatta betydelser Uämför enkel i betydelse ung. simpel och enkel i betydelse, ung. okonstlad), blir det svårt att tillmäta resonemanget ett rimligt, logiskt innehåll. För BM4 kan slutsatsen te sig oklar, men det uppstår inga tolkningsproblem för BMI, BM2 och BM3 som alla deltagit i ornkonstruerandet av betydelsen. BM4:s ogiltigförklarande har deklarativ form men används interrogativt, vilket verkar få en uppfodrande effekt. Yttrandet är inte modifierat (dvs. innehåller inte nedtoning eller inlindade uttryck) och det överlappar dessutom BM2:s föregående yttrande (r. 28-29) så att denne avbryter sig. Ogiltigförklaringens innehåll och interaktionella form ger sammantaget en konfronterande stil. Invändningen möter här varken förnekande eller erkännande.4 BMI, BM2 och BM3 verkar i stället påbörja ett försök att förklara vad de menat. Den längre förklaringen står BMl för. Denna uttrycks med tvekan, frekventa omformuleringar och pauser, vilket tyder på att det finns en

4 Inom CA-traditionen brukar man se förnekande som den prefererade responsen på klander (för en enkel förklaring, se Levinson 1989:307). 197

5 osäkerhet i samtalskontexten och att ansiktshotet är stort • Det verkar inte heller finnas något klart svar på BM4:s fråga. Förmodligen var de tre omedvetna om inkonsekvensen. Förklaringen ebbar ut, men BM4 ger aldrig någon bekräftelse på att han accepterat förklaringen. Ogiltigförklaringen påverkar här samtalet mycket tydligt. De tre står i princip svarslösa och det täta interaktionella samspelet mellan dem bryts upp.

Exempel 3: "du har inte hört alla" Den tredje gruppen, C, består av tre flickor, CKl, CK2 och CK3. Oenigheten dyker upp i början av deras samtal under diskussionen av den svenska popgruppen Kent och deras låt "Kräm".

1 CKl: ja jag skrev så här svensk deppig poprock för jag 2 tycker de e ganska så här (.) eller dome lite så här 3 deppia på nåt sätt 4 S: ja (.) [håller ni andra mä? 5 CK2: [va sa-~ 6 CK3: ~ja jag tycker att de e svensk pop men de e ju väldit 7 trendi musik [(.) så här [trendpopare 8 CKl: [aa trendi 9 CK2: [svensk mespop skrev jag fast 10 just den här låten e bra andra kentlåtar e jättedålia 11 (.) så de e lite svårt 12 S: just de[nhär X X- 13 CK2: [just den här låten tycker jag om men alla 14 andra låtar med Kent gillar jag inte de finns ingen 15 annan låt med Kent jag gillar nämligen [så de e lite» 16 CKl: [*de vet du inte du har» 17 CK2: »svårt 18 CKl: »inte hört alla* SKRATTAR 19 CK2: nä men jag tycker dome så här trå- å den senaste 20 låten som dom har gjort låter så här (.) försöker 21 härma sån här engelsk men de 0 låter dumt nä usch 0

Ogiltigförklaringen föregås av en stunds gemensam nedvärdering av

5 Socialt ansikte, se Aronsson 1991, Brown & Levinson 1987, Goffinan 1955, Muntigl & Tumbull 1998 198 popgruppen (r. 115). Mest negativ är CK2 som hävdar att det bara finns en enda låt i Kents repertoar som hon tycker om och det är den som är aktuell för diskussionen (r. 9-11 och 13-15, 17). Alla andra låtar som de gjort förkastas. Yttrandet har en intressant uppbyggnad: det finns en tydlig kontrast mellan "bra", "tycker om" å ena sidan och 'jättedålia", "gillar inte" å den andra, samtidigt som 'just den här'', "ingen annan" ställs emot "andra", "alla andra". Här finns dessutom vad man i stilistiken kallar parallellism och möjligtvis också en antydan till kiasm (r. 13-14). Trots att yttrandet är helt spontant ger det ändå ett elaborerat intryck. Mot CK2:s generaliserade uttalande om Kent, som bara undantar en enda låt från en fullständigt negativ värdering, invänder CKI. Hon har själv beskrivit musiken som deppig, men inte alls i lika definitiva ordalag (r. 1- 3). I sin ogiltigförklaring pekar hon skrattande på att CK2 övergeneraliserar, eftersom hon inte har hört alla Kents låtar. CK2:s hävdande ter sig orimligt och kan inte heller vara sant, om det förhåller sig på så sätt som CKI vill göra gällande. Acceptabiliteten blir alltså låg för CK2:s värdering. Ogiltigförklaringen yttras här med skratt i rösten och med skratt efter. Möjligtvis kan det vara det faktum att CK2:s yttrande är något överlastat som får CKI att skratta. Den överlastade formen understryker i så fall det övergeneraliserade innehållet. Eftersom ogiltigförklaringen mildras av en skrattande, mer skämtsam ton utgör den inte lika stort ansiktshot som i de föregående exemplen. CK2 ger en respons på invändningen omgående där hon verkar ge CKI rätt: "nä men ... ". Hon kommenterar inte sin överdrift utan förklarar sin negativa inställning. I yttrandet används en hel del modifierande uttryck ("så här" vid tre tillfällen) och avbrutna ansatser. Det avslutas med att hon tyst säger

0 0 "men de Jåter dumt nä usch ". Förklaringen har inte heller i detta exempel 199 särskilt mycket substans Ufrexempel 2) och invändningen visar att CK.2:s starkt negativa värdering inte har tillräcklig erfarenhetsmässig grund. Några turer senare (utlämnade av utrymmesskäl) visar det sig dock att CKl inte är riktigt lika negativt inställd till popgruppens musik som de båda övriga. Hon säger då att hon tycker om musiken, men inte den stil popgruppens stil: 'ja men musiken tycker jag e eh ganska okej men deras stil tycker jag inte om för dom ska vara så himla (.) coola å inne å såhär". Detta värdepåstående med sitt argument ter sig i jämförelse med CK2:s värdering klarare, mer rimligt och förhållandevis välunderbyggt.

Likheter och olikheter mellan exemplen Ogiltigförklaringarna och grunden för dem skiljer sig åt i exemplen. I det första fallet är det relevansen hos ett argument som anses brista, i det andra leder en inkonsekvens i användningen av ett ord till ett oklart resonemang och i det tredje fallet blir ett påstående orimligt på grund av en övergeneralisering. I de båda sista fallen brister acceptabiliteten i resonemangen. Att ogiltigförklara någons sätt att resonera, tänka, är i sig en ansiktshotande handling (Wirdenäs 2002: 131ff.). I grupp A och B för• stärks ansiktshotet av att ogiltigförklaringarna yttras direkt och ogarderat. Detta påverkar samtalet på ett tydligt sätt. Andra deltagare än den angripne i grupp A uttrycker sig försiktigt efteråt och den angripne väljer själv att byta ämne. I grupp B följer en tvekande och osäker förklaring och även här byter de angripna samtalsämne. Ogiltigförklaringen i grupp C är modifierad med skrattande röst och skratt. Här blir inte ansiktshotet lika tydligt, men responsen på invändningen är också i detta fall tämligen trevande. 200

Intressant är att man i efterhand kan konstatera att deltagarna som ogiltigförklarar i grupp A och C inte heller håller med i sak. Detta visar sig först något senare i samtalen. Om deltagarna inte håller med om varandras åsikter, så verkar de bli mer känsliga för sättet som åsikten framförs på eller argumenteras för. Kanske kan man använda sig av överlastade och överdrivna påståenden, som CKl i grupp C, om man är säker på att övriga deltagare håller med. I så fall får form och innehåll snarast en agiterande effekt. Om övriga deltagare inte är övertygade (eller om man är osäker på om de är det), så verkar det vara av vikt att vinnlägga sig om att argumentera och resonera på ett korrekt och måttfullt sätt. Ett liknande resonemang för J0rgensen et al. (1994) i en undersökning av politisk diskurs. I grupp B är det svårt att avgöra om den som ogiltigförklarar håller med i sak eller inte. Där kan andra faktorer vara orsak till att ansiktshotande argument används, till exempel uteslutning från andra deltagares täta samkonstruktioner.

Ogiltigförklaringen som retoriskt redskap Det är tydligt att ogiltigförklaringar som argument har stor effekt på samtal. Om man vill avsluta ett samtalsämne eller helt enkelt tysta en motståndare kan det alltså vara praktiskt att använda sig av en ogiltigförklaring. Detsamma gäller om man vill skaffa sig en lämplig position för att framlägga en avvikande åsikt (som AK5 i grupp A gör) - om man nu tycker sig finna brister i ett resonemang. I många vardagliga samtal är dock planeringstiden kort och utrymmet för planerade strategier ganska litet. Använder man sig ändå av ett ogiltigförklarande måste man vara medveten om att det kommer att utgöra ett mer eller mindre starkt ansiktshot för den 201 som ifrågasätts - mindre om man lindar in det i en skämtsam form eller uttrycker det med modifierande uttryck. Ansiktshotande situationer som uppstår i samtal kräver oftast ett gemensamt interaktionellt arbete med att återskapa varandras sociala ansikte och den ömsesidiga hövlighet (politeness, se Brown & Levinson 1987) som nom1alt upprätthålls. Man kan ju naturligtvis också ogiltigförklara av den enkla anledningen att någon resonerar på ett sätt som gör det omöjligt att följa tankegången. I detta fall kan en ogiltigförklaring vara nödvändig för att man överhuvudtaget ska kunna förstå varandra tillräckligt väl för att fortsätta samtalet. Argumentationstekniken kan då snarare ses och formuleras som en vädjan om förtydligande. Om man i stället finner sig utsatt för en ogiltigförklaring, förefaller det inte vara någon bra strategi att försöka förklara eller försvara ett bristfälligt eller dåligt underbyggt resonemang. I grupp B och C finns det tydliga exempel på att man då kan riskera att inte ge ett särskilt vederhäftigt intryck. Samtidigt som man tappar i trovärdighet ger man dessutom angriparen ett lämpligt tillfälle att argumentera för en sak som går stick i stäv med den egna uppfattningen. Det bästa sättet att hantera en ogiltigförklaring är kanske ett enkelt medgivande innan man själv går vidare för att argumentera för sin sak. Förhoppnings ökar man då välviljan hos angriparen och andra samtalsdeltagare. Kan man då argumentera som man vill? Svaret torde bli ja, men i detta fall med två förbehåll. För det första: Om övriga samtalsdeltagare (eller publiken) inte accepterar sättet som man resonerar på, så får man räkna med att möta ogiltigförklaringar. Det betyder, som väntat, att det är viktigt att anpassa både form och innehåll till sammanhanget. För det andra: Om man använder sig av ogiltigförklaringar, så får man räkna med att de 202 orsakar ansiktshot och därmed en viss turbulens i ett samtal. Det kan i sin tur leda till att ämnet för den aktuella diskussionen förändras.

Litteratur Aronsson, K. 1991. Pediatriska samtal och social distans. En kritisk diskussion av Brown & Levinsons samtalsmodell. I: Socialmedicinsk tidskrift 9/10. S. 438-446. Atkinson, M. & J. Heritage 1996 [1984]. (eds.), Structures of Social Action, Studies in Conversation Analysis. Cambridge. Bachtin, M. 1981. The dialogic imagination: Four essays. (red). (övers. C. Emerson and M. Holquist). Austen. Brown, P. & S. Levinson 1987. Politeness. Same universa!s in language usage. Cambridge. Goffman, E. 1955. On face work. Psychiatry 18: 213-231. Gumperz, J. 1982. Language and social identity. Cambridge. J0rgensen C., C. Kock & L. R0rbech 1994. Retorik der flytter stemmer. Köpenhamn. Levinson, S. 1989 [1983]. Pragmatics. Cambridge. Linell, P. 1998. Approaching dialogue: Talk, interaction and dialogical perspectives. Amsterdam. Linell, P. 2002. En dialogisk grammatik? - till frågan om samtalsspråkets byggstenar. www.nordiska.uu.se/samtal/publikationer.html 2002-02-26. Muntigl, P. & W. Turnbull 1998. Conversational structure and facework in arguing. Journal of Pragmatics 29: 225-256. 203

Perelman, C. & L. Olbrechts-Tyteca 1971 (1969]. The New Rhetoric. A

Treatise 011 Argumentation. London.

Sacks, H. 1992. Lectures 011 Conversation. Edited by Gail Jefferson with a foreword by Emanuel A. Schegloff. Oxford. Sacks, H; E. Schegloff & G. Jefferson. 1974. A simplest systematics for the organization ofturntaking for conversation. Language 50: 696-735. Schiffrin, D. 1985. Everyday Argument: The Organization of Diversity in Talk. I van Dijk, T., Handbook af Discourse Analysis, vol 4. 35-46. Amsterdam. Schiffrin, D. 1994. Approaches ta Discourse. Oxford. Wirdenäs, K. 2002. Ungdomars argumentation. Om argumentationsteknik i gruppsamtal. (Acta Universitatis Gothoburgensis: Nordistica Gothoburgensia. 26.) Göteborg: Institutionen för svenska språket. 204

Facework in cyber-conflict: A pragmalinguistic study of an online discussion

Ibolya Maricic Växjö universitet [email protected]

1. Introduction Verbal conflicts permeate our daily public and private interactions. Yet, despite their importance, the linguistic aspects of face management in conflict talk have received limited scholarly attention, particularly in text based computer-mediated communication (henceforth CMC), where the constraints of the medim may cause severe misunderstandings and precipitate conflicts. Multiparty CMC has indeed been found to be prone to intense verbal duelling (cf. Dery 1994, Smith et al 1997, Mabry 1997, Herring 1999). The fäet that 'flaming', i.e. ad hominem attacks levelled at individuals or groups thrive in CMC contrasts sharply with the assumption of cooperativeness in face-to-face interaction (Grice 1975, Brown & Levinson 1987).

The present inquiry aims at uncovering the facework types (henceforth FWTs) and conflict management styles (henceforth CMSs) used in an online discussion group, along with their linguistic realizations. The analysis draws on Oetzel et al's (2000) intercultural communication study of FWTs in face-to-face conflict. In what follows, I will first define same 205 key notions, briefly introduce Oetzel et al's facework typology and proceed by presenting my data, hypotheses and methods. Finally, I will present my findings, and conclude with a summary and discussion ofthe results.

Conflict is defined in the current study as intense verbal disagreement between two or several parties involving incompatible positions, viewpoints, needs or goals (Schiffrin 1985, Oetzel et al 2000). Verbal conflicts may concem substantial (task-related) or interpersonal (relationship-related) issues. In addition, interpersonal conflicts may also concem face-related issues, in that they tend to jeopardize both interlocutors' public images (cf. Brown & Levinson 1987).

Following Goffman (1955/1967) and Brown & Levinson (1987),face is defined as public self-image, whilefacework is seen as the verbal and non verbal communicative strategies used in enacting self-face and in maintaining, enhancing or challenging other people's faces. Given the exclusively textual nature of the data, the present inquiry is however primarily concemed with the verbal aspects offacework.

Inspired by face-negotiation theory (Ting-Toomey 1988), Oetzel et al (2000:408) developed a typology of facework in face-to-face conflicts consisting of 14 FWTs, subsumed under three CMSs: Avoiding, Integrating and Dominating. Dominating FWTs include Abuse, Defend self, Passive aggression and Express feelings. Among the Integrating FWTs are Consider other, Apologize, Talk about problem, Compromise, Remain calm and Private discussion. Finally, Avoiding FWTs comprise Give in, Pretend (that no conflict exists), Avoid (other) and Involve third party. While the present investigation starts from Oetzel et al's (2000) FWTs, it nevertheless differs from it in that it also highlights, the impact of FWTs on the 206 recipients, as well as their linguistic realizations in an authentic, interactive and relatively novel discourse domain.

2. Data, hypotheses and analytical procedures The data sample of the current study was extracted from the public, moderated1 mailing list Musiclassical. It consists of a 66-message-long multiparty discussion string on the topic of Hildegard von Bingen, a 12th century female composer, and on people's religions convictions. The assumption underlying the inquiry is that text-only CMC fosters a relatively high degree of participant anonymity and disinhibition. Consequently, verbal disputes are likely to arise and intensify. Moreover, the activity type, i.e. online multiparty discussion with 'faceless' interlocutors, and the sensitivity of the topics discussed, i.e. gender and religion, are expected to contribute to the escalation of the conflict. Given these assumptions, I hypothesize the prevalence of Confrontational FWTs in this thread.

Based on their content, all messages were first coded using Oetzel et al's 14 FWTs. However, the FWTs missing in the data were discarded, while others were altered, rephrased or added. Likewise, Oetzel et al's three CMS categories Dominating, Integrating and Avoiding were rephrased as Confrontational, Cooperative and Evasive respectively, to better reflect their actual function. The analysis also yielded several new FWTs. These changes resu!ted in a new FWT typology, consisting of 14 FWTs, subsumed under the three CMSs mentioned above (cf. Tables 1, 2). During

1 Messages posted on moderated mailing lists are first screened by so-called 'moderators' and then distributed to the group. 207 the analysis due attention was paid to the dynamic blending of FWTs in each message and to the recipients' reactions to the FWTs used.

3. Findings and discussion

3.1 Confrontational FWTs As indicated in Table 1 below, Oetzel et al's Abuse FWT has been rephrased as Verbal aggression and extended to comprise, besides overt put-downs and ad hominem insults, sarcasm and irony, which are in essence confrontational and detrimental to the opponent's face, albeit indirectly. The Defend self FWT has been rephrased as Self-defence2, and expanded to include both explicit and implicit self-defence strategies like clarification, justification and elaboration of one's own views. The Emotional expression FWT was restricted to manifestations of negative emotion (i.e. irritation, frustration, anger) and was labelled Negative affect. In contrast, expressions of positive emotion such as admiration, appreciation, enthusiasm and positive appraisal, were included in the Cooperative Positive affect category (cf. Table 1). This division proved to be necessary since expressions of Positive affect serve an obvious rapport building, other-face enhancing function, contrasting sharply with confrontational, other-face damaging expressions of Negative affect.

Furthermore, the analysis yielded three new Conji-ontational FWTs: (1) Assertiveness, consisting of categorical personal opinions, views and beliefs and persistence in one's own views; (2) Opposition, consisting of blunt denials, disagreement and protest, and (3) Provocation, comprising

2 Defend self, Opposing other, Supporting other and Consideringlrespecting other have been nominalized in order to provide a more consistent nominal terminology throughout the new typology. 208 challenges to and negative appraisal of other participants' views and beliefs, and expressions of doubt regarding their knowledge or credibility.

The analysis revealed that as much as 47% of the messages consisted of various constellations of Confrontational FWTs (cf. Table 2). As an illustration of a Confrontational message combining manifestations of 3 overt and covert Verbal aggression and Provocation, consider (1) below :

(1) J, You have a knowledge ofthe beliefs (and changes thereto) ofatheists and agnostics, I assume, that is truly amazing. What do you base your statement above upon. It makes no sense. Message (1) consists of several manifestations of Verbal aggression: an overt/covert put-down, manifest in the vocative (.J) combined with the personal pronoun you, and the sarcastic adjective phrase truly amazing. Irony and sarcasm usually convey the opposite of literal meaning and have thus been analysed as manifestations of cover! verbal aggression, which indirectly jeopardize the public face ofthe recipient. Thus, in (1) the sender indirectly insults the recipient by implying that his knowledge is anything but 'amazing', that he is in fäet rather ignorant. The subsequent rhetorical question What do you base your statement above upon? is confrontational in that it challenges J to defend his earlier statement. Moreover, the concluding sentence (It makes no sense) is a personal insult, a derogatory evaluation of J's speculations. Another instance ofblended Confrontational FWTs is provided in message (2):

(2) So what are you saying J, the composers who saw turtles were schizophrenic? Personally, prefer turtle soup! Now Ishall retum to my listening ofVerdi 's Aida and try to forget the sheer nonsense i have been reading

3 Note that the typos and misspellings in the examples cited are all authentic. 209

In (2) the sender combines a provocation, realised in the personally targeted question So what are you saying J, ... ?. This is followed by two instances of verbal aggression: sarcasm (Personally, prefer turtle soup!) and an insult, evident in the derogatory evaluation of earlier contributions to the thread as sheer nonsense. The generic reference to the 'nonsense' posted on the list is interpreted as a personal insult by J, who retorts with an emotionally loaded counter-attack:

(3) Gosh gee! What sheer nonsense are you talking about? I'Il bet you really mean: ideas that are different than your own. Maybe "your" ideas are sheer nonsense; have you considered that possibility?

The negative emotional tone of the initial expletive Gosh gee! in (3) is a manifestation of the Confi·ontational FWT Negative affect, indicating the obvious irritation of the sender. The subsequent interrogative What sheer nonsense are you talking about? is an overt request for clarification and perhaps also a covert request for an apology. Notice also that J supplies a personal corrective interpretation of message (2), by putting words into the opponent's mouth (I'!! bet you rea/ly mean: ideas that are different than your own). Finally, he concludes the message by issuing a slightly hedged counter-insult (Maybe ''your" ideas are sheer nonsense ... ).

Personal insults are the crudest forms of ad hominem attacks (Ilie 2001 ). As seen in the examples above, overt and covert personal insults delivered online in a public discussion forum are meant to damage other-face, by ridiculing and humiliating the opponents and questioning their knowledge, credibility, intellectual capacity, etc. The ultimate goal of insulting in public is to silence the opponent. However, instead of fälling silent, the insulted parties in this thread reacted either offensively, by issuing a counter-insult and thus contributing to the escalation of the conflict as in 210

(3), or defensively, by justifying, clarifying and elaborating their positions. Message (4) below illustrates the Self-defence facework in action.

(4) I never said that atheism doesn't exist, or that it isn't valid. What I said that I don't understand how one can compose good music, write a good story, or paint a good portrait without some belief in an aid from a higher source. Let's be acurate. I am not closed up in my own belief in God, which I know not everyone shares.

In (4) the sender defends his earlier statement on the necessity of divine inspiration in the composition process, first by negating and then rectifying

the apparent misinterpretation of his earlier message (I !1§l!Q[.. said that ... What I said ... ). In the concluding sentence the sender resorts anew to self defence, refuting the accusation levelled earlier at him: I am not closed up in my own belief ...

Manifestations of the new FWT, Assertiveness in the form of categorical personal views, opinions and statements are well represented in the data, justifying the creation of this new FWT category. For an instance of assertiveness consider (5) below:

(5) [ ... ]it lakes more than mere skill at any art to create a masterpiece. It takes something more than the creative personality can do himself. It does take some higher power. If one doesn't believe in such a higher power, God or the muses or whatever, it must be very difficult to create.

In this message the assertion of personal opinion is achieved cumulatively, starting with two bald declaratives: .. . it takes more than mere skill ... and It takes something mare ... These categorical statements are reinforced in the next sentence by the emphatic auxiliary verb da (It daes lake same higher pawer). Assertiveness culminates with the use of the certainty modal must combined with a graded adjective .. . it must be ve,y difficult ta create. 211

In sum, the participants used overt and covert Verbal aggression in the form of personal insults, irony and sarcasm, to publicly damage their opponents' faces and perhaps to silence them; they did so by overtly questioning or deprecating their knowledge, intelligence and credibility. Counter-insults were issued as retaliation for public humiliation, possibly to restore the sender's self-face and credibility as in (3). Self-defence was similarly used in response to verbal aggression, to deny or rectify others' misperceptions or accusations, and/or to clarify and justify one's own views/beliefs, as in (4). Assertiveness was used to make the senders appear knowledgeable and authoritative, thus enhancing their expert status in the group. Asse1iive personal opinions were particularly prominent in the postings one individual, the author of (5), which suggests that the individual communicative style of the sender could also play an important role in the choice of FWTs. Negative affect, in the form of interjections, expletives and capitalization was employed to voice the senders' frustration with individuals or with the group at large. Exasperation with the ongoing conflict was also materialized in other messages in the use of capitalization (e.g. HUH!), sound symbolism (e.g. Tut-tut!) and expressive orthography (e.g. Hmmmmmm, Pleeeeezzze etc.), all ofwhich are used in textual CMC as surrogates for such oral features as sound length, tone, stress, pitch, etc. Provocation, manifest in blunt personal questions, negative appraisal of others' beliefs and views, expressions of doubt, as well as the Opposition FWT were used to help the senders win the argument and perhaps implicitly acquire more power in the group. Among the linguistic markers prominent in Confi'ontational FWTs were negative epithets, bald imperatives, blunt interrogative and negative clauses, categorical declaratives and rhetorical question-statements. 212

3.2 Cooperative FWTs As seen in Table I below, the analysis yielded three additional Cooperative FWTs, besides the already mentioned Positive ajfect FWT: (I) Other support, consisting of explicit encouragement, agreement with and appreciation of others, (2) verbal Humour, and (3) Self-blame, comprising expressions of self-deprecation and admittance of responsibility or wrong. Moreover, the Considerationlrespect FWT has been expanded to include apologies and expressions of gratitude, while Remain calm and Private discussion have been discarded, being non-observable in the data due to the nature of the medium.

24% of the messages in the thread consisted of an array of Cooperative FWTs. Message (6) below clearly illustrates the blending of various Cooperative FWTs throughout the message:

(6) Ladies and gentlemen ofthe list. I think by reading your mail, that we are getting into some sticky areas. Areas we should fear to tread. We may well open wounds old and new. We may cause dissension that may not be placated. Whatever it was that caused these great men and women to compose such glorious and not so glorious music, should indeed be their secret. Their private and personal muses. Let us get back to the talk of Stravinsky, Mozart, Bartok et al. We may well dig too far, and may not be able to climb out before we are all smothered in our own inept ideas and thoughts. Let those believe what they may, they have only themselves to answer to, certainly not to us. Lets retum to Musiclassical.

To begin with, the author of (6) summans the community in a förmal, deferent manner (Ladies and gentlemen of the list), thus showing due respect for the face needs of his fellow group members. He then attempts to solve the problem, first by gently warning the participants against the minefield of sensitive topics they are getting into ( .. .we are getting info 213 same sticky areas ... ), and then by compromising between the two polarized positions (Whatever it was that caused these great men and women ta compose ...should indeed be their secret). Problem-solving and compromising are achieved here by the repeated use of the inclusive pronoun we signalling in-group solidarity, and the tentative modal may (We may well open wounds ..., We may cause dissension ... , We may well dig too far ...), as well as the hedge I think. Finally, the sender pleads repeatedly with the community to change topic: Let us get back to the talk of Stravinsky ... Lets return to Musiclassical. Although spiced with linguistic markers of in-group solidarity, (cf. us), these solemn appeals are largely ignored by the majority, while a minority support them (cf. (8) below).

The new FWT Other-support, i.e. explicit, total agreement and encouragement, was realized by lexical means, as in (7) and (8). Notice that capitalization is used in (8) to signal Positive ajfect, i.e. loud agreement and encouragement, as opposed to its earlier mentioned use in other messages to signal negative affect.

(7) I loved your reply D! Every word you said is true. (8) HERE, HERE!!!!!!!!!! [i.e. Hear, Hear]

In (9) below Positive ajfect, i.e. enthusiasm, admiration and positive evaluation, is signalled by the exclamative Fantastic woman!, as well as by the positive epithet head of her order and the hyperbole I'm sold on Hildegard:

{9) Fantastic woman! ... Perhaps I'm an oddity: an atheist who loves liturgi ca! music. Anyway, I'm sold on Hildegard. Not only was she the head ofher order; she was in touch with kings and popes; she was a writer and mystic and, Ithink, a herbalist. [ ... ] 214

Self-blame is yet another new Cooperative FWT encountered in the data. When blaming themselves, the senders take on responsibility or admit being wrong, thus damaging self-face, while implicitly enhancing other face. In (10) self-blame (i.e. It was foolish of me .. . ) is preceded by another Cooperative FWT, i.e. Considerationlrespect, realized lexically by an expression of gratitude, combined with an other-face enhancing compliment, i.e. the positive evaluative adjective rational:

(I 0) E, Thanks for your rational efforts on behalf of calming us down and clarifying a few issues. I have just been told that it's "sheer nonsense" for me to be an agnostic and to dispute the claim that composer's are "inspired" in their creations by a supreme or higher force. It was foolish of me to have become embroiled in a dispute ofthis kind[ ... ]

As seen in the examples above, most Cooperative FWTs focused on rapport and other-face issues, i.e. other-face enhancement at the expense of self-face, and the preservation of group harmony. Nevertheless, one Cooperative FWT, i.e. Problem-so/ving was explicitly used to address substantial issues, i.e. to plead, compromise and negotiate in order to terminate the conflict. Other-support, Positive affect, Self-blame and Humour were among the new Cooperative FWTs found in the data. Cooperative FWTs were materialized in such linguistic markers as inclusive pronouns, positive epithets, exclamatives, capitalization, and sound symbolism. The latter two were also used in Confrontational messages, as mentioned above, to express negative affect or doubt.

3.3 Evasive FWTs Finally, the Evasive category was restricted to only two FWTs: Oblige other and Third party help (cf. Table 1). Oetzel et al's Pretend FWT has 215

been excluded from the new typology, being non-observable in the data due to the mediated, textual nature of the interaction.

An instance of the Evasive FWT Third party help, addressed to the moderators, can be observed in (11) below, sent in reply to the aggressive question What do you base your statement above upon? posed in (1). Third party help is however combined here with Cooperative thanking, and with three Confrontational FWTs: the initial bald assertion Because I know, followed by the imperative quit arguing, and by a marker of negative affect, the final expletive Gosh knows:

(11) Because I know. So quit arguing with everyone on the list, and get back to the reason were all here! Thanking the moderators for letting me say my piece. Gosh knows, someone has to!

Evasive FWTs co-occurred mostly with Conji·ontational and Cooperative FWTs, as in (11), focusing primarily on relational issues, i.e. the preservation of amiable intra-group relationships. This was achieved by appealing either to the group, as in ( 6) or to the moderators as in ( 11), or by surrendering and thus eluding the conflict.

Table 1 summarizes the FWTs found in the data, along with their description and linguistic realizations. 216

Table I. Confi·ontational, Cooperative and Evasive FWTs in the Hildegard thread CMS FWfs Description Lin~stic Examples markers ~erbal Put-downs, ad Imperative/vocati Chill011!, Dl Confrontational aggression lwmineminsults ve, yo11/yo11r + ...111nybe lfQfil idens overt negative epithets nreslteer 11011se11se! Irony, sarcasm You + ironic You hnve a knowledge cover! (subtle attack) epithets & tiratis tru/11a111nzi11z. hvoerbole Self-defence Denial, Negation, lexico- I !1fllil..Said... ; clarification, w.ammatical I'111not closed up i11 iustification elaboration 11111ow11 beliefs ... Assertiveness Bald yersonal Bald declaratives: ... tltere has to be n opinions views certainty (semil l1igherpower; modals, rhetorica Persistence in questions, It does take so111e o,vn view emphaticdo lti1dtervower ... Negative affect Verbalized CaJJs, interjections, HUH! irritation, expletives, Gos/1gee! frustration, etc. sound symbolism T11H11t Provocation Blunt personal Bald Wlrat do yo11 base questions interrogatives, your statement nbove ~011? Expressions of I you say so... doubt if-claus~s, 111111111111111111111111... ex8,;ess1ve or o<'l'aohv Opposition Disagreement, Negation, I still thi11k it's contradiction etc. assertion weirT.:: Cooperative Considering/ Apologizing/ Lexicon Forf{iveme ... respecting thanking Tltanksfor your efforts otner Other-support Total agreement, Lexicon I~wit11yo11 ... other- I lovedyo11r reply D ! appreciation, encoural!ement Positive affect Verbalized Exclamatives, Fa11tasticwo111a11! enthu-siasm, positive epithets, I'111sold 011H ... admiration, capitalization HERE, HERE!!!! positive aovraisal Humour Verbal humour, Lexico-grammar Gofig11re... liokin

Table 2 provides a synthesis ofthe quantitative findings ofthe study.

Table 2. FWTs and tlzeirji·equencies in the Hildegard tlzread FWTs CMS # messa!!es % Verbal aggression Confrontational 31 47% Self-defence Assertiveness Negative affect Provocation Opposition

Consideratlon/respect Cooperative 16 24% Other-support Positive affect Humour Self-blame Problem-solving

Obliging other Evasive I 2% Third party help FWTblends Confrontational + Cooperative 15 22% (multiple facework) Coooerative + Evasive I 2% Confrontational + Evasive 2 3% Total 66 100%

4. Conclusion Summing up, the findings confirmed the hypothesis: Confrontational FWTs prevailed indeed in nearly half of the messages. Among the seven new FWTs detected in the data three were Confrontational, i.e. Assertiveness, Provocation and Opposition, while four were Cooperative, i.e. Other-support, Positive ajfect, Self-blame and Humour. The Confrontational FWTs were self-face centred and concemed both substantial issues i.e. winning the conflict, and image issues, i.e. other-face damage and self-face enhancement. Persistent assertiveness gave rise to two new FWTs, Provocation and Opposition, as well as to overt and covert Verbal aggression. Cooperative FWTs focused mostly on other-face enhancement and on relational issues, i.e. the preservation and restoration of group harmony. However, they were also used to address substantial issues, i.e. to compromise and negotiate. Pure Evasive FWTs were scarce, focusing primarily on mutual-face and rapport-maintenance. 218

As indicated in Table 2, as much as 47% of the messages were Confrontational in style, despite moderator surveillance and explicit Netiquette rules of online conduct proscribing flaming. Evidently, other factors such as the activity type, i.e. text-only CMC, entailing participant invisibility, anonymity and diminished accountability, the participants' individual communicative styles (cf. (5)), and the sensitive nature of the discussion topic, i.e. religion, may have also contributed to the prevalence of Confrontational FWTs. Surprisingly, however, the total percentage of messages displaying multiple facework was higher (27%) than that of Cooperative messages (24%). This result is particularly interesting since Oetzel et al's typology does not account at all for the occurrence of multiple facework, or for the linguistic markers of FWTs. Yet, on closer scrutiny the use of multiple facework bears witness to the fäet that the participants in this thread simultaneously pursued conflicting goals and thus needed to balance, through purely linguistic means, between conflicting needs: to win the argument and enhance self-face, while maintaining other-face by appearing cooperative. Thus, this study also indicates that while textual multiparty CMC is no doubt 'faceless' in the physical sense, the participants' face concems emerged nonetheless quite clearly from their discursive practices.

References

Brown, P and S.C. Levinson. 1987. Po!iteness: Some universals in language usage. New York: Cambridge University Press. Dery, M. (ed.). 1994. Flame wars: The discourse oj cyberspace. Durham: University ofDuke Press. 219

Goffman, E. 1955/1967. On facework: An analysis of ritual elements in social interaction. In Interaction ritual: Essays in face-to-face behavior, 5-45. Chicago: Aldine. Grice, Paul H. 1975. Logic and conversation. In Cole and Morgan (eds.) Syntax and semantics. Vol. 3. New York: Academic Press. 253-265. Herring, S. 1999. The rhetorical dynamics of gender harassment on-line. The Information Society 15(3): 151-167, Special issue, L Gurak (ed.). The rhetoric of gender in computer-mediated communication. London: Taylor & Francis. Ilie, C. 2001. Unparliamentary language: Insults as cognitive forms of confrontation. In R. Dirven, R. Frank and C. Ilie (eds.) Language and ideology, Vol. Il: Descriptive cognitive approaches. 235-263. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Mabry, E.A. 1997. Framing flames: The structure of argumentative messages on the Net. Journal of Computer Mediated Communication 2:(4). Available at http://www.ascusc.org/jcmc/vol2/issue4/mabry.htm1 Oetzel, J.G., Ting-Toomey, S., Yokochi, Y., Masumoto, T., Takai, J. 2000. A typology of facework behaviors in conflicts with best friends and relative strangers. Communication Quarterly 48:4. 397-419. Schiffrin, D. 1985. Everyday argument: The organization of diversity in talk. In T.A. van Dijk (ed.) Handbook of discourse analysis. Vol. 3. Discussion and dialogue. 35-46. London: Academic Press. Smith, C.B., McLaughlin, M.L., & Osbome, K.K. 1997. Conduct control on Usenet. Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication 2(4). http://www.ascusc.org/jcmc/vol2/issue4/ 220

Ting-Toomey, S. 1988. Intercultural conflict styles: A face-negotiation theory. In Y. Kim & W. Gudykunst (eds.) Theories in intercultural communication, 213-235. Newbury Park, CA: Sage. THE RHETORIC OF LEXICAL CO-OCCURRENCES 222 223

'Friends and Allies': Binomials in a corpus of US def ence speeches

To11yBastow University of Birmingham tonybastow@hotmail com

Past literature on binomials has tended to focus on the semantic and syntactic features ofbinomials (e.g. Gustaffson 1975, Malkiel 1959, Norrick 1988), while neglecting the rhetorical function they may have in the discourse. In an attempt to redress that balance, I will be discussing in some detail a single binomial (men and women) and a binomial doublet (friends and allies/allies and friends) taken from a one-million word corpus of US defence speeches (hereafter the DoD corpus), downloaded from the following website: www.defenselink.mil/speeches. In so doing, I will make a broad distinction between what I shall call the 'univariate', iterative and irreversible binomial, on the one hand, and the 'multivariate', reversible, non-iterative binomial, on the other. I shall argue that it is the former rather than the latter which plays an essentially rhetorical function in the discourse, and that such items tend to collocate with other rhetorical items in rhetorical complexes. Between these two extremes are binomials such as fi·iends and allieslallies and friends which, although reversible, are iterative and largely univariate (the itemfriends and the item allies tend to coordinate only with each other). I shall also argue that the composition of binomials (whether they are simple or complex) may also be of rhetorical significance. 224

1. The binomial defined The binomial may be defined as any paratactically coordinated form having the structure A / B, where A and B are of the same word class (noun, adjective, verb, etc), and where / stands for 'link word', typically a coordinating conjunction such as and oror. Hatzidaki (1999: 136), for example, defines it as follows: "The formula WORDI and WORD2 is a binomial if its members are syntactically symmetrical, i.e. they belong to the same word class and have the same syntactic function." Thus, and would not be part of a binomial expression if it served as a clause boundary (e.g. He arrived yesterday and today had a meeting with Mr Jones). I am not considering structures of the type our ji-iends and our allies as binomials. Despite syntactic parallelism, the presence of two deictics in this coordinated noun phrase indicates that not only is the formula [WORDI and WORD2] not strictly satisfied, but the reader/listener is provided with two 'orientations' for the two referents in question - namely 'our friends' as one entity and 'our allies' as another. If it is in the nature of binomials that we are normally to consider two items as a pair or composite of some kind (e.g. they 're husband and wife), then the presence of two deictics upsets this balance. As Halliday and Hasan (1976: 41) remark: "Coordinate items function as single units - in boys and girls there are two nouns but only one Thing, and in hot and cold tea there are two adjectives but only one Epithet." On the other hand, I follow Hatzidaki in considering structures where either or both WORDI and WORD2 are premodified by adjectival or nominal premodifiers as binomials (which I call 'complex') e.g. our friends and European allies. It could be argued, however, that the premodifier itself has the effect of separating off the two referents - i.e. friends are being distinguished from European al!ies. However, the single deictic at the front ofthe coordinated phrase suggests the contrary, while syntactically the formula [WORDI and 225

WORD2] is still met.

2. Corpus evidence

By far the most frequent binomial in the corpus is men and women with 381 tokens. Men occurs rarely as part of any other binomial expression in the DoD corpus, as the table below shows:

Types Tokens men and women 381 leaders and men 2 men and bovs 1 men and material 1 Table 1: Binomials with men

From this we can see that there are a large number of tokens of a single type (i.e. men and women), but very few tokens of the remaining types (they are either dislegomena or hapax legomena). On the issue of iteration in persuasive text, Johnstone (1987: 208) comments that it "helps to create rhetorical presence, the linguistic foregrounding of an idea which can serve to make [the text] persuasive even without logical support. Presentation[ ... ] through repetition makes things believable by forcing them into the affective field ofthe hearer." At the other extreme, items such as capabilities readily coordinate with a !arge number of other nouns - i.e. there are many types, but few tokens per type. This, it is argued, may have important implications for a theory of rhetoric. The fixity and iterativeness of men and women may impress itself upon the mind of the listener in a way that non-iterative, loosely coordinating structures with capabilities may not. 226

Types Tokens forces and capabilities 10 capabilities and readiness 4 readiness and capabilities 3 systems and capabilities 2 size and capabilities 2 resources and capabilities 2 capabilities and systems 2 capabilities and forces 2 capabilities and doctrine 2 units or capabilities 1 strengths and capabilities 1 strategies and capabilities 1 processes and capabilities 1 power and capabilities I nature and capabilities 1 missiles and capabilities 1 interests and capabilities 1 intentions and capabilities 1 function and capabilities 1 flexibility and capabilities 1 equipment and capabilities I concepts and capabilities 1 competition and capabilities 1 capabilities and tools I capabilities and technologies 1 capabilities and resources 1 capabilities and proximity 1 capabilities and materials 1 capabilities and !imitations I capabilities and intentions 1 capabilities and functions 1 capabilities and facilities 1 capabilities and expertise 1 capabilities and contributions I capabilities and contribution I capabilities and confidence 1 activities and capabilities 1

Table 2: Binomials with capabilities

Let us now look at the collocates of men and women: 227

0 t st 0 2° left 1s left 1 right 2° right 58 of 107 our 120 in 101 uniform 33 to 99 the 86 who 44 the 22 the 23 young 59 of 36 are 19 our 16 militarv 7 to 17 our 15 for 10 of 5 have 15 serve

Table 3: Collocates of 111e11and wo111e11(raw frequency)

The determiner our is in evidence in 1st left, 2nd left and 2nd right position from the node. In the corpus as a whole there were 75 instances of the noun phrase our men and women in uniform. This phrase may have a number of rhetorical functions. Firstly, the determiner our implicates the listener in the actions and duties of the personnel being invoked - they are acting in our interests and thus we share in the responsibility for whatever they do. Our here may be interpreted as maximally inclusive - it extends beyond the DoD to include at least the American people, if not the American people and all its allies. Secondly, men and women is rhetorically resonant in a way that a denotationally equivalent phrase (such as the US armed forces) is not. Men and women (which can be said to be functioning metonymically in the discourse) is more vi vid and 'imaginable', qualities lacking in the more abstract the US arm ed forces. Listeners may be able to retain comparable mental images of men and women in uniform in their minds, which they would not be able to do with the US armedforces. This is important for the rhetor, since much persuasion lies in being able to engage listeners in the projection of a consensual 'reality'. In addition, men and wamen appeals to a common humanity they are the same as us - and may mitigate perceptions of the military as a dehumanised or dehumanising world. The rhetorical phrase our men and women in uniform is also involved in a 'rhetorical complex' of other emotive words - they are under strain on account 228

of their service and sacrifice - therefore as civilians we must show our commitment and support for their welfare and security:

help ease the burden on our men and women in uniform - Acti sol ve and commitment to our men and women in uniform. A Chi job weighs heavily upon our men and women in uniform. All a safety and security of our men and women in uniform. managing the welfare of our men and women in uniform. And I ing possible to support our men and women in uniform and th nd physical security of our men and women in uniform and th tion we owe not only to our men and women in uniform, but t nificent performance of our men and women in uniform. But t ervice and sacrifice of our men and women in uniform. Every ude on behalf of all of our men and women in uniform for al iggest single strain on our men and women in uniform is the

The third most frequent binomial in the corpus,friends and a!lies, with 67 instances, unlike most binomials, is reversible - allies and ji-iends ranks eighth, with 47 occurrences. The reversibility ofji·iends and allies may be partly explained by the fäet that, superficially at least, it is a 'synonymous' binomial, deriving the same rhetorical force we find in 'echoic' binomials such as more and more and stronger and stronger. However, although in both binomials our 1s the most frequent 1st left collocate, proportionately this possessive determiner collocates significantly more frequently with friends and allies (66%) than with allies and friends (38%), particularly in phrases containing items such as cooperation, interoperability and engagement:

seeks cooperation with its friends and allies for political interoperability with our friends and allies, maintaining ary engagement with our friends and allies through a ive partnerships with our friends and allies, It means car ments cooperation with our friends and allies will help us ty to work closer with our friends and allies across a whol working in concert with friends and allies; helps contri armaments cooperation with friends and al lies,. Deploying 229

Allies and friends, on the other hand, appear to be in a less symmetrical relationship with respect to the US thanji-iends and allies. Whereas the latter are seen as more or less close equals in a joint enterprise of some kind, allies and friends seemed to be ranked lower, and even patronized to some extent, judging by the presence of items such as reassurance and support: and use: assuring allies and friends of the United States; le to reassure our allies and friends - to work with the le to reassure our allies and friends, and deter and defeat tes to support our allies and friends from NATO to Israel, e able to reassure allies and friends, and to deter and def ts, and reassuring allies and friends. As stated in the NAT

The second significant difference is that allies and ji-iends are frequently geographically determined as European, German or simply regional, which is not the case withfriends and allies. To put it another way,friends and allies are a vaguer, more indeterminate concept than allies andfriends. The assumption is that the audience implicitly knows who our ji-iends and allies are, which is less the case with our allies and friends: ed States and our allies and friends in Europe are rnoving t 1 of our European allies and friends, is sornewhat sirnilar nd all our German allies and friends; ladies and gentlernen. and our regional allies and friends in recognizing the corn with our regional allies and friends, has yielded results ips with regional allies and friends. For exarnple, the

Apart from the collocates of friends and allies and allies and friends, an important consideration in determining the rhetoric of each may be gathered from the proportion of simple binomials to complex binomials. As noted, the simple binomial friends and allies occurs 67 times in the corpus, but as a proportion of all simple and complex binomials with jriends it occurs 77% of the time. Other simple binomials withfriends (such as friends and colleagues) accounted for 7%, while complex binomials (fi-iends and family members, friends and potential enemies) accounted for another 7%. The remaining 9% consisted of phrases such as our friends and our allies, where a determiner 230 rather than a modifier before WORD2 qualifies them more generally as 'nominal group complexes' (Halliday 1994: 275) than as binomials proper:

Coordinate structures % of instances friends and allies (simple binomial) 77% Other simple binomials (e.g.friends 7% andfoes) Compound binomials 7% (e.g.friends and coalition partners) Other (non-binomial) 9% (e.g. ourfriends and our allies) Table 4: Coordinate structures withfriends as WORD1

In contrast, allies and friends occurs 47 times. However, as a proportion of all simple binomials with allies (including allies and partners and allies and forces, which accounted for 16% of the total), and complex binomials (such as allies and coalition partners and allies and deployed forces, which made up 19% of the total), the simple binomial allies and friends only constituted 45% of the total:

Coordinate structures % of instances allies andfi-iends 45% (simple binomial) Other simple binomials 7.2% (e.g. allies and partners) Complex binomials 23.7% (e.g. a!lies and USforces) Other (non-binomials) 24.1% (e.g. our aiiies and the Russians) Table 5: Coordinate structures with allies as WORD1

Thus, notwithstanding that ji-iends and allies occurs more frequently than allies andfriends, the former's rhetorical force appears to be enhanced by the relative 231

absence of alternative simple or complex binomials constituting the frame [fi·iends and (modified) WORD2]. Conversely, the relative frequency of other simple and complex binomials in the frame [allies and (modified) WORD2] tends to mitigate the rhetorical force of allies and friends where it does occur.

3. Conclusion

In arguing for the rhetorical function of binomials, I have made a distinction between two polar opposites - what I have called the univariate, iterative binomial at one extreme and the multivariate, non-iterative binomial at the other. It is the former which is essentially rhetorical, it is argued, since it consists of many tokens of a single, irreversible type (men and women ). The multivariate structures, by contrast, can be considered non-rhetorical in that they consist offew tokens ofmany reversible types (forces and capabilities, capabilities and readiness, units or capabilities, etc.). Between these two extremes are intermediate instances of reversible but iterative binomials, such as ji·iends and allies and allies andji·iends. I have also argued that the rhetorical force of binomials depends as much on their 'graphic vividness' (Cockroft and Cockroft 1992: 45) as on their iterative potential. The oft-heard men and women are 'imaginable' physical entities, while capabilities, for the most part, are indeterminate, acquiring their sense and reference from the second item with which they coordinate. To put it another way, the binomial men and women is roade up of nouns which can be defined /+concrete, +animate/, whcreas the binomials that include capabilities are roade up of nouns that can be defined /-concrete, -animate/. This distinction may help explain certain aspects of the difference in behaviour between the two types of binomials. We have also seen that in the binomial doublet friends and allies/allies and friends the less frequent second binomial is more frequently premodified, with likely consequent attenuation ofrhetorical force. 232

References

Cockroft, R. and Cockroft, S.M. 1992. Persuading People: An Introduction ta Rhetoric. London: Macmillan. Gustaffson, M. 1975. Binomial Expressions in Present-Day English. Turku: Tunm Yliopisto. Halliday, M.A.K. 1994. An Introduction ta Functional Grammar. London: Edward Arnold. Halliday, M.A.K. and Hasan, R. 1976. Cohesion in English. London: Longman. Hatzidaki, 0. 1999. Part and parce!: a linguistic analysis af binomials and its application ta the interna! characterisation af c01pora. Unpublished PhD thesis: University ofBirmingham. Johnstone, B. 1987. 'Introduction', Text 7 (3): 205-214. Malkiel, 1959. 'Studies in Irreversible Binomials', Lingua 8: 113-160. Norrick, N.R. 1988. Binomial Meaning in Texts. Journal af English Language 21(1): 72-87. 233

The pragmatic underbelly of English nickname grammar and rhetoric

Leszek Berezowski Wroclaw University [email protected]

1. Introduction Designations officially given to human beings and towns have always been held up as paradigm cases of proper names. Plato, Aristotle, Rome and the like have provided background to discussing and defining proper names at least since medieval times (Algeo 1973:5), and hardly anybody has ever seriously challenged the validity of this thinking. However, pronouncements on the linguistic status of nicknames referring to exactly the same individuals and locations (e.g. the Eternal City) have always been much more rare and far more wary. If discussed at all, nicknames have been at best accorded a humble position on the sidelines of the category of proper names, which is best summarized in the classic quote from Strawson (1950): "Again an intermediate position is occupied by such phrases as 'The Old Pretender'. Only an old pretender may be so referred to; but to know which old pretender is not to know a general but an ad hoc convention" (Strawson 1950:341). Strawson's primary reason why nicknames should be relegated to a peripheral position is that they seem to encode features of their referents (cf. the last two clauses) and later on in the same passage he adds that the use of the definite 234 article makes any such expressions even more suspect and impure as proper names go. Later writers followed suit, either stigmatizing such expressions (e.g. for Löbner 1985 they are artificial names) or passing them over in silence (Lyans 1999:21). This paper will take a ftesh look at the Iinguistic status of nicknames by drawing on the concept of speech acts and then use this ftamework to inquire into the pragmatic underpinnings of the relationship of English nicknames with their descriptive nature and definite article use.

2. The speech act approach Ever since the publication of Austin's study (1962), it has been known that bestowing a proper name is an act of speech. Introducing the concept, Austin discusses naming a ship and shows that successful performance of the ceremony hinges on satisfying quite a few felicity conditions and gives rise to perlocutionary effects. In order to succeed, the name giver has to be equipped with enough authority to perform the act of naming, truly intend to do so, follow the formulae prescribed for such solernn occasions, etc. The immediate effect of complying with all these conditions is then fixing the name of the ship, i.e. promulgating how the vessel is to be successfully referred to from that moment on. The same perlocutionary effect may be also conversely described as invalidating any future attempts to refer to the ship with other proper names (Austin 1962:116). The same way of thinking can be easily extended to scores of other proper name types (Berezowski 2001). For example, fundamentally similar sets of felicity conditions and thc same pcrlocutionary effect can be traced in christening babies and bestowing proper names on streets, stars or hurricanes, to list only a few instances. Particular cases vary only in vesting requisite authority in different groups of individuals and prescribing distinct modes of proceeding. Ministers use water and solernnly proclaim the name chosen by the parents, the 235

World Meteorological Organization approves lists ofnames automatically given to successive hurricanes in a year by whoever spots them first, the lntemational Astronomical Union reviews proposals submitted by members and votes, city councils do likewise, etc. The purpose of engaging in such omate ceremonies obviously is to ensure that the proper name given to an entity is widely accepted and gains circulation in the community of language users. However, the same effect will also be obtained if the prospective users do not object to a proper name which is to be bestowed and the name giver proceeds on their tacit acceptance. For example, this is the case in private naming practices of giving proper names to pets and other dear possessions, e.g. boats, rooms, jewels, etc. The pomp and circumstance of official name giving may then be dispensed with because its primary function of providing the name with the seal of authority is replaced with the presumption of its acceptance. In other words, the speech act of naming may be performed both directly, with all due pageantry, or indirectly. In the latter case the satisfaction of requisite felicity conditions is taken for granted and the perlocutionary effect sets in automatically as described above unless it later tums out that at least one felicity condition was not in fäet met. Should that happen, the act of naming is obviously taken to have misfired and the perlocutionary effect is invalidated. Cf. cases where the person who has given a name to a pet tums out not to be its rightful master or the co-owners of a boat quarrel over its name before launching and do not reach any agreement. If such informal naming practices are applied to humans, towns, teams and other entities that customarily are named in a fully official manner, then the perlocutionary effects of the indirect acts of naming are classified as nicknames. The typically anonymous originators of nicknames proceed on the presumption of their acceptance as described above for private naming, but apply it to entities that either already have formally bestowed proper names or are likely to have 236 them soon. Somewhat less formally nicknames may then be also viewed as informal altematives to officially given proper names. The informality of nicknames (Wierzbicka 1991: 111-112) is warranted by the fäet that indirect acts of naming sidestep the formalities inherent in direct acts as shown above, but the side effect is that it exposes nicknames to the risk of rejection. Since nicknames are not backed by any officially invoked authority to bestow them, prospective users may find them superfluous, unattractive, offensive, etc. and thus simply ignore them, fälling back on the officially bestowed proper name or another nickname. The informal nature of nicknames also accounts for their multiplicity. Since the speech acts promoting nicknames are based on the presumption of their acceptance and one of the conditions whose satisfäction may be presumed obviously is the name giver's authority to bestow the name, the act may in practice be performed by any number of individuals who feel like doing it. Consequently, if some of them are successful, then one referent with one officially given set ofnames (e.g. G.W. Bush) may be informally referred to by quite a few distinct nicknames (e.g. W, Dubya or GW). The speech act approach to nicknames helps also explain their grammatical behavior. If they really are lasting perlocutionary effects of indirect speech acts of naming, as argued above, then their nature does not prescribe any specific grammatical form they should take. In particular English nicknames are not limited to structures with the definite article as some logical and linguistic accounts seem to suggest (e.g. Strawson 1950 or Löbner 1985). For one thing, the framework developed above promises thus a good fit with linguistic fäets, as English nicknames occur both with the definite article and without it, e.g. the Iron Lady (baroness Thacher) vs. Ike (general Eisenhower). Secondly, and perhaps more importantly, it leaves the definite article to serve the function it does elsewhere in English grammar, offering a 237 window of opportunity to develop an account of article use with nicknames that will be firmly anchored in its well-described usages.

3. Nicknames and the definite article

Most standard accounts of the English definite article claim that it is used whenever the hearer / reader may be safely presumed to be able to identify the referent on the basis of available contextual information (e.g. Hawkins 1991, Gundel, Hedberg and Zacharski 1993). Individual scholars disagree as to whether the ability to identify the referent is better captured by the concept of familiarity (e.g. Christophersen 1939 and followers) or uniqueness (e.g. Kadmon 1990), but technical details need not be pursued here to unravel article usage with English nicknames. The more general notion of referent identifiability will be enough. As argued extensively in Hawkins (1978) and Fraurud (1990), referents can be identified on the basis of a wide variety of cognitive clues residing in the context of the utterance (e.g. immediate situation, earlier discourse, standard associations, general knowledge), the meaning of the definite nominal or in both. Depending on the time and place of the utterance and on the interlocutors, the same definite nominal may then pick quite different referents since various entities will be present in the speech situation at particular times and places, different referents will have been mentioned by the same interlocutors before, etc. If communication is to be successful, an informal name has to refer to the same entity in a variety of different contexts. It is thus obvious that a nickname with the definite article, i.e. a context independent definite nominal, has to rely for its ability to identify referents only on the meaning it encodes. It has to carry enough descriptive information itself to let the hearer work out who or what the referent is, independently of the context of the utterance. Otherwise the promise 238 of referent identifiability created by the use of the definite article would be void and its choice confusing. The connection between the use of the definite article in English nicknames and their descriptive content is perhaps best noticeable in those informal names which simply summarize scholarly descriptions of the referents. For example, this is the case of nicknames coined by students of British parliamentary history: (1) the Merciless Parliament = when Parliament met in 1388, all power was in the hands of the Appellant Lords. They proved to be merciless and put to death the chief justice of the King's Bench, a former mayor of London, and others for being loyal to King Richard II. (2) the Short Parliament = in 1639 Parliament demanded the right to air grievances before voting any money. After much debate, the ministers offered a compromise in retum for a large vote of subsidies, but negotiations broke down. After three weeks, the King dissolved the two houses. Each of the informally bestowed names captures the gist of the historical detail and, consequently, creates conditions for the use of the definite article as predicted above. However, the descriptive content of nicknames obviously need not be so well grounded in scholarship to trigger the presence of the article. Relying on notable landmarks ofthe referents will do. E.g.: (3) the Golden Gate City San Francisco (4) the Emerald Island Ireland Common knowledge and/or a short stay at any of these locations will be enough to prove that the famous bridge and green pastures are the hallmarks of San Francisco and Ireland, respectively, ensuring thus foolproof referent identifiability. 239

The same effect is also warranted if the nickname encodes more culture specific and stereotypical information: (5) the Windy City Chicago (6) the Stampede City Calgary (7) the Big Apple New York The fäets that Chicago is notorious for high winds, Calgary is noted for staging rodeo events, and New York is the largest city in a state traditionally known for its apple tree orchards may be less intemationally known, but for the speakers immersed in the English speaking culture these pieces of information are descriptive enough to guarantee that the referents are easily identifiable. It is crucial, though, that the definite article is not used in nicknames if they do not encode descriptive detail: (8) Oaktown Oakland (9) Shampoo - Banana Champaign - Urbana Both informal names are witty examples of playing on the sound of the official names, but neither of them provides any non-linguistic information about what the referents are like. The nicknames offer no clues how to identify the referents on .the basis of their extralinguistic features (e.g. landmarks, stereotypes, traditions, etc.) and fail thus to create conditions for an appropriate use of the definite article. Consequently, the bare nominal is used as it is always the case with English proper names whose reference is not determined by the meaning they carry (cf. the original names ofthe nicknamed towns and cities). As might be expected, the same pattem prevails in personal nicknames: (10) the Man in Black Johnny Cash (11) the Peanut President Jimmy Carter (12) theMailman Karl Malone (13) Ike Dwight Eisenhower (14) J-Lo J ennifer Lopez (15) Bogey Humphrey Bogart 240

While (10) draws on the fäet that Johnny Cash always performed dressed in black, (11) alludes to the peanut fanning background of president Carter and (12) encodes the belief that Karl Malone delivers basketballs to the hoop with the same ease and regularity as mailmen handle letters, the remaining three nicknames merely offer metalinguistic games based on the spelling and pronunciation of the full names. Consequently, the top three informal names are preceded by the definite article and the bottom three are not as predicted above. It is worth noting, though, that the descriptive detail Iicensing the use of the definite article need not reveal actual properties of the referents and may be quite metaphorical: (16) the Wolverines University ofMichigan (17) the Spartans Michigan State University (18) the Gunners Arsenal London (19) the Villains Aston Villa

The nicknames in ( 16) - ( 17) obviously point to the symbols adopted by the two American universities and not to their teams, although the symbols are certainly intended to epitomize the qualities the athletes are expected to show in action. Consequently, the features commonly associated with these symbols (e.g. strength, bravery, etc.) may then be projected on the teams and interpreted as their metaphorical descriptions. In the case of the British football teams whose nicknames are quoted in (18) and (19), the metaphorical descriptions do not draw on their club symbols but clearly rely on associations with their official names. Crucially, though, they also epitomize the qualities team members may be expected to display in playing football (e.g. precision in shooting, toughness, etc.) and are not limited to mere play on words. The origin of the British and American metaphorical nicknames is then quite different, hut their function is essentially the same. 241

4. Conclusion In conclusion it may then be claimed that adopting a speech act perspective on nicknames and viewing them as lasting perlocutionary effects of indirect acts of naming does help in explaining their grammatical behavior. Relying on this framework it has been shown that the definite article used in English nicknames serves fundamentally the same function as it does elsewhere in the English language. The article is present whenever the referent of the nickname can be identified on the basis of its inherent properties embodied in the definite expression itself, hut it is absent if referent identifiability does not depend on referent characteristics.

References

Algeo, J. 1973. On Defining the Proper Name. Gainsville: University of Florida Press. Austin, J.L. 1962. How to Do Things with Words. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Berezowski, L. 2001. Articles and Proper Names. Wroclaw: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Wroclawskiego. Christophersen, P. 1939. The Articles. A Study of their the01y and use in English. Copenhagen: Munksgaard. Fraurud, K. 1990. Definiteness and the processing of noun phrases in natura! discourse. Journal of Semantics 7: 395-433. Gundel, J., N. Hedberg, and R. Zacharski. 1993. Cognitive status and the form ofreferring expressions in discourse. Language 69: 274-307. Hawkins, J. 1978. Definiteness and indefiniteness. A study in reference and grammaticality prediction. London: Croom Helm. Hawkins, J. 1991. On (in)definite articles: implicatures and (un)grammaticality prediction. Journal of Linguistics 27: 405 - 442. 242

Kadmon, N. 1990. Uniqueness. Linguistics and Philosophy 13: 273 - 324. Löbner, S. 1985. Definites. Journal ofSemantics 4: 279-326. Lyons, Ch. 1999. Definiteness, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Strawson, P. F. 1950. On referring. Mind 59: 320-44. Wierzbicka, A. 1991. Cross-Cultural Pragmatics. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.

Sources of examples: http://www.maths.bris.ac.uk/~mabw/footnick.htm http://www.smargon.net/nicknames/ http://got.net/~landauer/lists/CityOf.html http://www.innvista.com/ default. htm 243

From a mistranslation to a theological term Maria Kela Laurea Polyteclmic [email protected]

This paper will discuss the origin of a sacred expression by illustrating how a Hebrew preposition used in the Old Testament has become a religious metaphor in target language rhetoric. The corpus of this study is from the Finnish Old Testament (henceforth OT) translations, hut the process observed here is analogous in any language with a relatively long tradition in Bible translating and Christian culture.

1. Introduction A special characteristic of Finnish religious language, almost totally missing from secular language, is the usage of Semitic translation loans. Though Finnish Bible translations are not deprived of examples from other European Bibles, these loans can still be seen as translation loans from Hebrew, since all the main translations of the OT are made by scholars with good knowledge of the Hebrew language. The first Finnish Bible translation was the New Testament by Mikael Agricola, published on 1548, and the first whole Bible came out on 1642. Four Bible translations have got the status of an official translation. The main Finnish Bible translations and their translation principles are as follows. 244

Table 1. Translation principles used in Finnish Bible translations

Translation principle Main Finnish Bible translations Agricola: Se Wsi Testamenti 1548 Source language [The New Testament 1548] oriented translations Biblia 1642 Vanha kirkkoraamattu 1776 fThe Old Bible = Fin 1776] Uusi kirkkoraamattu 1933/38 fThe New Bible = Fin 1933/38] Target language Kirkkoraamattu 1992 oriented translation [The New Translation= Fin 1992]

While the former official translations were done on a highly literal basis, with great respect to the Hebrew syntax, the New Translation committee employed the theory of dynamic equivalence created by Eugene Nida (1964; also Nida & Taber 1969). The committee was established on 1973 and the work was finished on 1992. During this prolonged process the committee enriched its theoretical approaches to cover not only Nida 's theory from 1960 's, but used also Katharina Reiss' ideas of functional classification of text types (see Reiss & Vermeer 1984; Toivanen 1985:24-33). For this reason the translation principle used in the New translation was sometimes referred to as the fimctional equivalence principle. A closer examination of the OT texts in the New Translation reveals, that the translation process is often in line with the views of the idiomatic translation principle by John Beekman and John Callow (1974) as well as Mildred Larson (1984), whether or not these theories have been known by the translation committee (Kela 1999). These three conceptual systems - the theory of dynamic equivalence, the functional taxonomy of text types ("functional equivalence") and the idiomatic translation principle - are here called as target language oriented translating. As an antipode to that, the traditional translation principle is here referred to as 245 source language oriented (i.e. Hebrew-oriented), and it covers all translations from Agricola (1548) to the New Bible (1933/38). The difference between the New Translation and all the earlier ones is obvious on all aspects of the language. Still, though criticized because of colloquialisms, the 1992 translation preserved certain biblical expressions of sublime style even in cases where an idiomatic alternative would be more expected. The traditional, Hebrew-oriented translations are subjected to unintentional overusage of Hebrew substance. This phenomenon is seen for instance in translating certain prepositions including body-part names, adverbs that have been changed from prepositions to metaphorical lexical expressions. In contrast, the target language-oriented translation is more exposed to indifference in translating cultural metaphors. This tendency is caused by the loyalty to the idiomatic translation principle which includes harmonizing metaphoric expressions in accordance with idiomatic target language (Kela 1999). The two tendencies, the loyalty to source language versus loyalty to target language, can be seen as controversial extremes. The rigid loyalty to source language may result in "overtranslating", whereas priorising the target language aspects on behalf of source language may sometimes lead to "undertranslating ". In the following it is shown how body-part noun-based prepositions have in some cases been translated into prepositions and sometimes overtranslated into a figurative metaphor in source language oriented translations. These overtranslations are sometimes preserved also in the target language oriented translations due to their loyalty to target language stylistic traditions, in this case formcd by Biblc rhctoric.

2. The twofold metaphorical use of body-part names in the Old Testament In the context of the OT we can see body-part names both in every day use: "he touched the socket of Jacob's hip so that his hip was wrenched" (Gen 32:25) and 246 in metaphorical use: "Y our navel is a rounded goblet I that never lacks blended wine" (Song of S. 7:2). In this paper the concept figurative metaphor refers to different kinds of aesthetic metaphors, not only to what is traditionally defined as metaphors (type 'navel is a goblet') but also metonymic figures of speech: "My heart says of you, 'Seek Hisface!"' (Ps 27:8; type 'heart/face fora person'). In order to highlight the essential point of this study, I cannot limit the concept of metaphor to figurative language only. Referring to the cognitive metaphor theory developed by Lakoff et al., the metaphor is not only "understanding and experiencing one kind of thing in terms of another", but also organising "a whole system of concepts with respect to one another" (Lakoff & Johnson 1980:5, 14). What Lakoff et al. call "metaphorical concept" is here called grammatical metaphor. Lower down it is demonstrated, how these are seen in biblical context.

2.1 Figurative metaphors: God talk and its complicity The Old Testament tells us that nobody should draw a picture or make any kind of a sculpture representing God. Even so, the OT text is continuously drawing images, visualizing God by metaphors. Religious language needs metaphors, because there is no other way for describing the unseen. Figures of speech that describe God as a human-like being are called antropomorphisms. The OT is full of antropomorphisms. God has hands, feet, skin, face, eyes, even nostrils and sometimes wings. Also His character is described as human: He gets angry, is jealous, sometimes He is a shepherd, husband, father or mothcr. It is obvious that a great majority of body-part names in the OT are in metaphorical use, and especially in OT lyrics, like in the Book of Psalms, often betong to different antropomorphisms. God 's face is one of the OT' s most complex antropomorphisms. It appears in many contexts, e.g. in the well known priestly blessing: "The Lord bless you 247 and keep you; the Lord make His face shine upon you and be gracious to you; the Lord turn His face towards you and give you peace" (NIV 1973/Numbers 6:24-26). In this context the face is undeniably an antropomorphism, a figurative metaphor. Though figurative expressions play a central role in biblical context, it is not always the case that a body-part expression is a figure of speech or an antropomorphism. Lower down it is demonstrated, how the Hebrew equivalent for face might also be part of a preposition but nevertheless metaphoric in another sense.

2.2 Grammatical metaphors Lakoff and Johnson doubt whether there are any concepts at all that can be understood directly, without metaphor. They claim that we understand simple spatial concepts, such as 'up', because "we have bodies and we stand erect" (Lakoff & Johnson 1980:56). This bodily basis and metaphoric nature of the human conceptual system is especially clearly seen in adverbs that include a body-part name. Combining pre- and postpositions or affixes with names of body-parts is a universal and common way of forming expressions of direction and other particles. Several examples of this can be easily found in several languages. English uses body parts e.g. in expressions facing or an the other hand. In Finnish, several postpositions have been formed in this way, e. g. päällä ('on', literally 'on the head') or rinnalla ('beside', literally 'on/by the chest'). Finno-Ugrists have shown how in Hungarian a case ending balbe that means 'into' has been derived from the noun bel, 'intestine, bowel' (Itkonen 1966:294). These simple examples from Finno-Ugrian languages support Lakoff and Johnson's cognitive metaphor theory for their part. Here we are not speaking about figures of speech, or the figurative "metaphor" in the sense of traditional rhetorics. Still, the cognitive phenomenon motivating these expressions is 248 metaphor. These adverbs (pre- and postpositions or affixes) that are in human cognition formed through metaphoric action are grammatical metaphors. Also in Hebrew, the name of a body-part together with a preposition can form a particle, sometimes called a semipreposition (see Brockelmann 1913; Sollamo 1979: 1, 2). These prepositions are formed of a body-part noun in its status constructus -form (i. e. inflectional stem) anda preposition: (1)

Pne ')!) 'face' (st. cstr. ofthe pl. stempanim D'JD) + / 7 'to, before' > lifae 'JD7 'before, to, in front of

Thus, the Hebrew word D'J!) 'face' is sometimes added to a prepositional expression meaning 'in front of, before, from before, facing, (on the) opposite to'. In the same way, a variety ofprepositions are formed metaphorically from Hebrew equivalents for eye, hand, 111011th,inner being, inside, head, lips, heart, foot, palm. They can be attached to more than ten different prepositions. The meaning of a semipreposition can be regarded as the same as that of a mere preposition: 'JD7means '7'. Yet, some researchers ofthe OT Hebrew assume that prepositions that include a body-part name sometimes clarify the expression (Sollamo 1979:1, 2). A typical example of a grammatical metaphor and its equivalents in different translations is found in Psalm 41: 12/13. (2)

Psalm 41:12/13 BHS 01?,l/1? ,~~c,'J:l'~m ':i n:nm 'lm:i 'J~1 I' olarn/lfanecha/watatsiveni//bi/tomakhta/btumi/wa' ani forever/before you/and you set me//me/you uphold/in my integrity/and I Die Bibel Mich aber hältst du um meiner Frömmigkeit willen / und stellst mich var dein Angesicht fur ewig. KJ And as for me, thou upholdest me in mine integrity, and settest me before thy face for ever. Se 1917 Ty mig uppehåller du, för min ostrafflighets skull, / och låter mig stå in.for ditt ansikte evinnerligen. 249

Fin 1933 Minun nuhteettomuuteni tähden sinä minua tuet / ja annat minun seisoa kasvojesi edessä ainiaan. [before yourface} GNB 1971 Y ou will help me, because I do what is right; / you will keep me in your presence for ever. NIV 1973 In my integrity you uphold me / and set me in your presence forever. Fin 1992 Sinä tuet minua, koska olen nuhteeton, / sinä annat minun aina olla lähelläsi. [close to you} Se 1999 Jag är utan skuld, därför stöder du mig, I du låter mig alltid vara dig nära.

All the older translations (Lutherbibeln, King James Version, Swedish 1917 version and Finnish New Bible) of this verse use the phrase 'before Your face' and thus render a source language grammatical metaphor by means of a target language figurative metaphor. Modem translations, however, eliminate even the grammatical metaphor ('before') using expressions belonging to religious style (in your presence, dig nära). None of the translations uses here the literal translation before you. For more parallel examples of Hebrew grammatical metaphor 'before' and its varied translations see e.g. Genesis 3:8, 4:14, 16; Nehemiah 4:5; Job 13:16; Psalm 9:3/4,19/20 and Jonah 1:2, 3, 10. - The Hebrew word for 'face' can thus appear in figurative metaphor ("the Lord make His face shine upon you") or in grammatical metaphor ("you set me before you ['thy face']"). These expressions belong to different linguistic categories.

3. The collocation 'i11fro11tof something' vs. 'i11fro11tofGod'sface' The lexeme pne ')D can be attached to many different prepositions. The most common of these is lifne '1D7'in front, on front side, before', which occurs in Hebrew OT 1025 times. It is common because it can refer to any noun, living or non-living, and it is used both in local and in temporal expressions. In Finnish OT 1933 there are altogether 109 occurrences ofthe phrase kasvojen 250 edessäledestä/eteen 'in/from before one's face, facing sb'. The majority ofthese phrases are overtranslations of lifne 'J!J? and nine less common Hebrew semiprepositions with the stem pne 'J!J . Hebrew text uses this kind of semipreposition including the equivalent for 'face' in various contexts, as the following examples point out (here according to BHS, Fin 33 or Fin 92 and NIV):

(3) Genesis 27:7 BHS 'nl~ 'l07 :,1:,, 'l07 :,:,:,1:i~1 moti/lij11e/YHWH/lif11e/wa'avarechcha [my death/before/God/before/and I will bless you] NIV 73 so that I may give you my blessing in the presence of the Lord before I die Fin 92 jotta voisin siunata sinut Herran nimessä ennen kuin kuolen [that/I might/bless/you/the Lord's/in the name/before/I die]

(4) Exodus 33:2 BHS 7~7~ 'T'l07 'nn'?w1 maI'ock/lfanecha/wshalachti [an angel/before you/and I will send] Fin 33 Ja minä lähetän enkelin sinun edelläsi [And/I/will send/an angel/you/before] NIV73 I will send an ange! before you

(5) Ezekiel 23:41 BHS l'T'l7 71,Y 1n'?w1 :,11:i::i :,n~-'?ll n:iw,, lfanejha/'oruch/wsulchan/kvudoh/'al-mittoh/wjosbt [by it/spread/and table/fine/on bed/and you sat] Fin 33 Ja sinä istuit komealle vuoteelle, sen ääressä oli katettu pöytä [And/you/sat/ on luxurious/bed/its/beside/was/prepared/table] NIV73 Y ou sat on an elegant couch, with a table spread before it 251

The examples above show that lif11e ,ltl? (i,lti?, :,,l?) • is a preposition • can have spatial (Gen., Ez.) or temporal (Gen.) meaning, or a meaning combining both (Ex.) • can be used to refer to God (Gen.), man (Ex.), time (Gen.), or an object (Ez.)

Furthermore, the analysis of all 109 verses with the translation kasvojen edessäledestä/eteen 'in/from before one's face, facing sb' prove that lifne ,ltl? • is sometimes overtranslated by using a figurative metaphor including the lexical element 'face' • is never overtranslated by a figurative metaphor when referring to man, time or an object (exception: Fin 33 uses 'pharao's face' or 'king's face') • is overtranslated by a figurative metaphor only when referring to God

For a typical example see Psalm 41: 12/13 above. During the translation process, the "grammatical metaphor" becomes a "figurative metaphor" when the preposition 'in front of is changed into a figurative lexical expression 'in front of somebody's face'. What is obviously a preposition in the source language becomes a metaphorical lexical expression in the target language. This change of category, a rankshift does not occur in any topic, but only when God is referred to. This collocation is not motivated by the Hebrew language. When I compared these 109 verses with BHS, I found that most of these are overtranslations of Hebrew semiprepositions, and therefore rankshifted cases. But in 17 verses BHS uses here an independent noun 'face'. Most of these were idioms 'see God's face' (e.g. Ps.42:3). The Hebrew text does not use the collocation 'before God('s face)' in these verses; why then does a literal, Hebrew-oriented Finnish translation use this expression, so unfamiliar to standard Finnish language? 252

4. "We have gathered before Your face" - a mistranslation? Though there are plenty of body-part based adverbs in the Finnish language, this word kasvot, 'face' would not be used in expressions of direction in ordinary, non-biblical use of Finnish. Most of these phrases occur in prayers, like tulla Jumalan kasvojen eteen ('come before God's face'). But one would never say to a friend, that "this evening I will come before your face". Also, "the face of a bed / fire / tent / etc." cannot be found in source language oriented translations of the OT, though using this logic they could. It is clear that this collocation ('to come/be before one's face') is used in Finnish only in sacred language. During the history of the Finnish Bible, this expression has also become a relevant part ofreligious prayer language. The 1933 translation committee used biblical expressions intentionally to reach a high and lofty style (Puukko 1946:390). No wonder this expression was preserved; even The Old Bible (1776) is more "dynamic" in translating this feature (Kela 1999: 130, 131). The new 1992 translation aimed at using standard and idiomatic Finnish (Räisänen 1986: 176-199), and still it did preserve a number of occurrences of tulla Jumalan kasvojen eteen motivated neither by Hebrew, nor by idiomatic Finnish. At first this might seem only an unintentional mistake, a lapse from the dynamic equivalence translation principle to which the committee was committed. Still, it is no longer a question of accurate translating but "good, sacred Finnish", since this Hebrew expression has changed into a figurative loan translation and become a distinctive feature of the Finnish prayer language and a commonly accepted verbal formula for beginning a prayer. A target language oriented translation process takes also the target language rhetoric tradition into cunsideration. In light of the rhetorical tradition of prayer language, calling this intricate process a mistranslation, 'a failure' or 'an error', apparently does not do justice to its real essence. Obviously this phenomenon takes us into the core of sacred conceptualization: namely, how we should talk about God. The uncertainty in 253 this matter has lead to a unique solution in the translating process, whereby a mere preposition is changed into a figurative lexical element. This so called mistranslation is purposeful since it offers a precious piece of information on talk about God.

References

Beekman, J. and J. Callow. 1974. Translating the Word ofGod. Dallas: Summer Institute of Linguistics. BHS = Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia (quae antea cooperantibus A. Alt, 0. Eissfeldt, P. Kahle ediderat R. Kittel. Editio funditus renovata.) Vierte verbesserte Auflage 1990. Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, Stuttgart. Die Bibel, nach der Ubersetzung Martin Luthers; Neuauflage 1956. Brockelmann, C. 1913. Grundriss der verlgleichenden Grammatik der Semitischen Sprachen II Unveränderter fotomechanischer Nachdruck der Ausgabe Berlin 1913. Georg Olms Verlagsbuchhandlung Hildesheim 1961. Fin 1933 = Pyhä raamattu I Vanha testamentti. [Holy Bible / OT] Kirkolliskokouksen vuonna 1933 käyttöön ottama suomennos. Fin 1992 = Pyhä raamattu. [Holy Bible.] Suomen evankelis-luterilaisen kirkon kirkolliskokouksen vuonna 1992 käyttöön ottama suomennos. GNB 1971 = Good News Bible. Today's English Version. American Bible Society, 1971. ltkonen, E. 1966. Kieli ja sen tutkimus. [Language and its research]. Porvoo: WSOY. Kela, M. 1999. "Korotettu sinun oikea kätesi". Vanhan testamentin ruumiinosakielikuvien kääntäminen kognitiivisen metaforateorian näkökulmasta. ["Stretched is your right hand." A cognitive metaphor theory approach to translating the body part expressions of the Old Testament.] Licenciate's thesis. Jyväskylä University. 254

Lakoff, G. and M. Johnson. 1980. Metaphors we live by. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Larson, M. L. 1984. Meaning-based translation. A guide to cross-language equivalence. Lanham: University Press of America. Nida, E., 1964. Toward a Science ofTranslating. Leiden. Nida, E. and Taber, 1969. Theo,y and Practice of Translation. Helps for Translators, vol. 8. Leiden: Brill. NIV 1973 = New International Version of the Bible. North American Edition: Intemational Bible Society, Zondervan Bible Publishers. Puukko, A. F. 1946. Suomalainen Raamattumme Mikael Agricolasta Kirkkoraamattuun. [Our Finnish Bible from Mikael Agricola until the New Bible.] Helsinki: Otava. Reiss, K. and Vermeer, H.J. 1984. Grundlegung einer allgemeinen Translationstheorie. Linguistische Arbeiten 147. Tilbingen: Niemeyer. Räisänen, H. 1986. Kohti uutta raamatunsuomennosta. [Towards a new Finnish Bible translation.] In: J. Salminen and A. Toivanen (eds.) Kohti uutta kirkkoraamattua [Towards a new church-bible}, 176-199. Helsinki: Suomen eksegeettisen seuran julkaisuja 43. Se 1917 = Bibeln eller den Heliga Skrift. Se 1999 = Bibel 2000. Den tredje officiella översättn. av Bibel till svenska. Sollamo, R. 1979. Renderings oj Hebrew semiprepositions in the Septuagint. Annales Academia Scientiarum Fennicae -Dissertationes Humanarum Litterarum 19. Helsinki: Suomalainen Tiedeakatemia. Toivanen, A. 1985. Ajankohtainen raamatunsuomennos. [The current Bible translation.] Helsinki: Kirjaneliö. THE RHETORIC OF SCIENTIFIC DISCOURSE

257

_"Blir du logisk, lille vän?" Medierande redskap i nationalekonomi

MonaBlåsjö Stockholms universitet Motta.Blasjo@,tordiska.su.se

Under fältarbetet till min avhandling om akademiskt skrivande i bl.a. ämnet nationalekonomi (Blåsjö kommande) framkom det flera gånger i intervjuer att lärarna var frustrerade över en del studenters sätt att tänka. Lärarna beskrev det centrala i ämnet som "att analysera, att tänka på ett visst sätt", nämligen logiskt och matematiskt. Men de ansåg att studenterna i sina texter visade alltför lite av detta sätt att tänka. Dessutom efterlyste lärarna i instruktioner för uppsatsarbetet och ibland i undervisningen, som jag observerat delar av, ett annat sätt att tänka: kritiskt tänkande kring t.ex. data och matematiska modellers tillämpbarhet. Men kritiska resonemang förekommer allt mindre i studenternas texter, som jag också undersökt, ju längre de har studerat ämnet. De sätt att tänka, och därmed skriva, som lärarna efterfrågar kan ses som medierande redskap - resurser man använder för att delta i en grupp. Jag vill här presentera och diskutera begreppet medierande redskap och visa exempel på hur det kan användas i diskursanalys med språkvetenskapliga utgångspunkter.

Redskap att handla Medierande redskap kan vara språkliga - verbalspråkliga som berättelsen eller språkliga i en mer semiotisk betydelse som matematiska tecken - men de kan också vara fysiska hjälpmedel som datorn och telefonen. Även texter och genrer kan ses som medierande redskap. Den amerikanske psykologen James Wertsch 258

(bl.a. 1991, 1998) har utvecklat redskapsbegreppet (under termerna cultural tool och mediational means) från den ryske psykologen Vygotskijs skrifter. Vygotskij menade bl.a. att språket och andra teckensystem fungerar för människor på ett sätt som liknar fysiska redskap: The invention and use of signs as auxiliary means of solving a given psychological problem (to remember, compare something, repor!, choose, and so on) is analogous to the invention and use oftools in one psychological respect. The sign acts as an instrument of psychological activity in a manner analogous to the role of a tool in labor. (Vygotskij 1978:52)

Medierande redskap definieras av den amerikanske språkvetaren och diskursanalytikern Ron Scollon på följande vis:

Mediational means [ ... ]is defined as the semiotic means through which a mediated action, that is any social action, is canied out (communicated). (Scollon 200la:148)

De medierande redskapen är utformade under en viss tid inom en viss grupp. Därmed är de under ständig utveckling och specifika för olika grupper, tider och sammanhang. Bara för att man kan berätta är det ju inte säkert att man kan berätta som en ståuppare eller som man gjorde under antiken. Det specifika för olika grupper innebär också att redskap är förknippade med olika språkliga former och värderingar. Redskapet citat använt av ungdomar är t.ex. förknippat med markörer som hon ba ' och har låg status, medan forskares citatredskap är förknippat med källhänvisningar av helt annat slag och har hög status. Att börja bemästra en grupps medierande redskapen är förstås en central del av socialisering i gruppen. Enligt Wertsch är dock alla inte motiverade att använda ett visst redskap. De kan ha ett motstånd mot redskap som t.ex. förknippas med grupper de inte känner samhörighet med: "the agent may use a cultural tool hut does so with a feeling of conflict or resistance" (Wertsch 1998:56). De medierande redskapen används av människor som ett sätt att utöka handlingsutrymmet, precis som fysiska verktyg gör oss starkare (set.ex. Säljö 2000). Men redskapen begränsar och styr också vårt tänkande. Wertsch (1998:38ff) talar här om affordanceslconstraint (vinst/begränsning). Som 259 exempel ger han det amerikanska redskapet "quest-for-freedom narrative" som begränsar invånarnas förmåga att tänka kritiskt om landets historia (1998:73ff). Eftersom amerikaner är uppväxta med berättelser om sitt lands frihetssökande, blir det svårt att se landet med andra ögon. När det gäller lärande av redskapen spelar Vygotskijs teorier om hur människor lär sig samt Wood, Bruner & Ross' (1974) begrepp stöttning (scajfolding) stor roll. En nybörjare gör först något tillsammans med andra, sedan alltmer självständigt. Vid skrivundervisning kan en s.k. responsgrupp, som återkommande läser och kommenterar varandras texter, fungera som en stöttning. Deltagarna får först peka på problem i andras texter och ställa frågor till andra skribenter. Så småningom kan de i förväg själva se problem i sina egna texter och föreställa sig läsarnas frågor (jfr Hoel 2001 ). Genom att aktivt interagera kring texterna lär sig skribenter hur läsare kan reagera på texten, och det på ett helt annat sätt än genom att t.ex. passivt läsa råd i en bok. Man kan säga att en social handling, något man gör tillsammans på ett visst sätt, till slut blir en kognitiv handling, något man kan göra självständigt.

Medierande redskap i språklig analys Tidigare har begreppet medierande redskap mest använts av pedagoger och psykologer om fysiska artefakter och språket som helhet (t.ex. Johansson 2002, Säljö 2000, Donato & MacCormick 1994). När det gäller språk kan också t.ex. en enskild bokstav ses som ett medierande redskap (Scollon 200lb:120). Även språkliga enheter mellan sådana mikrofenomen och språket på ett makroplan har beskrivits som medierande redskap, åtminstone narrativer (Wertsch 1998). Jag vill utveckla tanken att medierande redskap kan återfinnas på en språklig/textuell nivå som kan jämföras med språkhandlingar eller texttyper i betydelsen något man gör eller använder lokalt i en text, t.ex. beskrivning eller argumentation (ifr Ledin 1999). Inom den systemisk-funktionella grammatiken och dess pedagogiska gren Educational Linguistics används begreppet genre för 260 ungefär motsvarande textuella egenskap. Man skulle kunna jämföra begreppen schematiskt så här:

Tabell 1. Begreppet medierande redskap och språkligt-textuella motsvarigheter inom andra forskningstraditioner

Forskningstradition Pragmatik Sociokulturell teori Educational Lineuistics Framstående Austin, Searle Vygotskij, Leontev, Halliday, Martin, teoretiker Wertsch Christie Begrepp för något Språkhandling Medierande redskap Genre man gör/använder lokalt i texten Vanliga exempel Löfte, uppmaning (av språkliga:) Beskrivning, inom resp. tradition Problemlösning, kommentar narrativ Fokuserad enhet Satsen, yttrandet Handlingen Grammatisk/ textuell struktur Overgripande teori Språkfilosofi, Sociokulturell teori Sociokulturell interaktionism teori/System Func- tional Linguistics

Varför då inte använda någon av dessa vedertagna termer? Mitt motiv är som framgått de teorier kring lärande och socialisering som finns formulerade kring begreppet medierande redskap och som har visat sig ha stort förklaringsvärde för min studie.

Resonemang som redskap Från min undersökning om studenters skrivande (Blåsjö kommande) ska jag ge exempel på användningen av det verbalspråkliga medierande redskapet resonemang i olika former. Jag ska också diskutera hur redskapet kan ses i relation till det problem jag presenterade i inledningen, att studenter i sitt skrivande inte alltid gör det lärarna förväntar sig. Ett medierande redskap som är mycket centralt för ämnet nationalekonomi, och som en citerad lärare ovan kallar "att analysera, att tänka på ett visst sätt" är en typ av resonemang som jag kallar matematiskt-logiskt. Här är ett exempel ur 261 en avhandling (nationalekonomer på professionell nivå skriver oftast på engelska):

(1) Matematiskt-logiskt resonemang, avhandling

Let us first consider the principal's problem given that she wishes to pool all types of agent [så!],

maxp,D n-=p-(1-Q)·(L-D) (6) s.t. (1-q)[v(w- p- D) +s(F)] +qv(w- p) "?.~

where the principal, by construction, must keep p and D fixed, and hence q(0) is re placed by its expectation. The first order conditions (see the proof of Proposition I below) are easily seen to imply that 1 v'(w-p-D)=q•(I-Q)v (w-p). (7) (1-q)·Q

Now, since by assumption q :,;Q, and since vis concave, we see that whenever the inequality is strict, D < 0, and the agent is monetarily better off in the case of failure. (kursiv i orig)

Skribenten inleder med en direkt uppmaning till läsaren att följa med i resonemanget. Subjektet är ofta i första person plural, och verbformen presens, t.ex. we see som i den sista grafiska meningen. Resonemanget framställs härmed som något skribenten och läsaren utför gemensamt och samtidigt. Det logiska framträder bl.a. via logiska konnektiver som hence och since, och genom att skribenten kommer till en slutsats. Resonemanget förs i en tydlig rak linje från problemfonnulering till slutsats, utan alternativa vägar eller divergerande perspektiv. Det matematiska inslaget är tydligt. Det finns skäl att se ett samband med eller ett arv från matematiken som akademisk disciplin. Troligen finns här också ett samband med en uppfattning om en korrekt lösning på problem som annars inte är vanlig inom samhällsvetenskaperna. Det är alltså resonemang som liknar detta som lärarna vill få studenterna att använda i sina texter, om än inte lika avancerade. Lärarna använder också denna typ av resonemang i undervisningen. Här har jag transkriberat bristfälligt och inte helt ordagrant, men ett exempel är detta: 262

(2) Matematiskt-logiskt resonemang, undervisning

Om vi funderar över vad den här funktionen gör med ekvationen[ ... ] Alltså om vi definierar det som [ formel på OH], då kommer den att representera [ ... ], eller hur? [ ... ] När det är så här säger vi att betydelsen av det här är en ordinal nyttofunktion. Om jag jämför varukorgen, så [ ... ] Alltså kan vi konstatera att [ ... ] är definierat som [ ... ] ja, då måste de också representera samma preferenser. (föreläsning, B-nivå)

Frånsett att det här exemplet är på svenska och saknar de matematiska delar som visas på OH-projektor, kan man känna igen vi-formen, de logiska konnektivema (alltså) och slutsatsen. Det kan man även i följande exempel från en studenttext, en C-uppsats:

(3) Matematiskt-logiskt resonemang, studenttext

Om vi antar en skattad tillväxttakt på 5 procent för centralstaterna och 3 procent för de västeuropeiska staterna, så skulle konvergens till samma nivå ta ca 28 år och i fall den förra ligger på 4 procent ca 56 år. [not till uppgift om specifik BNP] En sådan utveckling förutsätter att tillväxten är konstant under hela tidsperioden. Enligt den exogena tillväxtmodellen så kommer tillväxttakten att avta för de fattiga länderna då de närmar sig länderna med högre BNP. Således kan man tänka sig att en möjlig konvergens för centralstaterna kommer att ta betydligt längre tid[ ... ]. (C-uppsats)

Även detta resonemang avslutas med en slutsats, markerad med den logiska konnektiven således. Dessförinnan har skribent och läsare tillsammans gått igenom resonemanget, steg för steg i en rak linje. Resonemanget är inte så avancerat eller lika matematiskt som den professionella skribentens i exempel (I), men skribenterna på C-nivå verkar någorlunda ha greppat det medierande redskapet matematiskt-logiskt resonemang. Men före C-nivå är det ovanligt att studenter kan använda redskapet. På A nivå ser resonemangen mer ut t.ex. så här:

(4) Kritiskt-dialogiskt resonemang, studenttext

Enligt internationella expertuppfattningar bl a OECD, vilket även stöds av många svenska ekonomer, är det svenska arbetslöshetsproblemet i huvudsak av strukturell 263

Således råder det inte helt enade meningar i fallet om det strukturella problemets inverkan på arbetslöshetsnivåema. Helt klart torde det dock vara att den teori som Lindbeck presenterar är med sanningen överensstämmande[ ... ] (inlämningsuppgift, A nivå)

Detta resonemang präglas av att olika synsätt på samma fråga prövas mot varandra (markerade med "internationella expertuppfattningar", "som Lindbeck presenterar" etc.). Logiska konnektiver förekommer, men även adversativa (dock två gånger), som markerar ett skifte av perspektiv i stället för en rak linje. En slutsats finns, men här efter en kritisk granskning av vad olika deltagare i en diskussion hävdar. Denna typ av kritiskt resonemang minskar drastiskt från A- till C-nivå, medan det matematiskt-logiska resonemanget stegvis används allt mer. Även andra former av kunskapskritik är sällsynt. Detta kan ses i förhållande till undervisningen. Lärarna använder där matematiskt-logiskt resonemang mycket frekvent, och det är också vanligt i kurslitteratur. Studenterna får genom detta en mall för hur resonemangen bör se ut, men de utför sällan resonemang tillsammans med lärarna i undervisningen. Man kan säga att stöttningen är bristfällig. Studenterna möter resonemanget mer som passiva mottagare än som aktiva deltagare. Kritiska resonemang är ytterst sällsynta i undervisningen. Den kritik som förekommer riktas i stort mot enskilda resonemangs och modellers hållbarhet, inte mot redskapens möjlighet att ta fram ny kunskap. Ett centralt redskap som matematiska modeller problematiseras aldrig, vilket både observationer, intervjuer och andra källor tyder på (www.paecon.net och Lind 1990). Vissa studenter uppger också i intervjuer att de har ett motstånd mot redskap som modeller, t.ex. Ia som säger: "De [nationalekonomer] låter sig styras av modellerna[ ... ]" Redskapen kan alltså ses som begränsande. 264

Slutsatser och diskussion Lärarnas frustration över studenternas bristande anpassning till ämnets sätt att tänka kan alltså ses i ljuset av hur mycket detta sätt att tänka tillämpas kollektivt i undervisningen. Fallet med det kritiska resonemanget visar att man knappast kan förvänta sig att ett medierande redskap som bara omnämns men inte används i undervisningen ska användas av studenter i deras skrivande. Det räcker inte att uppmana dem att tänka kritiskt. Fallet med det logiska resonemanget, som visserligen används av studenter, men inte tillräckligt enligt lärarna, visar att det inte heller räcker att visa upp ett medierande redskap. Om redskapet däremot används kollektivt i undervisningen, kan studenter snabbare och mer effektivt lära sig använda redskapen. Detta visar en jämförelse med mina resultat från ämnet historia (Blåsjö kommande). Givetvis kan även andra faktorer spela in, men slutsatsen stöds också av Vygotskijs teorier att människan lär sig genom att göra saker tillsammans. Det vill säga, genom social träning kan studenterna utvecklas kognitivt, och därmed utvecklas deras skrivande. Ett generellt problem är att centrala medierande redskap inom ett ämne ofta tas för givna av lärarna. Dels har lärarna själva så totalt integrerat formen för redskapen att den kan vara svår att lära ut, dels kanske man antar att studenterna redan behärskar vissa redskap. I nationalekonomi används t.ex. kurvan som alla använt i skolan, men inte på just det sätt som den används i nationalekonomi. Det vore därför säkert bra om man inom ett ämne mer samlat och medvetet kunde inventera vad som är de centrala redskapen, hur de bör formas och hur de kan tas upp i undervisningen. Man kan också dra slutsatsen att de medierande redskapen i nationalekonomi innehär håde vinster och begränsningar. Vinster är ett effektiviserat sätt att tär..ka och beräkna samt en övertygande funktion: i det logiska resonemanget dras läsaren med i skribentens perspektiv, ges inga alternativa lösningar och uppmuntras därmed inte till kritik. Det som för skribenten är en vinst kan därmed för läsaren (eller studenten) vara en begränsning. Andra begränsningar 265

är att modeller och logiska resonemang styr tankarna mot det abstrakta och hypotetiska. Vad kan då begreppet medierande redskap tillföra? För det första ger redskapens koppling till grupp, tid och miljö viktiga effekter. Dels påminns vi om att en individ i en ny miljö inte oproblematiskt kan förväntas använda ett redskap från en annan miljö, utan behöver träna varje redskap så som det används i den nya miljön. Dels innebär kopplingen till grupp en metodologisk potential, eftersom man kan analysera en grupps medierande redskap för att säga något om dess vanor, synsätt o.d. För det andra samlar begreppet till synes olika fenomen och gör det lättare att se samband och likheter: dels fysiska artefakter, visuella fenomen, genrer och texttyper, dels sociala, kognitiva och språkliga aspekter.

Litteraturförteckning

Blåsjö, M, kommande: Studenters skrivande i två kunskapsbyggande miljöer. En diskursanalytisk studie [avhandlingsmanus, prel. titel]. Donato, R & MacCormick, D. 1994: "A sociocultural perspective on language leaming strategies. The role of mediation". I: The Modern Language Journal 78. s. 453-464. Hoel, T. L. 2001. Skriva och samtala. Lärande genom responsgrupper. Övers. S. Andersson. Lund: Studentlitteratur. Johansson, M. 2002. Slöjdprak:tik i skolan. Hand, tanke, kommunikation och andra medierande redskap. Göteborg: Acta Universitatis Gothoburgensis. Ledin, P. 1999. Texter och texts/ag - en teoretisk diskussion. Projektet Svensk sakprosa nr 27. Lund: Institutionen för nordiska språk. Lind, H. 1990. Tanken bakom tänkta ekonomier. Om forskningsstrategi modern nationalekonomi. Stockholm: Akademeja. Post-autistic economics network, 266

Scollon, R. 2001a. "Action and text". I: R. Wodak & M. Meyer (red.), Methods af critical discourse analysis. London: Sage Publications. S. 139-183. Scollon, R. 2001 b. Mediated discourse. The nexus of practice. London/New York: Routledge. Säljö, R, 2000. Lärande i praktiken. Ett sociokulturellt perspektiv. Stockholm: Prisma. Vygotskij, L.S. 1978. Mind in society. The development af higher psycho!ogical processes. Red: M. Cole, V. John-Steiner, S. Scribner & E. Souberman. Cambridge/London: Harvard University Press. Wertsch, J. 1991. Voices of the mind. A sociocultural approach to mediated action. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Wertsch, J. 1998. Mind as action. New York, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Wood, D, Bruner, J & Ross, G. 1974. "The role oftutoring in problem solving". I: Journal af Child Psychology and Psychiatry 17. S. 89-100. 267

Rhetorical prescriptions and types of cultural difference

Philip Shaw, Stockholm University [email protected]

Introduction In diseussing intereultural eommunieation or eontrastive rhetorie we often say things like 'The Chinese use "Where are you going?" for phatie eommunieation but Europeans do not' and 'Germans are more direet than British people' (ef Hinkel 1996). The observation about phatie eommunication demonstrably means something like 'Any (normal) Chinese person reeognises "Where are you going?" as a merely phatie question and no (ethnie) European person reeognises it as sueh (at least ifuttered by another ethnic European)'. All Chinese eould in principle be in one eategory and all Europeans in another. Consequently one might suppose that the observation about direetness means that any given German will be more direet than any given British person. But the data on whieh this observation is based (House and Kasper 1981) show that in fäet many Germans provided less direet responses than many British people in the experiment, and in fäet the eorreet generalisation is merely that in a given situation the average of all Germans' direetness will be greater than that of all British people. The range of variation is identieal, only the mean seore is different. It thus seems that differences in rhetorical or pragmatie preferenees aeross eultures ean be of various types. In that ease, how ean we give reeommendations as to how to present things rhetorieally in different eultures? In this paper I should like to review the results of two reeent investigations (Shaw 2003, and Shaw et al 2004) into two domains ofrhetorie aeross eultures, 268 from the point of view of the structure of intercultural differences. The investigations used contrasting methods to examine contrasting domains. One looked at differences in rhetorical practices in an area of academic writing, asking whether academic articles by Danes use the same rhetoric as articles by Anglos. Its method was observation of naturally-occurring data, that is looking at a corpus of articles. The other looked at practices in a particular area of business interaction, asking whether the rhetorical recommendations of (North American) customer-service gurus work equally well across cultures, using an experimental approach - informant evaluation of constructed dialogues.

Customer-complaint routines Some spoken interaction falls into what Bakhtin (1986) calls primary genres - the communicative genre ('förmal or infonnal discussion, political debate, small talk, quarrelling among friends, etc.' Giinthner 2000). Other interaction secondary spoken genres - involves skills which have to be leamed and can be taught and formalised. In fäet Cameron (2000) suggests that more and more spoken interaction in service environments such as telephone call centres falls into this category. Increasingly service workers who use secondary genres are required to follow recommended routines of politeness. However, there is quite considerable variation in the recommendations of customer-service experts as to which routines are most effective, in particular in respect to the somewhat unexpected speech act 'thanking for the complaint'. Thus in its website advice on complaint handling the German company Bosch (no

A: brusque B: most promotional, thanks early C: 'clear, brief, sincere' D: longest, promotional, thanks late

We showed these in writing to some 100 students ofbusiness and languages for business in each of six countries: Belgium (Flanders), Denmark, Sweden, ltaly, Japan, and the United Kingdom (England) and asked multiple-choice questions on three dimensions:

Prcfcrcncc Which dialogue is the best mode/for your country? Acceptability Which dialogues are OKforpoliteness? 270

Occurrence Which dialogues are possible in this countly? Table 1: Dialogues chosen as the best mo del for the country in question

Country % ofrespondents choosing this dialogue as 'best' Dialogue A B C D Bel2:ium (Flanders) 3 16 52 30 Denmark (Jutland) 4 6 51 40 Italy (South) 4 32 28 26 Japan (Tokvo) 2 28 20 49 Sweden (Stockholm) 3 15 45 28 UK(En2land) 10 21 38 31

(respondents choosing this dialogue as a percentage of all respondents). All percentages to the nearest whole number.

What we found for preference, broadly, was that in every country there were some people who preferred every orre of our options. In Northwest Europe - Belgium, Denmark, Sweden, and England - roughly half the respondents preferred C, a third D, and a sixth B (although Table 1 shows that the proportions differed among these countries, chi-square shows that the differences are not significant). In Italy roughly equal proportions preferred each of B, C, and D. In Japan half the respondents preferred D, with B second and C third. The differences in preference were thus quite marked, but relative - it is not that people in orre culture prefer one mode! and those in another a different mode!, but that more people in orre culture prefer a given mode! than in another. When it comes to acceptability, the pattern was rather different. Table 2 shows that the 'concise, brief, sincere' routine C was acceptable to the largest number in all countries. As the least marked mode!, it irritated the least number of people everywhere - and in that sense the results shows that cultures are agreed. However, Table 2 does reveal another pattern in the data: cultures appear to differ in the degree of tolerance they show of different models, with 271 more Swedes apparently able to accept a wide range of routines than, for example, Japanese.

Table 2: Dialogues judged to be 'OK' for politeness

Country % ofrespondents iudging dialogue acceptable Dialo2ue A B C D Belgium (Flanders) 10 47 87 63 Denmark (Jutland) 13 26 81 69 Italy (South) 0 58 82 50 Japan (Tokvo) 10 39 76 62 Sweden (Stockholm) 20 51 90 63 UK (England) 10 52 89 77

(respondents making this judgement as a percentage of all respondents). All percentages to the nearest whole number. (reproduced from Shaw et al 2004)

Thus the complaint-handling survey showed that different answers will be obtained by asking for preferences and for acceptability, that differences in this area are relative, and that tolerance may be a cultural variable. It also suggested that the reason why different complaint-handling experts recommend different strategies is simply that different people prefer different strategies in all cultures. The acceptability figures suggest that the lowest common denominator might actually be the safest strategy. Prescriptive writers should admit that preferences within the same culture vary widely and describe, at least, the majority or plurality preference and the most acceptable variant.

Academic rhetoric A survey in a completely different area (Shaw 2003) helps to complete the picture of the complexity of cultural differences in rhetorical preferences (cf Kreutz and Harres 1997). The texts examined were published articles in applied economics. One set was in Danish written by Danes who also publish in English, the second was in English written by the same set of Danish writers, 272 and the third was in English written by what I will call Anglo writers - researchers based in institutions in the US, Britain, or New Zealand (as it happens) with Anglo-Saxon names. I collected a corpus often articles by Danes in Danish (set DD), ten by the same set of Danes in English (set DE), and ten Anglo articles in English from the same journals (set EE). All articles had comparable topics and disciplinary orientation, and broadly similar expectations of reader expertise. DD and DE have similar author backgrounds and differ in language and audience. DE and EE have the same language and audiences and differ in author background. The introductions were analysed in the spirit of Swales 1990 in terms of six units, illustrated in Table 3.

Table 3: Analysis of article introductions (reproduced from Shaw 2003)

MOVEl Topic ('Claiming 'Strategic trade policy through the last centrality'?) decades has become increasingly incompatible with international legislation Issue ('making topic These issues are mainly analysed in the generalisation'+ well-known and powerful Brander- 'reviewing items of Spencer framework) previous research') MOVE2 Establishing a niche (one So far there has been no attempt to realisation of which is investigate .. 'indicating a gap') MOVE3 Outlining Purpose the purpose of this paper is to ... Expansion of Purpose these data enable us to Indicating RA structure In Section x we present..

The articles differed rhetorically in terms of initial orientation and realisation of the gap move, and linguistically in terms of first-person pronoun use and reference form. The introduction of an article may start off from a real-world issue, saying that something is an important problem for consumers, for example, from a policy issues, saying that something is a matter of debate among politicians, or 273 from a research-world issue, saying that something is widely researched, in need of explanation, etc. Table 4 shows that fewer of the articles from National (2}konomiskTidsskrifl (DD) began with a sentence oriented to research than of the other two sets. (Chi-square shows that the sample is too small for the difference to be significant, p= .105 for DD vs DE+EE, but this does not affect the present argument). The difference reflects a rhetorical choice, not the content of the articles, for similar numbers in all three sets eventually focused on a narrative of research in the topic section. Since the DD articles differ from the others in audience and language, it is reasonable to suppose that any such difference in orientation would be due to the difference in audience, since the readership of the Nationalokonomisk Tidsskrifl can be assumed to include a number of practitioners more interested in the relevance ofthe material than its theoretical implications.

Table 4: Orientation of content of first sentence of the article

First sentence Orientation DD DE EE To research there is now a !arge body oj 1 4 5 empirical work indicatin~ that ... To policy/debate Energy efficiency and 5 3 1 economic efficiency are both in vogue internationally To world Consumers around the world are 4 3 4 collecting air miles Eventual orientation to research in introduction 5 5 6 (reproduced from Shaw 2003)

Another rhetorical difference between the sets of articles (marginally significant for this sample, chi-square p= .06, for DD+DE vs EE) is in the use of a Gap realization of the Niche move. Move 2 can be realised by several alternative steps, ofwhich the 'Indicating the Gap' is the most promotional. Table 5 shows that the Anglo set has more examples of gap moves and suggests that the Danes made less use of the move in either language. In at least one case the gap seems 274 to have been deliberately downplayed: in an article in Scandinavian Economic History by a Dane there is a footnote which reads To our lmowledge there are no studies analysing post war convergence in regional income in Nordic countries. By contrast, its randomly-chosen Anglo counterpart from Se. Ec. Hist. contains an elaborate gap paragraph prominently placed before the issue unit, which includes phrases like swprisingly little economic literature, This confounds x with y and wrongly suggests that...... these deflciencies in the economics literature...... In this case, the difference correlates with mother tongue/culture rather than the language of composition or the audience. The inference is that fewer Danes than Anglos prefer the Gap realization of Niche, irrespective of audience.

Table 5: Gap realisation

DD DE EE Explicit gap precedes purpose (so that purpose 2 1 6 aooears to evaluate gap) Explicit gap after purpose (so that gap appears to 1 2 1 evaluate purpose) Pre-gap introduces review (with or without a real 2 1 1 gap later) No explicit gap in introduction 6 6* 3

*one ofthese hasa gap in footnote!

One ofthe linguistic features examined was the use ofthe first-person pronouns I, my, we, us, our. There were no examples of 'editorial we '; individual writers used lime if they used a first-person pronoun. Most instances of we were exclusive, referring to the writers rather than both writer and reader. Table 6 shows that only one case of we occurred in the introductions before the Purpose move, and this was an inclusive one - ... even if we believe X we should not Y. In the Purpose section there were differences among the three sets of articles, with first-person pronouns seldom used in Danish, a minority feature among 275

Danes writing in English, and present in a majority of the Anglo articles. The single use in Danish illustrates the promotional nature of exclusive we use: a clause translatable as Furthermore we will introduce a data series which ... eon trasts the inferior data used by previous writers with 'our' superior material. Many cases listed under 'expansion' represent contrasts of what 'we' shall do with what 'they' did before.

Table 6: Purpose and outline: Number of texts showing particular uses of first-person pronouns and text agency

Location Example DD DE EE Before Purpose even if we believe X we should 0 1 0 not Y. Purpose Ilwe in initial purpose statement 0 2 3 In this studv we examine ... Expansion of I seek ta identifo 1 1 6 Purpose Outline In the fifth section we briefly 0 2 5 present ... Alternatives to passive + prep + section ... are 9 7 1 1/We in the Outline presented in Sec 4 move* section as subject ... the first 2 7 6 part of the paper presents

*This move was present in all the Danish-language articles, 9 out of 10 English-language/Danish-author and 8 out of 10 Anglo.

The outline sections of the Anglo and Danish-language sets show a sharp contrast. Danish-language outline sections normally use a construction like I afenit 2 opstilles en ... mode! (In section 2 is set up a ... model') while the international writers use an active voice with the author or the text as agent: In Section 2 we set up a ... mode! ... Danes writing in English adopt the text-as agent form more than the author-as-agent form, although they also make use of the translation-equivalent of the Danish form. These results can be interpreted as Danish authors in English tending not to prefer the prominent and much- 276 discussed forms with personal subjects, while making use of both the rather un Danish forms with text as agent and the rather un-English ones with a passive voice. Thus articles in Danish by Danes (DD) differ from those by Anglos in English (EE) in a number ofrespects:

A. The initial orientation ofthe DD articles is more often to the world or policy. B. DD articles less often realise the Niche move by a Gap step C. DD articles make less use of (1) ·first-person pronouns and (2) text sections as agent, and more use of (3) the passive voice in the Outline.

Danish writers in English seem to adapt to their audience or medium with respect to A and C2, but not with respect to B, Cl, or C3. A prescriptive writer might advise the Danes to conform to majority Anglo use in all respects, while a writer with a commitment to English as a medium in which diverse cultures can be expressed (Mauranen 1993, Y.Kachru 1997) might recommend sticking to one's national norms. But the truth is that both these views involve a misinterpretation of the nature of cultural difference in rhetoric, at least in secondaiy genres with international currency. Tastes vary within communities. Even in this small sample, there are articles by Anglos which do not make use of first-person pronouns or realise Niche as Gap, and among the articles in Danish there are several Gaps, and even one first-person expression of the aim of the paper. Even if a DE article aligned itself entirely with the majority of the DD articles rather than the majority of the EE ones, it would not be particularly odd. It would simply be like the work of the minority ofinternational writers in English who do not realise 'gap' (etc.) than like that of the majority who do. 277

Any 'Danish rhetorical norms' that may exist can survive on condition that they fall within the fairly broad range of the international norms. International readers and editors are after all attuned to their own reading, which includes both (for example Danish) articles that do not use first-person pronouns and others that do. Even if In this section we discuss and This section discusses are normal in international writing, it is not difficult to find an article which uses In this section .... is discussed. In these areas Danish norms and preferences can be maintained, but are invisible to the international audience. Rhetorical or stylistic difference does not necessarily imply difficulty in communication or publication. For the world-wide English-reading disciplinary 'community' as a whole, what matters is whether the feature frequencies of a particular group lie inside or outside the range ofthe whole 'community'. As far as one can see, all the idiosyncrasies ofDanish writing lie inside this range.

Conclusion Every cultural community consists of individuals with different rhetorical preferences. Texts realising any genre vary among themselves in terms of the rhetorical realisation (and even presence) of the component moves. Thus different members of any cultural community will prefer different exemplars of any genre. What is an ideal exemplar of the genre for a particular culture for one person is not an ideal exemplar for another person in the same community. In the same way, individuals differ on the acceptability of particular texts within their genre. Intraculturally, it is possible that there might be agreement for the majority of texts, on whether each was or was not an exemplar of a particular genre. Cross- culturally, it is possible that the boundaries of the genre - the set of texts regarded as valid members of the genre - could vary, with Text X a valid academic article in Sri Lanka (Canagarajah 2002), but not in Sweden, or vice versa. A more likely type of cross-cultural difference is, however, the one we see with the Danish articles in English. There is nothing 278 unacceptable about the articles, but they cluster in one area of the space represented by the whole large international genre. The complaint-handling dialogues represent a single set of texts that are being exposed in different host communities, and accepted by varying proportions in each host community. The articles in English by Danes can be seen as .texts from one community that have been accepted in another. Prescriptions for complaint-handling dialogues purport to say which format is best in a given community, but do not distinguish between the format that is preferred by most people, the one that is acceptable to the largest number, nor do they distinguish between deviations from the norm that remain within the boundaries of the genre and those that go beyond them. It is thus incumbent on the recipients of advice as to the best way to sell used cars or the appropriate way to write an article in English to ask which meaning of 'best' and 'appropriate' is intended.

References

Bakhtin, Mikhail. M. 1986. Speech Genres and Other Late Essays. Vern McGee, Trans. Austin: University ofTexas Press. Barlow, Janelle and Claus M0ller. 1996. A Complaint isa Gift. Using Customer Feedback as a Strategic Tool. San Francisco: Berrett-Koehler. Cameron, Deborah. 2000. Good to Talk. London: Sage. Canagarajah, A. S. 2002. A geopolitics oj academic writing. Pittsburgh, P A: University of Pittsburgh. Giinthner, Susanne. 2000. Rapport in a German-Chinese Conversation. In Helen Spencer-Oatey (Ed.), Culturally speaking, 217-239. London: Continuum, Hinkel, E. (1996). When in Rome: evaluations of L2 pragmatic behaviors. Journal oj Pragmatics 26: 51-70. 279

House, Juliane., and Kasper, Gabrielle. 1981. Politeness markers in English and German. In Florian Coulmas (ed.) Conversational Routines, 157-187. The Hague: Mouton. Kachru, Y. 1997. Cultural meaning and contrastive rhetoric in English education. World Englishes 16(3): 337-350. Kreutz, H., & Harres, A. 1997. Some observations on the distribution and function of hedging in German and English academic writing. In A. Duszak (Ed.) Culture and Styles oj Academic Discourse, 181-201. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Mauranen, A. 1993. Contrastive ESP rhetoric: metatext in Finnish-English Economics texts. Englishfor Specific Purposes 12(1): 3-22. Shaw, P. 2003. Evaluation and promotion across languages. Journal oj English for Academic Purposes 2(4): 343-357. Shaw, P., Palermo, 0., Gillaerts, P., Verckens, J.P., Shinohara, M. and Jacobs, E. 2004. Genres across cultures. World Englishes 23(3): 385-402. Swales, J. 1990. Genre Analysis: English in academic and research settings. Cambridge: CUP. 280

Kan du använda din medicin när du ammar? En språkvetenskaplig analys av bipacksedelstexter

Gunvor Nilsson Örebro universitet [email protected]

Sedan 1999 skall samtliga läkemedelsförpackningar som säljs inom EU vara försedda med patientinformation, dvs. bipacksedlar. Regler för vad bipacksedlama skall innehålla och hur de skall vara utformade återfinns i Läkemedelsverkets författningssamling 1995: 11. 1 Där sägs bl.a. att

Användarinformationen (bipacksedlar) är avsedda för patienter eller motsvarande användare och skall garantera en god information och ett gott skydd för förbrukarna av såväl human som veterinärmedicinska läkemedel. Informationen skall vara tillräckligt omfattande och lättförståelig så att läkemedlen kan användas på ett korrekt sätt.

Studier har dock visat att patienter ofta inte tar till sig den skrivna informationen. En undersökning utförd i Leeds av Raynor och Knapp (2000:268-270) som omfattar 161 patienter visar att närmare 20 % inte lagt märke till bipacksedeln och av dem som noterat den hade bara 20 % läst hela texten och 40 % läst enbart delar av den. Patienters förmåga att tillgodogöra sig skriven medicinsk information diskuterar även Morris och Aikin (2001:509). De betonar vikten av" 'activated' information that is 'absorbed', 'mainstained' and 'distributed' through inference-making that determines what is comprehended and used in decision making to guide behavior".

1 Kraven finns också specificerade i Directive 92/72 EEC under webadress: europa.eu.int 281

Två viktiga frågor vid medicinering är huruvida man kan ta sin medicin när man är gravid eller ammar. Den textstudie2 som jag här presenterar utgår från material insamlat och bearbetat inom ramen för projektet "Värdering av 3 läkemedlens bipacksedlar" • En enkätundersökning som ingår i studien visar att frågan om läkemedelsbruk under graviditet är relativt enkel att besvara, men däremot råder i många fall oklarhet i hur man skall tolka det som gäller vid amning. På frågan "Kan man använda medicinen när man ammar?" har närmare 30 % av informantema (137 av 486) uppgett att de inte vet hur det förhåller sig, trots att 28 av de 30 bipacksedelstextema som ingår i studien faktiskt innehåller information rörande amning.

Syfte Syftet med föreliggande språkvetenskapliga studie av bipacksedelstexter är att göra en analys av vamings-/informationstextema för amning samt att relatera resultatet till patienternas förståelse och tolkning av texten i varje enskild bipacksedel (dvs. för 30 av våra vanligaste läkemedel).

Material och metod Av de drygt I 00 läkemedel som haft mer än 100 000 förskrivningar under 1999 har slumpmässigt 30 valts ut. Bipacksedlarna har bedömts både i en expertgranskning (farmaceutiskt och språkligt) och av ca 600 patienter genom en enkätundersökning utförd vid 24 slumpmässigt utvalda apotek. De insamlade enkätsvaren har klassificerats på en rad olika sätt och utgör ett stort material (Gustafsson m.fl. 2003).

2 Arbetet med textstudien har utförts med stöd av Stiftelsen Apoteksbolagets fond för forskning och studier i hälsoekonomi och socialfarmaci. 3 Projektet som är tvärvetenskapligt sker i samarbete med Apoteket AB och stiftelsen NEPI (Nätverk för läkemedelsepidemiologi) och leds av prof. J. Lars G. Nilsson, NEPI. Syftet med projektet har varit att ta fram en metod för värdering av bi packsedlar. Metoden har utförligt presenterats i "A Method to Evaluate Patient Information Leaflets" i Drug Information Journal 2003 (Gustafsson m.fl. 2003). 282

I föreliggande analys - som här presenteras i korthet - fokuseras på textens språk och i viss mån även dess innehåll (Hellspong 2001:82-91, 116-124). De olika texternas läsbarhet granskas och en jämförelse görs utifrån läsbarhetsindex. (Formeln för lix-värde redogörs för i Bjömsson 1968.) Eftersom tillförlitligheten för ett lix-värde bör ses i relation till textmängden (Liljestrand 1993:115) kan lix-värdena för de enskilda vamings-/informations textema inte tillmätas alltför stor vikt, men bör å andra sidan inte heller helt förbises, då de ändå kan ge en viss indikation på svårighetsgrad. Utöver syntax granskas även den lexikala och semantiska nivån, till exempel förhållandet allmänspråk-fackspråk, förekomst av svårbegripliga ord etc. (Nilsson 2002:233-234). Det förefaller rimligt att ökad textförståelse skulle kunna uppnås med hjälp av ett enkelt - eller förenklat - språk. Shubert m.fl. (1995) visar i sin undersökning att tekniska manualer utformade enligt mönstret för "Simplified English" är betydligt lättare att förstå och söka viktig information i: "A controlled language attempts to reduce ambiguities, colloquialisms, and synonyms" (s. 348). Ambiguitet och huruvida det är lätt eller svårt att uppfatta det logiska sammanhanget är ofta centrala frågor inom semantiken. Palmer tar upp problemet och påpekar (1991:199) " ... a statement in propositional terms will often resolve the ambiguities that are found in ordinary language and cannot be resolved by any clearly grammatical analysis." Analysen av bipacksedelstextema kan närmast beskrivas som semantisk-pragmatisk med fokusering på textförståelse.

Sju texttyper I materialet kan man urskilja sju olika texttyper som informerar om kombinationen läkemedelsbruk och amning. Av dem kan tre klassas som standardtexter enligt Läkemedelsverkets författningssamling: 283

I. Okänt om (läkemedlets namn) går över i modersmjölk. Rådgör dä,jör med läkare före regelbunden användning under amning. 2. (Läkemedlets namn) går över i modersmjölk men påverkar troligen inte barn som ammas. Rådgör dock med läkare vid mer än tillfalligt bruk av (Läkemedlets namn) under amning. 3. Det är möjligt att ett bam som ammas kan påverkas. Använd dä,jör inte (Läkemedlets namn) under amning annat än på bestämd ordination av läkare.

De öviiga fyra texttypema (4-7) skiljer sig från de tre ovannämnda så till vida att var och en av dem representeras av endast ett läkemedel:

4. Du bör inte amma ditt barn under behandling med Xenical eftersom det inte är känt om Xenical passerar över i bröstmjölk. 5. Att amma och använda insulin medför inte någon risk för barnet. Din insulindos och diet kan emellertid behöva justeras. 6. Fucidin salva och kräm bör inte användas på bröstvårtan vid amning. 7. Oxazepam passerar över i modersmjölk men risk för påverkan på barnet synes osannolik med terapeutiska metoder.

Enkätundersökningen visar att informationen om lämpligheten med läkemedelsbruk vid amning tolkats på vitt skilda sätt av patienterna. Många är också osäkra på om man kan använda medicinen om man ammar. Synnerligen svårtolkade är texterna 1 och 2. Här har inte mindre än 46 % respektive 24 % angivit "Vet ej" som svar på frågan (tabell 1). 284

Tabell 1: Sammanställning av patientsvarens fördelning på frågan "Kan man använda medicinen om man ammar?"

Texttyp Läkemedel Svarsalternativ Antal svar Ja Nej Vet ej totalt (486) Text I Acetylcystein Tika, 20 (13 %) 61 (40 %) 70 (46 %) 151 Elocon, Folacin, Imovane, Persantin, Pulmicort T, Cozaar, Salures-K, Xalatan

Text2 Bricanyl T, Flagyl, 113 (56 %) 40 (20 %) 49 (24 %) 202 Lanacrist, Levaxin, Ovesterin, Panodil, Seloken ZOC, Spironolakton, Trombyl, Citodon

Text3 Capoten, Flunitrazepam, I (I%) 66 (86 %) 10 (13 %) 77 Furix, Seroxat, Lasix

Text4 Xenical I (9 %) 10 (91 %) 11 Text 5 Actrapid PenSet 0 Il (92 %) I (8 %) 12

Text6 Fucidin 5 (46 %) 6 (54 %) 0 Il

Text7 Sobril 4 (18 %) 11 (50 %) 7 (32 %) 22

Läsbarhet Informationstextema för amning får följande lix-värden: text 1 = 27, text 2 = 29, text 3 = 29, text 4 = 40, text 5 = 36, text 6 = 38, text 7 = 54. Dessa värden kan jämföras med framräknade schablonvärden för olika texttyper (Melin, Lange 1995: 158). Texter med lix-värden lägre än 30 betraktas som mycket lätta, de mellan 30 och 40 som lätta-medelsvåra, och texter med värden runt 60 och uppåt 285

som mycket svåra. Rent generellt kan sägas om amningstexterna att lix-värdena inte pekar på att de skulle vara svårlästa. Tvärtom visar de tre första texterna på värden (27 och 29) som skulle klassa dem som synnerligt lättlästa. Texterna 1-6 kännetecknas också av korta meningar och enkel meningsbyggnad. Ett undantag utgör dock text 7 som har ett lix-värde på 54, vilket tangerar mycket svårlästa texters. R6tl överensstämmelse med de relativt låga lix-värdena innehåller texterna inte särskilt många långa ord, dvs ord med fler än sex bokstäver (läkemedlets namn ej medräknat). Ett undantag utgör även här text 7, där 6 av meningens 16 ord (38 %) är långa, vilket gör den jämförbar med facklitterära texter som inte sällan klassas som mycket svåra (Melin, Lange a.a.).

Diskussion

Text I I textens första mening sägs att det är okänt om läkemedlet går över modersmjölk. Nästan hälften av patienterna har också svarat att de inte vet om man kan amma under medicineringen, och nästan lika många (40 %) har tolkat det som att man inte ska amma. I nästa mening uppmanas patienten att rådgöra med läkare före regelbunden användning. Här kan man som läsare ställa ett antal frågor: Om det de facto är okänt huruvida läkemedlet går över i modersmjölk, hur skall då läkaren förhålla sig? Vad menas med regelbunden användning i det här fallet; är det dagligen, någon gång i veckan, eller var går gränsen? Är det farligt att ta medlet någon enstaka gång?

Text2 Texten informerar om att läkemedlet går över i modersmjölk, men säger vidare att barn som ammas troligen inte påverkas. Vad betyder här ordet troligen? Någon ytterligare ledning ges inte av kontexten. Att texten förmedlar ett oklart budskap återspeglas i patientsvaren. Drygt hälften av informanterna har svarat 286

"Ja" och den andra hälften har fördelat sina svar mellan "Vet ej" (24 %) och "Nej" (20 %). Den oklarhet man som läsare ställs inför förstärks ytterligare i och med att påståendet i textens första mening följs av uppmaningen Rådgör dock med läkare vid mer än tillflilligt bruk... Läsaren ges här motsägelsefulla budskap. Om nu läkemedlet inte påverkar barnet varför skall man då rådgöra med läkaren? Och vad menas med "tillfälligt bruk"? Hur ofta kan tillfällena återkomma och hur lång kan en period vara och ändå betraktas som tillfällig?

Text3 I text 3 sägs i den första meningen att det är möjligt att ett barn som ammas kan påverkas. Rent logiskt skulle detta påstående kunna vara ekvivalent med det i text 2 (" ... påverkar troligen inte .."). Vad som särskiljer text 3 från 1 och 2 är den kompletterande uppmaningen i den andra meningen där patienten avråds att använda läkemedlet annat än på bestämd ordination av läkare. Den klart formulerade uppmaningen uppfattas också av de flesta läsare. Patientsvaren visar nämligen att 66 av 77 (86 %) svarat "Nej" på frågan om amning.

Text4 Den fjärde texten skiljer sig från de tidigare texterna så till vida att den för patienten viktigaste upplysningen placeras redan i första meningen, i den inledande huvudsatsen: Du bör inte amma ditt barn.... Först i den efterföljande kausala bisatsen: eftersom det inte är känt ... , anges anledningen. Att den viktigaste informationen, det centrala budskapet, var lätt för läsarna att ta till sig märks av enkätsvaren. Inte mindre än 10 av de 11 patienterna har svarat "Nej" på frågan om man kan amma samtidigt som man medicinerar. Texten är i hög grad mottagarorienterad (Hellspong, Ledin 1997: 221-224) och vänder sig direkt till läsaren som tilltalas med det personliga pronomenet du. Den är också genomgående skriven i aktiv form med subjekt (du) och objekt (ditt barn), vilket bidrar till att göra den mer personlig. Noteras här bör också ordet bröstmjölk 287 som, i jämförelse med det tidigare brukade ordet modersmjölk, ger texten en vardagligare stil.

Text5 På samma sätt som i den fjärde texten ges även i text 5 den för patienten viktiga informationen inledningsvis i textens första mening: Att amma och använda insulin medför inte någon risk for barnet. Texten ger ett klart besked och kan rimligtvis inte tolkas på mer än ett sätt, vilket också visas av de inkomna svaren där 11 av de 12 patienterna svarat "Ja" på frågan om amning.

Text6 I likhet med de två föregående texterna ger också text 6 klar och tydlig information till patienten: Fucidin salva och kräm bör inte användas på bröstvårtan vid amning. Trots detta har hälften av patienterna (6) svarat "Ja" och den andra hälften (5) "Nej". Emellertid kan ett dilemma uppstå i och med att båda svarsalternativen skulle kunna betraktas som rätta eller felaktiga - beroende på om preparatet används på bröstvårtan eller någon annanstans på kroppen.

Text 7 Den sjunde texten avviker från de övriga genom ett betydligt högre lix-värde och större andel långa ord samt flera svåra ord. Redan det första ordet i meningen, oxazepam, är sannolikt okänt för de flesta av läsarna. Även uttrycket synes osannolik ger texten en klang som fjärmar den från lättförståeligt allmänspråk. Avståndet förstärks ytterligare i och med de avslutande fackrnannaaktiga orden terapeutiska doser. Betydelsemässigt är text 7 jämförbar med den första meningen i text 2 (. . . går över i modersmjölk men påverkar troligen inte barn som ammas), men den konkreta upplysningen i text 2 motsvaras i text 7 av åverkan på barnet synes osannolik med terapeutiska 288

metoder. Enkätsvaren visar på en stor differens mellan patienternas tolkning av de båda texterna. För text 2 har 56 % (111 av 202) svarat "Ja" på frågan om amning. För text 7 är det bara 18 % (4 av 22). Däremot har 50 % svarat "Nej" och övriga 32 % "Vet ej".

Sammanfattning I bipacksedlarna kan urskiljas sju olika texttyper som tar upp frågan om läkemedelsbruk under amning. Merparten kännetecknas av korta meningar och enkel syntax, och kan klassas som lättlästa. Det visar sig dock vara stor skillnad mellan de olika texttyperna vad gäller patienternas förståelse av texten. Generellt utgörs amningstexterna av allmänspråkliga ord och förekomst av facktermer eller andra svåra ord är sparsam. Däremot ingår i flera av texterna ett antal ord och fraser som kan tolkas på mer än ett sätt och som därmed kan försvåra för läsaren att tillgodogöra sig det pragmatiska budskapet. Lättast för patienterna att ta till sig är de mottagarorienterade texterna. De som är skrivna i aktiv form, riktade direkt till läsaren, och med det centrala budskapet placerat redan i inledningen.

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