Kenyatta and Odinga: the Harbingers of Ethnic Nationalism in Kenya by Dr
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Teaching About Africa South of the Sahara; a Guide and Resource Packet for Ninth Grade Social Studies
DOCUMENT RESUME ED 042 667 SO 000 190 AUTHOR Coburn, Barbara; And Others TITLE Teaching About Africa South of the Sahara; A Guide and Resource Packet for Ninth Grade Social Studies. INSTITUTION State Univ. of New York, Albany. SPONS AGENCY New York State Education Dept., Albany. Bureau of Secondary Curriculum Development. PUB DATE 70 NOTE 285p. EDRS PRICE EDRS Price MF-$1.25 HC-$14.35 DESCRIPTORS African Culture, *African History, Case Studies, Concept Teaching, *Grade 9, *Inductive Methods, Inquiry Training, Instructional Materials, Multimedia Instruction, *Resource Materials, Secondary Grades, Social Change, Social Studies Units, *Teaching Guides, Urbanization ABSTRACT This guide provides a sampling of reference materials which are pertinent for two ninth grade units: Africa South of the Sahara: Land and People, and Africa South of the Sahara: Historic Trends. The effect of urbanization upon traditional tribalistic cultures is the focus. A case study is used to encourage an inductive approach to the learning process. It is based upon the first hand accounts of Jomo Kenyatta and Mugo Gatheru as they grew up within the traditions of their ethnic group --the Kikuyu of Kenya. Materials using the "mystery story" approach are included for an analysis of the iron age culture at Zimbabwe. The case study package purposely does not go into detail on such steps as the identification of theme and the determination of procedures to encourage individualization. The latter part of the guide is arranged as a reference section by subtopic or understanding including questions suggesting the direction of inquiry, and pertinent reading selections, diagrams, maps and drawings. Finally, an annotated bibliography lists materials that are currently in print or available through regional libraries. -
Political Parties and Party Systems in Kenya
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Elischer, Sebastian Working Paper Ethnic Coalitions of Convenience and Commitment: Political Parties and Party Systems in Kenya GIGA Working Papers, No. 68 Provided in Cooperation with: GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies Suggested Citation: Elischer, Sebastian (2008) : Ethnic Coalitions of Convenience and Commitment: Political Parties and Party Systems in Kenya, GIGA Working Papers, No. 68, German Institute of Global and Area Studies (GIGA), Hamburg This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/47826 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort -
Kwame Nkrumah and the Pan- African Vision: Between Acceptance and Rebuttal
Austral: Brazilian Journal of Strategy & International Relations e-ISSN 2238-6912 | ISSN 2238-6262| v.5, n.9, Jan./Jun. 2016 | p.141-164 KWAME NKRUMAH AND THE PAN- AFRICAN VISION: BETWEEN ACCEPTANCE AND REBUTTAL Henry Kam Kah1 Introduction The Pan-African vision of a United of States of Africa was and is still being expressed (dis)similarly by Africans on the continent and those of Afri- can descent scattered all over the world. Its humble origins and spread is at- tributed to several people based on their experiences over time. Among some of the advocates were Henry Sylvester Williams, Marcus Garvey and George Padmore of the diaspora and Peter Abrahams, Jomo Kenyatta, Sekou Toure, Julius Nyerere and Kwame Nkrumah of South Africa, Kenya, Guinea, Tanza- nia and Ghana respectively. The different pan-African views on the African continent notwithstanding, Kwame Nkrumah is arguably in a class of his own and perhaps comparable only to Mwalimu Julius Nyerere. Pan-Africanism became the cornerstone of his struggle for the independence of Ghana, other African countries and the political unity of the continent. To transform this vision into reality, Nkrumah mobilised the Ghanaian masses through a pop- ular appeal. Apart from his eloquent speeches, he also engaged in persuasive writings. These writings have survived him and are as appealing today as they were in the past. Kwame Nkrumah ceased every opportunity to persuasively articulate for a Union Government for all of Africa. Due to his unswerving vision for a Union Government for Africa, the visionary Kwame Nkrumah created a microcosm of African Union through the Ghana-Guinea and then Ghana-Guinea-Mali Union. -
Kenya in Crisis
KENYA IN CRISIS Africa Report N°137 – 21 February 2008 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 II. THE ELECTION CRISIS ............................................................................................. 2 A. A TIGHT AND TENSE RACE ...................................................................................................2 1. Coalition building ......................................................................................................3 2. The issues...................................................................................................................4 B. THE RIGGING OF THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION ....................................................................6 III. THE SECURITY CRISIS.............................................................................................. 9 A. PROTEST AND REPRESSION....................................................................................................9 B. ESCALATION IN THE RIFT VALLEY ......................................................................................10 1. The rise of Kalenjin warriors in the North Rift .......................................................11 2. The return of Mungiki..............................................................................................13 3. Coast Province: the next theatre of violence?..........................................................15 -
Report of the Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission
REPORT OF THE TRUTH, JUSTICE AND RECONCILIATION COMMISSION The Government should immediately carry out counselling services, especially to those who lost their entire families to avoid mental breakdown. It is not too late to counsel the victims because they have not undergone any counselling at all. The community also seeks an apology from the Government, the reason being that the Government was supposed to protect its citizens yet it allowed its security forces to violently attack them and, therefore, perpetrated gross violation of their rights. Anybody who has been My recommendation to this Government is that it should involved in the killing address the question of equality in this country. We do of Kenyans, no matter not want to feel as if we do not belong to this country. We what position he holds, demand to be treated the same just like any other Kenyan in should not be given any any part of this country. We demand for equal treatment. responsibility. Volume IV KENYA REPORT OF THE TRUTH, JUSTICE AND RECONCILIATION COMMISSION Volume IV © Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission, 2013 This publication is available as a pdf on the website of the Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission (and upon its dissolution, on the website of its successor in law). It may be copied and distributed, in its entirety, as long as it is attributed to the Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission and used for noncommercial educational or public policy purposes. Photographs may not be used separately from the publication. Published by Truth Justice and Reconciliation Commission (TJRC), Kenya ISBN: 978-9966-1730-3-4 Design & Layout by Noel Creative Media Limited, Nairobi, Kenya His Excellency President of the Republic of Kenya Nairobi 3 May 2013 LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL By Gazette Notice No. -
Afrocentric Education: What Does It Mean to Toronto’S Black Parents?
Afrocentric Education: What does it mean to Toronto’s Black parents? by Patrick Radebe M.Ed., University of Toronto, 2005 B.A. (Hons.), University of Toronto, 2000 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE AND POSTDOCTORAL STUDIES (Educational Studies) THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA (Vancouver) October 2017 Patrick Radebe, 2017 Abstract The miseducation of Black students attending Toronto metropolitan secondary schools, as evinced by poor grades and high dropout rates among the highest in Canada, begs the question of whether responsibility for this phenomenon lies with a public school system informed by a Eurocentric ethos. Drawing on Afrocentric Theory, this critical qualitative study examines Black parents’ perceptions of the Toronto Africentric Alternative School and Afrocentric education. Snowball sampling and ethnographic interviews, i.e., semi-structured interviews, were used to generate data. A total of 12 Black parents, three men and nine women, were interviewed over a 5-month period and data analyzed. It was found that while a majority of the respondents supported the Toronto Africentric Alternative School and Afrocentric education, some were ambivalent and others viewed the school and the education it provides as divisive and unnecessary. The research findings show that the majority of the participants were enamored with Afrocentricity, believing it to be a positive influence on Black lives. While they supported TAAS and AE, the minority, on the other hand, opposed the school and its educational model. The findings also revealed a Black community, divided between a majority seeking to preserve whatever remained of (their) African identity and a determined minority that viewed assimilation to be in the best interests of Black students. -
Kenya Election History 1963-2013
KENYA ELECTION HISTORY 1963-2013 1963 Kenya Election History 1963 1963: THE PRE-INDEPENDENCE ELECTIONS These were the last elections in pre-independent Kenya and the key players were two political parties, KANU and KADU. KADU drew its support from smaller, less urbanized communities hence advocated majimboism (regionalism) as a means of protecting them. KANU had been forced to accept KADU’s proposal to incorporate a majimbo system of government after being pressured by the British government. Though KANU agreed to majimbo, it vowed to undo it after gaining political power. The majimbo constitution that was introduced in 1962 provided for a two-chamber national legislature consisting of an upper (Senate) and lower (House of Representative). The Campaign KADU allied with the African People’s Party (APP) in the campaign. KANU and APP agreed not to field candidates in seats where the other stood a better chance. The Voting Elections were marked by high voter turnout and were held in three phases. They were widely boycotted in the North Eastern Province. Violence was reported in various parts of the country; four were killed in Isiolo, teargas used in Nyanza and Nakuru, clashes between supporters in Machakos, Mombasa, Nairobi and Kitale. In the House of Representative KANU won 66 seats out of 112 and gained working majority from 4 independents and 3 from NPUA, KADU took 47 seats and APP won 8. In the Senate KANU won 19 out 38 seats while KADU won 16 seats, APP won 2 and NPUA only 1. REFERENCE: NATIONAL ELECTIONS DATA BOOK By Institute for Education in Democracy (published in 1997). -
Certificate Courses at Masinde Muliro University
Certificate Courses At Masinde Muliro University Compunctious Hillard standardized some tritium after unconfinable Rajeev superordinate immethodically. Hazelly Josiah undermans or grinning some primigravidas independently, however linguiform Billie befools vexingly or frame-up. Unpared and opsonic Salvador always alkalised sketchily and amortising his kop. If the university kenya universities which offer flexible entry requirements may have at this constitutional one of nairobi, muliro university of. To university course in universities which features and. Used by the analytics and personalization company, courses, Cancer prevalence in Kenya has to! Used to track your browsing activity across multiple websites. Masinde Muliro University Of wave And TechnologyMMUST Jaramogi. The respondent has stated that it tried to contact the petitioner but all was so vain. The respondent has itemized or particularized what it considers to be acts of fraud or forgery by the petitioner. By the university hospital, universities which pages that a private investors. What Is the Best Website to Apply for Scholarships? Wird von wordpress verwendet. Read through theory and certificates. Used by a fair administrative action that are at masinde muliro university in journalism and certificates was among scholars. If you are seeking Admission into MMUST it is best to be fully aware of the current tuition fees, since fraud unravels it all. The university education you have at universities into the certificates were in full scholarship for creating an. Utilisé par Google Adwords pour rediriger les annonces vers les utilisateurs. We really not restrict any responsibility of miscommunication or mismatching of information. There is no law barring the respondent from reporting lost documents to the police, eine Website nutzbar zu machen, radiation. -
Race for Distinction a Social History of Private Members' Clubs in Colonial Kenya
Race for Distinction A Social History of Private Members' Clubs in Colonial Kenya Dominique Connan Thesis submitted for assessment with a view to obtaining the degree of Doctor of History and Civilization of the European University Institute Florence, 09 December 2015 European University Institute Department of History and Civilization Race for Distinction A Social History of Private Members' Clubs in Colonial Kenya Dominique Connan Thesis submitted for assessment with a view to obtaining the degree of Doctor of History and Civilization of the European University Institute Examining Board Prof. Stephen Smith (EUI Supervisor) Prof. Laura Lee Downs, EUI Prof. Romain Bertrand, Sciences Po Prof. Daniel Branch, Warwick University © Connan, 2015 No part of this thesis may be copied, reproduced or transmitted without prior permission of the author Race for Distinction. A Social History of Private Members’ Clubs in Colonial Kenya This thesis explores the institutional legacy of colonialism through the history of private members clubs in Kenya. In this colony, clubs developed as institutions which were crucial in assimilating Europeans to a race-based, ruling community. Funded and managed by a settler elite of British aristocrats and officers, clubs institutionalized European unity. This was fostered by the rivalry of Asian migrants, whose claims for respectability and equal rights accelerated settlers' cohesion along both political and cultural lines. Thanks to a very bureaucratic apparatus, clubs smoothed European class differences; they fostered a peculiar style of sociability, unique to the colonial context. Clubs were seen by Europeans as institutions which epitomized the virtues of British civilization against native customs. In the mid-1940s, a group of European liberals thought that opening a multi-racial club in Nairobi would expose educated Africans to the refinements of such sociability. -
ELECTIONS and VIOLENCE: the Kenyan Case
By Paul Okong’o Why are elections in Kenya associated with death and tragedy? At what point in our history as nation, did bloodletting become part and parcel of the Presidential and General elections? In Kenya today, elections are synonymous with shootings, death, sorrow and destructions in some parts of the country. Kisumu and the counties of Homa Bay, Siaya and Migori, where the Luo ethnic group is dominant have become associated with police shootings and killings during and after elections. A look into the history of elections in Kenya can help us understand the triggers of these conflicts. Karl Marx said, “History repeats itself, first as tragedy and second as farce”. From 1960 to 1963 in the years leading to independence, the battleground was a contest between the two nationalist political parties, the Kenya African National Union (KANU) and the Kenya African Democratic Union (KADU), competing for the Senate, Parliamentary or Regional assembly seats. The competing political ideologies were for a Centralist Government as espoused by KANU and Majimbo (Federalism) as propounded by KADU. There were other parties too, Paul Ngei’s African Peoples Party (APP) and Sir Michael Blundell’s New Kenya Party but the real supremacy battle was between KANU and KADU. In 1963, KANU consisted of the Agikuyu and Luo led by Jomo Kenyatta, Jaramogi Oginga Odinga and Tom Mboya among others. KADU was led by Ronald Ngala, Daniel arap Moi, Masinde Muliro and Martin Shikuku and was composed of the Coastal peoples, the Kalenjin of the Rift Valley and parts of Western Province with the Bukusu and a smattering of other Luhya sub-tribes. -
Who Owns the Land? Blood and Soil Issues in the Kenyan Rift Valley
WHO OWNS THE LAND? BLOOD AND SOIL ISSUES IN THE KENYAN RIFT VALLEY PART 1: The passion with which millions of citizens valued their presidential vote in the stolen 2007 presidential elections can be reflected in scenes of the bloody post-election clashes today that engulfed Rift Valley, Nyanza, Coast, Nairobi, Western and to a less extent in other parts of the country. Nakuru was the latest epicenter of inter ethnic murders. The violent reactions to rigged elections may reflect the pain of deep and historically rooted injustices some of which predate Kenya’s independence in 1963. They are in fact motivated and exacerbated by landlessness, joblessness, and poverty believed to be heavily contributed towards by the prevailing political status quo that has dominated Kenya since independence. This is a system that has continuously perpetrated, in successive fashion, socio- economic injustices that have been seamlessly transferred from one power regime to the next. The Land issue With a fast growing population in Kenya, limited resources including land and jobs, have severely been put in extreme pressure. Responsive political operatives cognizant of this reality have appreciated the importance of incorporating progressive policies that seek to aggressively address poverty, landlessness, unequal distribution of resources and unemployment, as a matter of priority (in their party manifestoes) if any social stability is to be maintained in Kenya. Without doubt, the opposition party ODM sold an attractive campaign package that sought to address historic land injustices, unemployment, inequitable resource sharing and poverty through a radical constitutional transformation, under the framework of the people-tailored Bomas Constitution Draft. -
International Journal of Innovative Research and Knowledge Volume-6 Issue-5, May 2021
International Journal of Innovative Research and Knowledge Volume-6 Issue-5, May 2021 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF INNOVATIVE RESEARCH AND KNOWLEDGE ISSN-2213-1356 www.ijirk.com A HISTORY OF CONFLICT BETWEEN NYARIBARI AND KITUTU SUB-CLANS AT KEROKA IN NYAMIRA AND KISII COUNTIES, KENYA, 1820 - 2017 Samuel Benn Moturi (MA-History), JARAMOGI OGINGA ODINGA, UNIVERSITY OF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY GESIAGA SECONDARY SCHOOL, P.O Box 840-40500 Nyamira-Kenya Dr. Isaya Oduor Onjala (PhD-History), JARAMOGI OGINGA ODINGA UNIVERSITY OF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY, P.O Box 210-40601, Bondo-Kenya Dr. Fredrick Odede (PhD-History), JARAMOGI OGINGA ODINGA UNIVERSITY OF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY, P.O Box 210-40601, Bondo-Kenya ABSTRACT A lot of research done on conflict and disputes between communities, nations and organized groups across the globe. Little, however done on conflicts involving smaller groups are within larger communities. The overall image that emerges, therefore, is that conflicts and disputes only occur between communities, nations, and specially organized groups, a situation which is not fully correct, as far as the occurrence of conflict is concerned. This study looked at a unique situation of conflict between Nyaribari and Kitutu who share the same origin, history and cultural values yet have been engaged in conflict since the 19th century. The purpose of this study was to trace the history of the Sweta Clan and relationship between Nyaribari and Kitutu sub-clans. Examine the nature, source and impact of the disputes among the Sweta at Keroka town and its environ, which www.ijirk.com 57 | P a g e International Journal of Innovative Research and Knowledge ISSN-2213-1356 forms the boundary between the two groups and discuss the strategies employed to cope with conflicts and disputes between the two parties.