Kenya Election History 1963-2013
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CHRISTIAN GERLACH Sustainable Violence: Mass Resettlement, Strategic Villages, and Militias in Anti-Guerrilla Warfare
CHRISTIAN GERLACH Sustainable Violence: Mass Resettlement, Strategic Villages, and Militias in Anti-Guerrilla Warfare in RICHARD BESSEL AND CLAUDIA B. HAAKE (eds.), Removing Peoples. Forced Removal in the Modern World (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009) pp. 360–393 ISBN: 978 0 199 56195 7 The following PDF is published under a Creative Commons CC BY-NC-ND licence. Anyone may freely read, download, distribute, and make the work available to the public in printed or electronic form provided that appropriate credit is given. However, no commercial use is allowed and the work may not be altered or transformed, or serve as the basis for a derivative work. The publication rights for this volume have formally reverted from Oxford University Press to the German Historical Institute London. All reasonable effort has been made to contact any further copyright holders in this volume. Any objections to this material being published online under open access should be addressed to the German Historical Institute London. DOI: 15 Sustainable Violence: Mass Resettlement, Strategic Villages, and Militias in Anti-Guerrilla Warfare CHRISTIAN GERLACH Introduction The story told in this essay begins around 1950, about at the end of what some call the 'racial century'. 1 In scholarly discussion anti-partisan warfare has been relatively neglected, although it accounted for a large proportion of the victims of mass violence in the twentieth century.2 Many of these victims resulted from resettlement, removal, and expulsion. Yet the events covered here have hardly played a part in debates about enforced popu- lation movements during the past decade or two, given that mass transfers of populations have increasingly been declared 'ethnic' in the course of what amounts to an ethnization of history due to post-1989 bourgeois triumphalism. -
Political Parties and Party Systems in Kenya
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Elischer, Sebastian Working Paper Ethnic Coalitions of Convenience and Commitment: Political Parties and Party Systems in Kenya GIGA Working Papers, No. 68 Provided in Cooperation with: GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies Suggested Citation: Elischer, Sebastian (2008) : Ethnic Coalitions of Convenience and Commitment: Political Parties and Party Systems in Kenya, GIGA Working Papers, No. 68, German Institute of Global and Area Studies (GIGA), Hamburg This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/47826 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort -
Kenya in Crisis
KENYA IN CRISIS Africa Report N°137 – 21 February 2008 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 II. THE ELECTION CRISIS ............................................................................................. 2 A. A TIGHT AND TENSE RACE ...................................................................................................2 1. Coalition building ......................................................................................................3 2. The issues...................................................................................................................4 B. THE RIGGING OF THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION ....................................................................6 III. THE SECURITY CRISIS.............................................................................................. 9 A. PROTEST AND REPRESSION....................................................................................................9 B. ESCALATION IN THE RIFT VALLEY ......................................................................................10 1. The rise of Kalenjin warriors in the North Rift .......................................................11 2. The return of Mungiki..............................................................................................13 3. Coast Province: the next theatre of violence?..........................................................15 -
Support for the International Criminal Court in Africa Evidence from Kenya
Support for the International Criminal Court in Africa Evidence from Kenya By Rorisang Lekalake and Stephen Buchanan-Clarke Afrobarometer Policy Paper No. 23 | August 2015 Introduction The South African government’s recent refusal to comply with its obligation to detain Sudan’s President Omar al-Bashir has sparked renewed debate on the role of the International Criminal Court (ICC) in Africa.1 A number of governments, civil society organisations, and prominent academics have levelled accusations of bias at the ICC, noting that all eight states in which the court is currently intervening are African. Calls for African member states to withdraw from the ICC have often been supported by the argument that a judicial body led by the African Union (AU) would be better placed to fill the role of “court of last resort” on the continent. The AU has called for a unified continental position on the ICC. As Maunganidze and du Plessis (2015) argue, however, African governments’ views on the ICC and its members’ obligations under its founding treaty, the Rome Statute, are not homogenous. As Tladi (2009, p. 57) notes, the growing rift between the ICC and the AU has “placed African states party to the Rome Statute … in the unenviable position of having to choose between their obligation as member states of the AU, on one hand, and their obligations as states party to the Rome Statute, on the other.” Support from African governments was instrumental in the ICC’s formation and survival, and the continent provides the largest regional bloc of states that are party to the Rome Statute. -
Memo to Kenya's Youth: Protect Your Motherland Or Perish,Doing
Memo to Kenya’s Youth: Protect Your Motherland or Perish By Willy Mutunga Kenya’s mixed election history Sometimes it is said, with some validity, that the only peaceful, non-violent, free, fair, credible, verifiable, and acceptable elections took place during the “sunset” years of British colonialism in Kenya (1957-1963). During these six years we elected our African representatives to the now multi-racial Legislative Council (LEGCO). It is during this period that decolonization talks took place in Kenya and later at Lancaster House, London. In 1961 Jomo Kenyatta was released from his detention at Maralal in the Samburu County. He soon joined his fellow Africans in the LEGCO, participated in the independence talks at Lancaster, London, as the leader of Kenya African National Union (KANU). His party KANU won the 1963 Elections, forming the internal self- government (Madaraka) from 01 June 1963. He became our first Prime minister on 12 December 1963 and the first President of our Republic on 12 December 1964. Although it was widely accepted that the colonial government and the British settlers would have loved a government of Kenya African Democratic Union (KADU) and the liberal British settlers, KANU was the more popular party. Rigging an election against KANU was out of the question. Gone were the days the colonial government would select their colonial chiefs from the outcomes of rigged queue voting (if for some reason they thought this voting was necessary). The post-colonial times are peppered with stories of the rigging of elections, particularly during the few years the Kenya People’s Union (KPU) existed before it was banned and its leaders detained in 1969. -
Alternative Report CAT Torture and Related Violations in Kenya 2008
Prepared by Torture and related Violations in Kenya ALTERNATIVE REPORT TO THE UNITED NATIONS COMMITTEE AGAINST TORTURE 41 st Session 3rd to 21 st November 2008 In collaboration with: Amnesty International – Kenya, Coalition on Violence against Women - Kenya, COVAW (K), Centre against Torture, Centre for Human Rights and Civic Education (CHRCE), Children’s Legal Action Network (CLAN), Horn of Africa Development Initiative (HODI-Africa), The Kenya Section of the International Commission of Jurists (ICJ Kenya), The Kenya NGO Convention on the Rights of the Child Committee (NGO CRC Committee, Kenya Counselors Association (KCA), Kenya Human Rights Commission (KHRC), Law Society of Kenya (LSK), Legal Resources Foundation Trust (LRF), Muslims for Human Rights (MUHURI), Muslim Human Rights Forum (MHRF), Mwatikho Torture Survivors Organization (MATESO), People Against Torture (PAT), Release Political Prisoners Trust (RPP), Volunteers for Legal Aid Services (VOLASE); and technical input by World Organization against Torture (OMCT) The research and publication of this report was made possible with the generous financial support of the Government of Norway -Nairobi Embassy . The content and views expressed in this report are solely those of the NGO and its partners mentioned herein. Wednesday, October 15, 2008 © The Independent Medico- Legal Unit, David Osieli Rd, Off Waiyaki Way Westlands, P. O. Box 1271, 0606, Nairobi, Kenya Tel: +254 20 4456048/4456049/4411833/4450598 Fax: +254 20 4445755 Email: [email protected] Website: www.imlu.org 2 Table of contents Content Pages i. Acronyms 4 ii. General Introduction 5 iii. Principal Areas of Concern for the report 6 iv. Report on the Authors 7 v. Historical Context of Torture 10 vi. -
REVISION O F the AFRICAN Caeclllan GENUS
REVISION OFTHE AFRICAN CAEClLlAN GENUS SCHISTOMETOPUM PARKER (AMPH IBIA: CYMNOPHIONA: CAECILI IDAE) BY RONALD A. NU AND MICHAEL E. PFRENDER MISCELLANEC JS PUBLICATIONS MUSEUM OF ZOOLOGY, UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN, NO. 18Fb; ' Ann Arbor, September 2 7, 1 998 ISSN 076-8405 MIS(:ELIANEOUS PUBLICATIONS MUSEUM OF ZOOLOGY, LJNTVERSITY OF MICHIGAN NO. 187 The publicatioils of the M~~sclunof Zoology, The [Jniversity of Michigan, consist PI-irnarilyof two series-the Occasion:~lPapers allti the Miscellaneous Publicatio~ls.Both series were founded by Dc Bryant Walker, Mr. Rradshaw H. Swales, anti Dr. W.W. Newcornb. Occasionally the Museuni publishes contributiorls outside of these series; begirlnirlg in 1990 these are titled Special Publicatio~lsa~ld arc numbered. All submitted ~n;inl~scriptsreceive external review. The Misccllarieous Publications, which include ~l~ollographicstltdies, papers on field and ~II- seuln techniques, and other contributions 11ot within the scope of the Occasio~lalPapers, are pl~b- lishcd separately. It is not intended that they be grouped into volumes. Each 11r11nberhas a title page and, when necessary, a table of co1itelits. Tllc Occasional Papel-s, publication of which was begun in 1913, servc as a medium Sol- original studies based prirlcipally upon the collections in the Museurn. They are issurtl separately. MThen a sufficient number of pages has hcen printed to niakc a volume, a title pagc, table of contenb, and an index are supplied to libraries and individuals on the mailing list for the series. A cornplete list of publications on Birds, Fishes, Insects, Mammals, Moll~~sks,Rcpdles and Amphib- ians, and other topics is available. Address inquiries to the Directt)r, Muse~unof Zoolohy, The lir~ivcr- sity of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Michigarl 48109-1079. -
Can African States Conduct Free and Fair Presidential Elections? Edwin Odhiambo Abuya
Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights Volume 8 | Issue 2 Article 1 Spring 2010 Can African States Conduct Free and Fair Presidential Elections? Edwin Odhiambo Abuya Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/njihr Recommended Citation Edwin Odhiambo Abuya, Can African States Conduct Free and Fair Presidential Elections?, 8 Nw. J. Int'l Hum. Rts. 122 (2010). http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/njihr/vol8/iss2/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights by an authorized administrator of Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. Copyright 2010 by Northwestern University School of Law Volume 8, Issue 2 (Spring 2010) Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights Can African States Conduct Free and Fair Presidential Elections? Edwin Odhiambo Abuya* Asiyekubali kushindwa si msihindani.1 I. INTRODUCTION ¶1 Can African States hold free and fair elections? To put it another way, is it possible to conduct presidential elections in Africa that meet internationally recognized standards? These questions can be answered in the affirmative. However, in order to safeguard voting rights, specific reforms must be adopted and implemented on the ground. In keeping with international legal standards on democracy,2 the constitutions of many African states recognize the right to vote.3 This right is reflected in the fact that these states hold regular elections. The right to vote is fundamental in any democratic state, but an entitlement does not guarantee that right simply by providing for elections. -
Kdi School Working Paper Series Kdi School Working Paper Series
KDI SCHOOL WORKING PAPER SERIES KDI SCHOOL WORKING PAPER SERIES Electoral Security and Legislator Attention: Evidence from the Kenyan National Assembly Debates, 2008-2017. Inbok Rhee KDI School of Public Policy and Management December, 2019 Working Paper 19-18 This paper can be downloaded without charge at: KDI School of Public Policy and Management Working Paper Series Index: http://www.kdischool.ac.kr/new/eng/faculty/working.jsp The Social Science Network Electronic Paper Collection: http://ssrn.com/abstract=3507428 * We are grateful to the KDI School of Public Policy and Management for providing financial support. Electoral Security and Legislator Attention: Evidence from the Kenyan National Assembly Debates, 2008-2017. Abstract How do African legislators divide their attention between the demands of their local constituency and their responsibilities in national parliament? Majority of studies portrays African legislators as mere rubber-stamping constituency servants. I show instead significant variation in legislator attention. Building on the literature on the electoral origins of legislator behavior, I argue that electoral pressure faced by individual legislators heavily conditions their decisions about how to allocate effort between local and national priorities. Using a novel dataset of more than 56,000 speeches made by over 400 unique legislators in the Kenyan National Assembly from 2008 to 2017, I develop speech-based measures of local versus national attention. I show that Kenyan legislators in less competitive constituencies speak more in national parliament, suggesting a greater commitment to national policymaking. Moreover, when I disaggregate data by type of speech, I find that electorally vulnerable legislators engage in locally oriented speeches, whereas those with security speak more about national topics. -
Post Election Evaluation Draft Report
THE POST ELECTION EVALUATION DRAFT REPORT FOR THE AUGUST 8, 2017 GENERAL ELECTION AND OCTOBER 26, 2017 FRESH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission Your vote Your future Vision “A credible electoral management body committed to strengthening democracy in Kenya’’ Mission “To conduct free and fair elections and to institutionalize a sustainable electoral process” ii @ Copyright IEBC Kenya, 2018 The Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission asserts right of recognition as author of the original material. The source should be attributed as Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission Post-Election Evaluation Report For the 2017 General Election and the Fresh Presidential Election, 2018. Produced by: The Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission Web address: PEE Report.iebc.or.ke/2018 IEBC website: www.iebc.or.ke Feedback and enquiries: Feedback and enquiries on this report is welcome and should be directed to the contact officer. Contact officer: Chief Executive Officer, Anniversary Towers, 6th Floor, University Way. P.O. Box 4545371 – 00100, Nairobi, Kenya Telephone: +254 20 – 2877000 Email: [email protected] Twitter: @iebckenya Facebook: Facebook.com/iebckenya iii TABLE OF CONTENTS List of figures ..................................................................................................................... x ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS ................................................................................. xi EXECUTIVE SUMMARY .................................................................................................... -
The Kenyan Crisis: How And
The Kenyan Crisis: Post December 2007 Elections Renu Modi Seema Shekhawat Working Paper No: 1 Centre for African Studies Area Studies Building Behind Marathi Bhasha Bhavan University of Mumbai Vidyanagari, Santacruz (E) Mumbai: 400 098. E-mail: [email protected] [email protected] 1 Contents Acronyms 03 Resume 04 Introduction 05 The Background 05 The Kibaki Administration 08 The Governance Crisis 11 December 2007 Elections 13 Repercussions 18 Deep Rooted Reasons 19 Authoritarian ‘Democratic’ Structures 20 Unrestrained Powers of the President 20 Lack of Space for the Opposition 21 Popular Disillusionment 21 Political Violence 22 The Ethnicity Factor 23 The Economic Factor 24 Colonial Legacy 26 Conclusion 28 Endnotes and References 29 Tables Table 1: 27 December 2002 Election 07 Table 2: November 21, 2005 Constitutional Referendum 11 Table 3: Composition of the 10th Parliament 14 2 Acronyms ICG International Crisis Group IMF International Monetary Fund KANU Kenya African National Union NARC National Rainbow Coalition ODM Orange Democratic Movement ODM-K Orange Democratic Movement-Kenya 3 Resume Renu Modi Renu Modi is a lecturer and Director of the Department of African Studies, University of Mumbai. She is a political scientist and graduated from the Lady Shree Ram College for Women, Delhi University. She received her PhD. from the Centre for African Studies, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi. Her research interests include issues of development- displacement and livelihood reconstitution at resettlement sites and contemporary political, economic and social issues from a gendered perspective in the Afro- Asian context. Seema Shekhawat Seema Shekhawat holds a doctoral degree in Political Science from the University of Jammu, India. -
Page 1 of 2 Allafrica.Com: Kenya: Is It Possible Raila Is Being Set up For
allAfrica.com: Kenya: Is It Possible Raila is Being Set Up for Failure? Page 1 of 2 HOME Kenya: Is It Possible Raila is Being Set Up for Failure? Makau Mutua 5 June 2010 OPINION Nairobi — This is a warning to Prime Minister Raila Odinga. Call it a yellow card. Mr Odinga needs to remember the biblical proverb that "pride cometh before a fall". It is a law of gravity that whatever goes up must come down. He should know that it's a bad omen to count one's chickens before they hatch. The exuberance in the Yes camp is irrational because it belies some irreconcilable contradictions. Some senior PNU members - who are ostensibly in the Yes camp - are setting Mr Odinga up for a hard fall. They are fattening his ego for slaughter. Mr Odinga must remember that the leopard never changes its spots. It's now a fact that the referendum is a contest to succeed President Kibaki. It is no longer only about reform. The leader of the camp that wins the referendum will easily jog to State House in 2012. This is where Mr Odinga becomes an endangered species. There is no doubt that he is the clear leader of the Yes camp. Nor is there any question about President Kibaki's unequivocal support for the proposed constitution. Mr Kibaki is fully behind Mr Odinga. But the two plausible PNU presidential candidates - Vice-President Kalonzo Musyoka and Finance minister Uhuru Kenyatta - have only given tepid support to the proposed constitution. Mr Musyoka has refused to unequivocally back the constitution, or vigorously campaign for it.