International Journal of Innovative Research and Knowledge Volume-6 Issue-5, May 2021

INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF INNOVATIVE RESEARCH AND KNOWLEDGE ISSN-2213-1356 www.ijirk.com

A HISTORY OF CONFLICT BETWEEN NYARIBARI AND KITUTU SUB-CLANS AT KEROKA IN NYAMIRA AND KISII COUNTIES, KENYA, 1820 - 2017

Samuel Benn Moturi (MA-History), JARAMOGI OGINGA ODINGA, UNIVERSITY OF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY GESIAGA SECONDARY SCHOOL, P.O Box 840-40500 Nyamira-Kenya

Dr. Isaya Oduor Onjala (PhD-History), JARAMOGI OGINGA ODINGA UNIVERSITY OF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY, P.O Box 210-40601, Bondo-Kenya

Dr. Fredrick Odede (PhD-History), JARAMOGI OGINGA ODINGA UNIVERSITY OF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY, P.O Box 210-40601, Bondo-Kenya

ABSTRACT A lot of research done on conflict and disputes between communities, nations and organized groups across the globe. Little, however done on conflicts involving smaller groups are within larger communities. The overall image that emerges, therefore, is that conflicts and disputes only occur between communities, nations, and specially organized groups, a situation which is not fully correct, as far as the occurrence of conflict is concerned. This study looked at a unique situation of conflict between Nyaribari and Kitutu who share the same origin, history and cultural values yet have been engaged in conflict since the 19th century. The purpose of this study was to trace the history of the Sweta Clan and relationship between Nyaribari and Kitutu sub-clans. Examine the nature, source and impact of the disputes among the Sweta at Keroka town and its environ, which www.ijirk.com 57 | P a g e

International Journal of Innovative Research and Knowledge ISSN-2213-1356 forms the boundary between the two groups and discuss the strategies employed to cope with conflicts and disputes between the two parties. The study employed a descriptive research design and the conflict theory guided the study. A sample of 100 respondents selected through purposive and snowballing sampling technique utilized. The sample consisted of 25 Key Informant Interviews, 25 oral interviews and 50 participants all set in different five focus group discussions. Two of the FGD were from different clan elders in Nyamira and Kisii, while one was for the urban dwellers in Keroka Township and two each from the officials of Kisii and Nyamira counties. The FGD of county officials helped the research address the bias of the respondents from the two sub clans on which the study focused. Analysis done used both qualitative and quantitative methods, which applied thematic and simple statistical techniques respectively; to organize both primary and secondary data. The information obtained indicates that conflict between Nyaribari and Kitutu started earlier during their migration and settlement in the Gusii highlands. The conflicts sustained at the Keroka boundary area due to historical memories and competition for resources. The impact of these conflicts managed through traditional conflict resolution strategies and modern conflict resolution strategies over the years. It is, therefore, recommended that the government, and all other stakeholders, should be aware of the existence of micro-level conflicts between groups within communities as these have the potential of affecting socio-economic and political development just as macro-level conflicts involving larger communities. In addition, there is a need for public education so that communities make use of historical facts and events positively. Lastly, more research recommended understanding micro level conflict that may have affected more sub-clans within the Abagusii community and even other ethnic groups in Kenya.

KEYWORDS: Conflict: A state often opens with prolonged fights in a battle or war within which in-groups share their certain resources and in time lead to wrangles. Resources: Available supply of materials, goods, or services which often time competed for in the context of ownership by the two residents of the town. Sub-clans: Clan may contain sub-classification of clans, which are usually called subclans. Counties: A county is a geographical region of a country used for administrative or other purposes in certain modern nations. Other Words: Sweta; Keroka; Kitutu; Nyaribari; Nyamira and Kisii.

ABBREVIATIONS: AU African Union AUBP African Union Boundaries Programs BC Before Christ CIAGK Community Initiative Action Group Kenya CBD Central Business District DRC Democratic Republic of Congo GDP Gross Domestic Product GCCT Global Coalition for Conflict Translation IEBC Independent Electoral and Boundary commission ICC International Criminal Court MCA Member of County Assembly MCRS Modern Conflict Resolution Strategies NCCK National Councils of Churches of Kenya www.ijirk.com 58 | P a g e

International Journal of Innovative Research and Knowledge Volume-6 Issue-5, May 2021

N-K Nyaribari and Kitutu sub-clans NLTO Native Lands Trust Ordinance NGO Non-Governmental Organizations KII Key Interview Informant OAU Organization of African Union OI Oral Informant PLO Palestine Liberation Organization RCM Roman Catholic Mission TCRS Traditional Conflict Resolution Strategies USAID United States Agency for International Development UNEP United Nations Environment Programs UN United Nations WDR World Development Reports FGD Focus Group Discussion

Background to the Study The new world order based upon the western world state structure is in which the basic attributes are boundary. In this context, boundaries are relevant since they define the sovereignty of a country by defining its territorial and jurisdictional domain. Boundaries define and separate countries, states, regions, communities and clans to sub clans among others. In some circumstances, have been a source of peaceful co-existence and at worst have been a source of bloodshed or conflicts. They are relevant since they define the sovereignty of a country by defining its territorial and jurisdictional domain. Boundaries also establish and delegate national identity beyond this and therefore are borders of nation-states, which place individuals under one body determining their lifestyles and national culture; including language, fate and privileges. This makes boundary conflicts a focus of political concern in the world over the years.

At least some border disputes occur in most countries and are global (Blanchard, 2010). Among other things, these conflicts are caused by disputes over boundaries linked to certain resources found along such boundaries. According to Jorge (2010), such conflicts have had devastating effects on social, political and economic relations. Between states and communities around the world are with limited resources in particular (Nindi, 2007).

Even the most developed countries like the United States of America and over the years, have faced such border disputes. Leading to the establishment of a National Commission on the Causes and Prevention of Violence was to deal with all conflicts identified in various parts of the world. The nation used what it called "Violence Prevention Mechanisms" with a task force based on the historical and comparative viewpoints of a 1969 study. Researchers have pointed out that disputes have been defined on race relations, interests of internal workers and were revolutionary changes (Hassan, 2014). Kay (2001), Ledrich (1995) and Princeton (2016) speak of similar circumstances in Latin America where as is usual. In other parts of the world wars erupted due to boundary disputes triggered by a multiplicity of factors Princeton.

In the Latin America, Ledrich (1995) observed that the main drivers of conflicts on the continent are lack of cross- cultural training among communities and to some degree, states are weaknesses. Ledrich (1995) further indicates that the main drivers of the conflict on the continent are the lack of cross-cultural training as among the Latin American communities as at some degree of state weaknesses. Moreover, colonial legacies and independence wars in Latin America have led to clashes between the same clans (Princeton, 2016). www.ijirk.com 59 | P a g e

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Conflicts in Asia categorized as the world's largest running and lasting for multiple generations based on a study (Parks, Colletta & Oppenheim 2013). The region is prone to sub-national conflicts that are characterized by struggles within states to control sub-national territories. In terms of performance, Johnson (2007) noted that these conflicts have a negative impact on development and state capacity. Over the year’s national, inter-clan and intra- clan conflicts witnessed in Asia, (Adam & Anwar 2005, Venkatasawmy 2015 and Mkutu 2001). With such causes primarily related to the resources needed are by neighboring and competing communities and/or nations.

This was affected by the arrival of the colonial authorities in Africa and the drawing of arbitrary borders that ignored the social aspects of such borders. During and after the colonial period, this situation led to a number of conflicts and disputes (Shah, 2010). Africa is characterized by many boundary politics and conflicts (Achankeng, 2013). The beginning of most of these conflicts is the arbitrary borders which were created by colonial authorities but ignored the social aspects of such borders Shah. The current and past inter-state borders, inter-clan, and intra- clan border conflicts explained by boundaries and generated by various colonial powers that operated in Africa. Discussed later in the literature review in the section of this chapter, Africa needless to say over the years, has experienced conflagrations arising from boundary-related conflicts (Oduntan, 2015). She has since seen or encountered a number of wars that can be linked to interstate boundaries, inter-clan, and intra-clan boundary disputes.

Africa is characterized by many boundary politics and conflicts (Achankeng, 2013). She has undergone a variety of conflicts that related to inter-state borders, inter-clan, and intra-clan border conflicts, thus a significant feature of state change in Africa has been boundary politics and conflicts. In Africa, the colonial imposition of the African border system, the arbitrariness and artificiality of such a border regime, as well as the abusive border politics of political elites in many African states during the post-colonial period, have complicated the border problem generating tensions between states and within states. Boundaries in Africa thus represent the colonial and postcolonial authorities' agreement to stabilize human habitation in territorial spaces. Over the years, African has experienced conflagrations arising from boundary-related conflicts.

Venkatasawmy (2015) observed that several nations have encountered conflicts in the last three decades in Africa. Mbowura (2014) articulates that ethnic conflicts experienced in northern Ghana for many years pose challenges of instability and lack of peaceful coexistence. As experienced in 1991 and 1992 when the Gonja and Nawuri fought over territory, communities battled over resources such as land, pastures, water and farms.

In Uganda, Quinn (2004) states the long history of ethnic clashes, especially between the north and south of Uganda, since the 1860s but due to politicized ethnicity, the conflicts worsened in the post-colonial period from 1962. Violence based on clans was always a recurrent episode in Karamojong and Lango and persisted among various urban and rural communities in Uganda. Believed, these conflicts linked to competition over resources are political influence, religious disparities and cultural diversity. In addition, the Integrated Regional Information Networks (IRIN) news 2005 which confirmed that there were inter-clan conflicts between the Bokora and Pain clans in the northeastern region of Uganda.

The problem of boundary conflicts in Kenya seen on many fronts. It is important to note that borders are invisible and easily ignored. Conflicts arise when this occurs and this has been a significant problem in Kenya in the recent past (Yanamomi and Deininger, 2005). Secondly, Kenya is a multi-ethnic country with each ethnic group holding distinct territories within the nation. This has also been a source of controversy about the boundaries and the use of facilities offered by the government between different groups. Thirdly, Kenyan society is characterized by unequal and dysfunctional legal, political, social, environmental and economic structures that easily lead to conflict and disputes. These conditions have exacerbated historical grievances (Wamwere, 2008).

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This is similar to other intra-ethnic clan conflicts against the same language speakers and elsewhere according to (Soja, 1968). Another case study cited Kenyan inter-clan conflict as evidenced in Kenya at Wajir North between the Ajuran and the Degodia clans, who became involved in inter-clan conflicts. An overview of the Garre- Degodia clan conflicts in Wajir state that, ‘conflicts escalated from May 2014 and continued for a long time without intervention mechanisms’. However, despite the many studies done, very little scholarly attention was given to the dynamics of internal clan conflicts and majorly between the Garre and Degodia disputes in the period between 2008 and 2015 of Mandela County. They fought for their own political survival and over specific grazing lands where water resources and area manifested (Griffon, A.2016). This anomaly has continued from and during the time, Kenya created county boundaries in the year 2010. Most boundaries created using the same procedures used by the colonial authorities, whichever created district and provincial boundaries in Kenya. The government applied the previous local government units, especially in assigning towns and cities to particular Counties such as the Nyamira from Kisii District. This brought about conflicts in certain areas like Keroka Township, with some boundaries in borders remaining much unclear.

Scholars such as Wafula and Wekesa, (2000) studied cross-border clan conflicts among others, was largely with other scholars and particularly the historians, who were until in the recent times included as the researched internal clan conflicts and as over the Bukusu clans in Kenya. The other intra-clan conflicts on studies were not however in comparison to the current internal counties for Keroka town feuds 2016, but argued, town conflict borders are in the Republic of Kenya that have erupted in the southwest part.

Disputes in Kenya, experienced over historical times between tribes and clans (Mworia and Ndiku, 2012). The Pokot and the Turkana have had historical disputes over water, pasture and boundaries (Kimutai & Aluvi, 2013). They also explain that in Kuria East inter-clan conflicts have featured primarily because of cattle rustling between the clans of Nyabasi and Buvirege dating back to 2009. Griffon Africa Ltd (2016) found that inter-clan conflicts between Ajuran and the Degodia have been common in Wajir North because of the desire for political survival, land and water.

During historical times, Gusiiland has witnessed conflicts with her neighbors such as the Maasai, Kipsigis and to some extent the Luo (Kariuki, 2019). The conflicts not only have been witnessed with other neighboring communities but also between members of families and clans (Omwenga, 2016). Those in Gusiiland however are of the many internal conflicts which have been witnessed between the Abagusii Despite those studies, very little academic interest has been given to a history of conflict between the Nyaribari and Kitutu Sub-Clans at Keroka, Nyamira and Kisii Counties, Kenya 1820–2017. This formed the background with a gap, which the current study filled. What existed was the fragmented information on the causes of the conflicts and however between the Sweta of Nyaribari with those of Kitutu along Keroka Townships border.

On the introduction of the 2010 constitution in Kenya that created county governments, boundary conflicts have been common in Kenya, for instance, Maseno boundary contested by Vihiga County over resources and institutions in the Maseno area on the Nyanza side like Maseno University. Similarly, there has been conflict between Kisii and Nyamira Counties and between Nyaribari and Kitutu clans living in the two counties and sharing the boundary at Keroka Township. While tensions between the two groups in Keroka are historical, the implementation of Kenya's devolved system of governance in 2013 heightened claims between Nyamira and Kisii counties, over resources and institutions in Keroka, thus the need to examine the nature, effects and management of this problem.

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Theoretical/Conceptual Framework The problem of disputes and conflicts explained using a number of theories. For the analysis in this work ‘Conflict Theory’ is used in understanding the historical problem between the Nyaribari and Kitutu sub-clans of the Sweta Clan within the Kisii ethnic community at Keroka Township area. The concept of “Conflict Theory” was advanced by Karl Marx (1818-1883) and holds that society is in a state of constant or perpetual conflict due to competition for limited resources shared among different groups of people. This concept used to investigate wars, violence, revolutions, forms of injustice against a group and discrimination against others by explaining that a natural disparity in society that causes these problems.

The advantage of using this theory is that it focuses on the competition between groups within society and over limited resources. It looks at social and economic institutions as tools used in the struggle between groups or classes of people used to maintain differences and or inequality in society and the dominance of the stronger competitor. It looks at social life in society as a competition and focuses on the distribution of resources, power and inequality; by use of all these is to better explain issues of society social change. It is however weaker at explaining issues of social stability, which craves for communities. These elements found to be vital for understanding the historical disputes and conflicts between the Nyaribari and the Kitutu sub-clans at Keroka Township area.

This conflict is defined as a struggle or an opposition and or simply put it, ‘is a clash of interest’, which may be based on personal, racial, class, political and/or international reasons (Lowilla, 1998). The variance is associated with disputes, which usually lead to established conflict. Boundary disputes, for example, refer to disputes over the division of land and or water resources among two or more independent states. These evolve a historical or cultural claim, or may be brought about and by competition for resources exploited. The conflict theory looks at such issues of disputes, struggles over resources and continued competition in society as a way of maintaining social order through domination and power rather than through consensus and traditional values. The conflict, between Kitutu and Nyaribari therefore, helps to sort out societal problems of differences and brings out to the surface issues that need discussions and attention in order to create a society, where people and different groups can peacefully coexist.

The study recognizes the fact that Conflict Theory is stronger in examining gender and racial inequality, which is important when it is and used in the investigation of larger areas for example larger urban centers where large populations from all over the world reside. It also exaggerates the problems of economic inequality, which makes it important in this work as the contestation between the Nyaribari and Kitutu sub-clans that is around a township area, where many economic activities have led to continued disagreement between the two groups. Lastly, it focuses on micro-level factors that cause problems of relationship among and between groups of people. This is important for this work because the dispute and conflicts between the Nyaribari and Kitutu are of micro-level and are because the two groups belong to the same clan of Sweta and share the same cultural background (Lowilla, 1998).

Marx (1977) states that, ‘by not saying whether conflict is good or bad’ it means, it is an unavoidable aspect of human nature in history. It helps to explain why things were and or are so at the time and place. A look at wars, violence, revolutions and other forms of injustices accompanied are with discrimination and explains, ‘there are natural disparities in society’, which causes those conflicts in Keroka township.

However, other theories related but which are not necessarily used in this work, include structural theory of conflicts, Marxist theory, international capitalist theory, realist theory, frustration aggression theory, Biological theory or psychological theory and historical, all of which contain elements of conflict. Further, on study, www.ijirk.com 62 | P a g e

International Journal of Innovative Research and Knowledge Volume-6 Issue-5, May 2021 sociological theory explains that conflicts emerge in particular ways and in certain environments, where different ethnic groups or clans are the players like in our case, the Nyaribari and the Kitutu sub-clans have similar characteristics. Structuralism also maintains clearly that conflicts occur due to exploitative and unjust nature of human societies, and or, are because of the domination of ‘one’ class over the other. Those ideas from such theories used to help understand the contest between the two competing sub-clans in the Keroka Township area.

Literature Review The considerable ranges of literature exist as on the subject of boundary disputes and conflicts, which are over boundary resources globally. The following review aimed at providing perspectives within which a better understanding of the dispute-nature of intra-clan especially between the Nyaribari and Kitutu sub-clans in Gusiiland obtained and found, are on historical anchor ship. The review structured along the objectives of this work and aimed at making the gap identified in this work more visible to the readers of the work. The review also makes this work fit within a wider group of works that deal with disputes and conflicts between and among groups that may have to include regions, nations, ethnic groups and sub-clans in different parts of the world including Gusii land.

International resource conflicts related to boundaries Globally, addressed are and have been internal conflicts that have historical roots on which have affected and continue to affect societies; more so in the third world countries. Out of the stated facts referenced globally therefore, is the ‘United Nations Intelligence Framework Team for Preventive Acts’ which are perceived in posts; that there are those internal conflicts mostly on trans-border conflicts and over some type of resources are caused on the same scarce resource sites (UNIFTPA, 2012).

One major dispute that has historically preoccupied the entire world is that between Israel and Palestine. The two nations pitted against each other over boundary and territorial ownership of the Gaza Strip and Jericho area in the Middle East. This would consolidate territorial boundaries of both Israel and Palestine. Israel further in the formal negotiations was over Palestine 1993, which indicated that its own stand remained ‘she did not yet recognize the establishment of a full and or separate sovereign Palestinians state’ (Newman, 1995). Up to the 1990s, this was a problem and nations, such as, United States of America had to intervene and reduce the impact of the conflict, which led to many deaths and disruption of world activities in the region.

Israel through the help of other nations, engaged are the peace negotiations but insists that it does not recognize Palestine as a sovereign nation (Newman, 1995). This left the Gaza Strip and the West Bank a major political dispute yet to be resolved, as demands from both nations were not met. Bush, (2016) purports that whereas was likely be rejected, Israel would have also argued for the re-demarcation of the whole of West Bank boundary in line with own political and territorial agendas on histories with all the points on application.

The Caspian Sea Ecosystem according to Bahgat (2002); Madani et al., (2003), presents a significant world’s energy ecosystem that has been competed for by a number of countries/nations and namely are the Azerbaijan, Iran, Kazakhstan, Russia and Turkmenistan of Asia. This competition has led to disputes between and among these nations forcing these nations and other organizations to establish the legal status of this ecosystem as a way of solving the disputes.

In other parts of Asia, UNEP News (2009) for example in Afghanistan, population is dense and communities engage in competition over land, grazing areas or pasture, firewood collection areas and other resources people need. However, they cannot get due to high population causing high demand on such resources. This has led to www.ijirk.com 63 | P a g e

International Journal of Innovative Research and Knowledge ISSN-2213-1356 disputes and conflicts between the Kuchi clan and the Hazara clan in the areas occupied as they seek to utilize and share the scarce resources (Kabul-Afghanistan journal, 2009). This situation may be similar to the conflict between the Kitutu and Nyaribari clans in the Keroka Township area where sharing of available resources seems to have been the cause of the persistent conflict since settlement in the area.

The United Nation, through its organ “United Nations Intelligence Framework Team for Preventive Acts (UNIFTPA,2012) identifies conflicts of trans-border nature and state that these are usually caused by competition over resources that lie along boundaries. Such conflicts rose steadily during and after the Cold War period persisting until the 21st century (Klare, 2001a & b). Land, water, oil, and other resources have been the sources of conflict between nations and communities. Other resources competed for include gas, timber or forest areas, and minerals of different kinds that were well sought after to an extent causing conflict and war at different levels (Huth, 1996).

While Africa globally affected so much, it was due to colonialism during the late 19th and the first half of the 20th centuries and the arbitrary drawing of national boundaries. However, the other nations of the world have not been left behind and have experienced disputes and conflicts of one kind or the other especially where resources included are oil, gas, copper and all the same in countries (Klare, 2001 ‘b’). This work was designed to find out what causes disputes and conflicts between the Kitutu and Nyaribari sub-clans of the Sweta clan. The disputes have persisted but there are no clear major causes or contestation over major resources that cause conflict and war in other parts of the world. Could the causes be contestation over land or area of settlement or the activities in the Keroka Township area? This one of the questions the research addresses as a sub clan intra conflict historical gap since most scholars have only looked at the disputes involving the Abagusii at inter-ethnic level.

The colonial authorities drew national and administrative boundaries largely without considering political, social and economic aspects; hitherto utilized by the African communities and were largely depended on how one imperial power out-smarted its own rivals (Anene, 1970). This has been a source of disputes and conflicts within the African continent where nations and communities have found themselves competing over resources and/or contesting certain resource boundaries.

In West Africa, Anene (1970) talks about the impact of this arbitrary drawing of boundaries on the African people. First, the boundaries reflected the differences between and the demands of the colonial authorities that were mainly the British, the French, and the Germans competing over resources and control over markets within the West African Region. Secondly, the borders only considered the interests of the imperial authorities, while playing a major role in causing disputes between and among African communities. Borders that were created around the Lake Chad area, for example did not consider the interests of the African communities living around the Lake. This became a source of conflict at the end of the colonial period in West Africa with countries and communities in Nigeria and Benin contesting the area around River Niger Bend, which was a reflection of arbitrary demarcation of national boundaries without reference to African communities (Hargreaves, 1963).

On the Nigeria – Niger boundary, for example, the British Prime Minister, Lord Salisbury remarked, “…we (the British and the French) have been engaged in drawing lines on maps, where no white man's foot ever trod. We have been giving away mountains, rivers, and lakes to each other. We were only hindered by the small impediments, such as, not knowing exactly where the mountains, rivers, and lakes were on location. In those days, we just took a blue pencil and a ruler, made drawings down at the Old Calabar and drew that blue line to Yola. I recollect thinking by myself sitting having an audience with the Emir of ‘Adamawa’ surrounded by his tribesmen that it was a very good thing that he did not know what was going on, that I, with a blue pencil, had drawn a line through his territory'' (Anene,1970p 3). www.ijirk.com 64 | P a g e

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Such acts were the main causes of internal clan disharmony, not only in West Africa, but also throughout the entire continent. Apart from the mistakes done by the colonial authorities, there have been increases in disputes and conflicts between and among African communities due to inter-ethnic differences that in most cases have been highly politicized, especially in the pursuit of certain interests (Osaghae, 1994). Despite the existence of civic and legal frameworks to deal with national boundaries and internal resource conflicts studies, indicate that animosity and internal conflicts continue. Liah (1994) states that apart from the continental scene, there have been situations of conflict at national levels and local levels where inter-ethnic rivalries are caused by political, social and economic factors.

The consequences of inter-clan boundary conflicts involving African communities include civil wars or sporadic violence in different countries (Agyeman, 1992). Many countries in Africa dragged into wars due to boundary claims. Examples where this has occurred include Nigeria, Congo, Sudan, Liberia, Sierra Leone and Burundi among others. Various economic operations in Africa disrupted for example, during the Liberian civil wars, the country's economic production declined greatly. Osaghae (1994), in Nigerian the dispute over the Niger Delta led to economic activities paralyzed with economic exploration of crude oil in that zone affected. Barth, (1981) going by the above-mentioned consequences it is clear that there is always a need to investigate the causes of internal clan/ethnic disputes and seek strategies of alleviating them in order to pave the way for development and peaceful coexistence between and among communities. This research designed to provide this understanding by providing a historical account of the source, nature, and impact of the disputes between the Kitutu and Nyaribari sub-clans in the Keroka Township area.

The impact of the arbitrary drawings of boundaries on the African people felt in West Africa (Anene, 1970). First, the boundaries reflected the differences between and the demands of the colonial authorities that were mainly the British, the French, and the Germans competing over resources and control over markets within the West African Region. Secondly, the borders only considered the interests of the imperial authorities, while playing a major role in causing disputes between and among African communities. Borders that were created around the Lake Chad area, for example did not consider the interests of the African communities living around the Lake. This became a source of conflict at the end of the colonial period in West Africa with countries and communities in Nigeria and Benin contesting the area around River Niger Bend, which was a reflection of arbitrary demarcation of national boundaries without reference to African communities (Hargreaves, 1963).

The continent has also witnessed major inter-ethnic disputes and conflicts resulting in wars and great loss of life. In Nigeria, the Ibo and Ife have been engaged in fierce fights with the former attempting to secede and form their own state. Rwanda and Burundi recorded some of the worst inter-ethnic disputes and conflicts pitting the Tutsi and the Hutu ethnic groups. These were mainly political as much as they were contestations involving resources (AUBP, 2013). Barth (1981), for example, reports that between 100,000 and 200,000 Hutus killed just within one year in Burundi, where the Tutsi controlled the government.

In the Horn of Africa, Ethiopia and Eritrea were engaged in a dispute over boundaries involving the Amhara Community that was found between the two states and was an internal conflict. The problem was only solved by Eritrea and the Amhara community gaining independence from Ethiopia. All these form a rich reservoir of conflicts in Africa mainly at the inter-ethnic level, which in most cases have led to war within the continent (Sabine, 1971). The Kitutu–Nyaribari conflict is subject in this research and to it is the uniqueness of intra- ethnicity. However, the cause may be similar to what we see in other parts of the continent and Kenya.

Kimenyi (2001) states, ‘Africa’s boundary and ethnicity problems are due to the failures of political institutions on accommodating diverse interests of the same people’. Disputes of intra-clan nature identified among the Teso www.ijirk.com 65 | P a g e

International Journal of Innovative Research and Knowledge ISSN-2213-1356 of Uganda where the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) working paper No.15 of 2005 indicated that, ‘justice and perceptions' of Uganda's Amnesty Act 2000) were not adequate to solve the problems at hand. Kasozi (1994) explains and concurs with the above author Abdi; to a start that stockades in the history of inter-clan division conflicts were in Uganda. However, the daily nation of (2007) the paper contained potentials for conflict resolution as it started a long-term reconciliation process, whichever, was a sign of peace in the country. Kasozi (1994) mentions also the ‘Refugee Law Project’ (RLP) working paper No. 17 of 2005 on ‘Peace First Justice’ later and on the activities of a “Traditional Justice in Northern Uganda”. The RLP working paper (No.20 of 2007) highlighted the partial justice, formal and informal justice mechanisms in post conflict and as in the West Nile, where intra-clan disputes took place.

In East Africa and involving Kenya’s neighbors, there is a long history of ethnic clashes of inter-clan nature beginning from the 1850s as populations moved from the north to the south within the region (Quinn, 2004). The conflicts seem to have intensified in the post-colonial era, especially from 1963 due to ethnic and/or clan politics over natural environments and other resources by Abdi (2014). For instance, during Amin Dada regime in Uganda, conflicts in the country racial in nature with the Asians declared non-citizens by the government, forced to leave the country, and their properties confiscated (Dawa, 1992).

According to AUBP, (2013) in 1986, the conflict in Uganda took a religious dimension with rebel leaders agitating for a Christian based government founded on the Ten Commandments of the Bible. This was the beginning of a long history of inter-clan disputes in Uganda (Kasozi, 1994). He notes that the conflicts traced back to the 1960s and were because of land ownership, cattle rustling and competition over natural resources. For instance, the Karamojong of Uganda and the Lango of Kenya usually had conflicts of violent nature with their neighbors. Alice Lakwena and later Joseph Kony headed a brutal rebel force that caused great atrocities to the people of Uganda. Joseph Kony led the infamous Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), waged the most barbaric war in Northern Uganda, and killed thousands of innocent civilians as an intra-clan brawl continued (Abdi, 2014).In Kenya frequently (Abdi, 2017) state inter-clan disputes at low levels have been common, for example, the case of Samburu in the Isiolo area and are in the Narok-Kisii border(s), the Kericho-Kisumu borders with the Kalenjins versus the Luo communities, the Kalenjin-Kisii communities at Chebilat in Nyamira, Maai Mahiu (Kajiado- Limuru) border dispute, Tana River and the Mount Elgon conflicts. In these cases, conflict was due to access to land for livelihood and community identity as defined by land acts on those community occupations. Daily Nation (2016); Nick Oluoch and John, Oywa, (13 May 2011) indicate there were three other areas in which contestation occurred at the coast with unique types of conflict. These included urban localities in Mombasa Likoni and Bombolulu area, which occurred due to the activities of the Central Government of Kenya. Summarized were that politics has been the major cause of conflicts and disputes between communities in Kenya, as has been witnessed in central, coastal region, eastern region, Nairobi, northeastern, Nyanza, North Rift and western Kenya. Other conflicts included are the Degodia of the North Rift, Teso of the north-rift, Sabot of Western Kenya and Somalis of Kenya as discussed earlier.

In a structured approach study, there have been disputes and conflicts between communities since the formation of the nation (Burton, J.W. 1990). The colonial demarcation of internal boundaries started these problems. However, different methods used to instill obedience on the African communities ended up creating animosity among groups, during and after the colonial regime. Policies introduced, especially to entrench colonial rule later, became sources of conflicts among those African communities. This work sought to establish to what extent the disputes and conflicts between the Kitutu and Nyaribari sub-clans of the Sweta clan of the Abagusii are a result of political, social and economic factors.

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According to Kimenyi (2001) such situations, ‘disputes and conflicts have risen’ and continued due to the failure of the government or administrative units to sort out political, social and economic issues affecting the communities involved, and which live side by side. In some parts of the country, devolved government units have caused problems with animosity between communities rising, especially in the areas of urban centers. Keumbu, in Gusii land, is an example of an urban area where several sub-clans have laid claim to ownership. Such sub clans include the Basi, Nyaribari and the Kitutu (Ochieng’176). Such competition and claim is what is at the Keroka Township area where there has been a major dispute between the Nyaribari and Kitutu sub-clans, which belong to the Sweta Clan of the wider Abagusii ethnic community. This conflict forms the main topic of research in this work.

In Maseno Nyanza province, an area of western Kenya, the Luo and the Banyoro have been engaged in disputes regarding the ownership of the area. The devolved units of Kisumu and Vihiga Counties share boundary in this area have not been able to solve the problem as both claim ownership of the urban area, which is growing at a very fast rate due to the presence of different institutions, such as, Maseno University (Green, 2010). Some of these cases have been the studies Odhiambo (2013) mirrored to the problem facing the Kitutu and Nyaribari sub- clans at the Keroka Township area. This problem was not investigated as this research was conducted to fill this gap.

Noted by Atieno (2012), the despite increased incidences of boundary disputes, previous studies have focused only on the large-scale conflicts related to the politically clan motivated cases. The presence and development of small-scale conflicts of intra-ethnic nature the investigator noted, therefore, often been overlooked and yet they raise serious concerns especially about land scarcity in different parts of the country. This work was designed to provide this missing information, using the case of the dispute between the Nyaribari and the Kitutu sub-clans at Keroka Township area.

Statement of the Problem A number of counties in Kenya in the western region, south Nyanza province Gusiiland, conflicts are within even similar ethnic groups nationally and are all over in clans witnessed by conflicts of diverse magnitudes. The issue of conflicts among communities in the Kenyan counties has attracted the attention of many stakeholders such as politicians, government officers, the church and ordinary citizens among others and as at some point in the Keroka Township, a few people injured were over the conflicts in Town (The Standard, 2016). Despite these, conflicts continue to witness in this Township for decades, as there had been a border dispute and conflict over resources in township such as are the tax collection. Politicization involved, the Nyaribari and the Kitutu sub- clans of the Sweta clan and are of the larger Abagusii community (Sunday Nation 2017). The significance of this Town noted is on this basis. Nyawanga (1997) researched the social-economic influence of small urban centers on their hinterlands and with a special reference to Keroka Township. The aspect of conflicts in Keroka Township has attracted political attention in the media, but in the scholarly lens the scanty work ‘exist’. There are some unsubstantiated claims in the social media about conflicts in Keroka Township and that is where the study filled the gap by exploring a history of conflict between Nyaribari and Kitutu sub-clans at Keroka in Nyamira and Kisii counties, Kenya, 1820 – 2017.

Purpose/Justification of the Study This study warranted because conflicts among the Sweta residing in the boundary between Nyaribari and Kitutu in Keroka Township have persisted for over decades. Therefore, this study was necessary in order to have a deeper analysis of underlying factors that have sustained the disputes historically. Conflicts of whichever www.ijirk.com 67 | P a g e

International Journal of Innovative Research and Knowledge ISSN-2213-1356 magnitude have far-reaching effects, injuries and deaths being one of them. The extent of damages they cause justified this study as a way of finding solutions to such happenings.

General Objective of the Study The purpose of this research was to examine the history of conflict between the Nyaribari and Kitutu sub-clans at Keroka in Nyamira and Kisii counties, Kenya, 1820 – 2017.

Specific Objectives To realize the broad objective, three research objectives formulated. They include: i) To trace the history of the Sweta Clan and the relationship between Nyaribari and Kitutu sub clans during their settlement at Keroka area and thereafter. ii) To examine the nature, source and impacts of the dispute between the Nyaribari and Kitutu Sub clans at Keroka Township area. iii) To discuss the strategies employed to cope with disputes and resource conflicts between the Nyaribari and the Kitutu sub-clans at Keroka Township.

Research Questions The study guided by the following research questions; i) Who are Sweta and how did members of this can relate and interact with each other? ii) What were the nature, source and impact of the disputes that arose between the Nyaribari and the Kitutu sub-clan on the occupation of the Keroka area? iii) What strategies employed through time to enable the two communities cope with disputes?

Ethical Consideration The guidelines noted (appendix I) were applied to the respondents which ensured that research was done in a way to the best interest of the respondents as indicated by (Cohen, 2017). It was a requirement that the researcher carried out the ethical responsibility to the research participants as per Mugenda (2017). That in this work, respondents informed about the purpose of the research and as to why the data collected from them using such various instruments above. Participants given the freedom to participate were not after the purpose of the research which became revealed to them. Those participants’ confidentiality guaranteed on the onset of the interview and throughout the research, the process was without individual identity in the document in the shelves and or mentioned anywhere-else in the public.

As part of the ethical considerations, all permissions in (appendices II) were researched in the university and government departments; obtained had covered the entire period and all stages of research. This work also strictly followed the requirements of scientific research without taking any shortcuts. Whichever, the results presented here have not been doctored in any way.

Research Methodology This section presents the methodology applied in this research. It specifically looks at the research design selected for this work, describes the study area, sampling procedures and the sample size. The section further looks at how data collected and analyzed, stating clearly the research instruments used methods of analysis and the ethical considerations taken or put in place. The subsections are brief as they only describe the methods used with the details of findings given later in the chapters. www.ijirk.com 68 | P a g e

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Research design of the Study This work used descriptive survey design based on the qualitative method involved by collecting and analyzing non-numerical data from textbooks, video and or audios and to understood concepts, opinions or experiences. Used to gather in-depth insights into the problem or generated new ideas for research. In the quantitative method, the process of collecting and analyzing numerical data used to find patterns and averages, made predictions, tested causal relationships and generalized results in the wider populations. Both approaches used to gain a deeper insight into the problem under investigation.

A description by Kothari (2014) is that descriptive survey design restricts the fact-finding and leads the formulation of important principles and solutions to the problem analyzed. The design provides an efficient way of collecting data for this work however the design allowed the gathering of information from a sample of 25 (KII) individuals through interviews and the administration was of the questionnaire (appendix IV). This work utilized the focus group discussion (appendix III) and questionnaires in oral interviews then interrogated the archival data and secondary data as well. Whichever that provided the total information to help realize the answers to the questions rose in this work, based on the three objectives in here.

The purpose of key informant interviews is to collect information from a wide range of people who included community leaders, professionals or residents, with a firsthand knowledge about the community (USAID, 1996). The aid on the advocacy and technical assistance of the community experts who are with their own particular knowledge and understanding, thus provided insights on the nature of problems and gave recommendations for solutions.

That descriptive survey used to explore all the variables, which incited an excitement in this research than the constants. It was therefore critical from the beginning in research and had clarity about this term and the related concepts. Used in this work, enabled the collection of data, as well as, other steps in the work, such as summary of the findings, presentation of research details and the presentation of data and the final findings.

Target population of the Study The study targeted respondents who were aged 18 years and above and according to the 2009 population census statistics, Keroka town had a total population of 54,000 out of which those above 18 were the registered voters archived (02-28-2008) in the Machine. These respondents were selected because their age allowed them to have the ability to see events and narrate them. Based on this figure, the target population was as per adult in Ward, Registered Voters of the Local Authority. Mecheo had 1,815 in Keroka town, Nyamira County. Nyankoba had 3,232 for Keroka town and Nyasore had 3,101 in Keroka town in Kitutu, while Nyaribari Ichuni 6,839 with a section of the adult respondent group who totalized to 14987 much less by 39,013 adult target in the households.

However, based on snowballing technique, some respondents who do not reside in Keroka but have their origin by birth in Keroka and had migrated to Nyansiongo to Manga settlements and Kisii town also constituted the target population of the above 14,987 people so totalized the 50,000 qualified for interview. They found out of the 50 households of the Keroka Sweta clans as in (chapter 2) village households.

According to the Kenya Bureau Standards (KBS) 2009, the 2009-population census a total of people and about 54,000 qualified for participation in this research, were the Sweta of the area in the study had above 50,000 adults from the 50 village households. All evenly distributed in them who were 1,000 adults in sub-divisions of the village households. Further, the figure reduced on to a manageable figure an application of the 10% formula rule. In its snowball applications used led by the KII were the 100 respondents of the FGD respondents (appendix III).

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Those others included from outside were also members of Nyaribari and Kitutu sub-clans, however, are with other outsiders of Keroka town residents, but within town precincts with crucial information.

Therefore, this work targeted the entire population living in the Keroka Township area as both are in the Nyaribari and Kitutu sub-clans of the town. Within a minimum age limit for the target population set at 18 years and above, were the group that could give right information required for a history of conflict between Nyaribari and Kitutu sub-clans at Keroka, Nyamira, Kisii counties, Kenya for those number of years.

Sampling procedure and Sample Size Techniques The study used stratified, purposive and snowball sampling methods to select the respondents. In the study, stratified sampling is a type of sampling in which the total population was divided into five groups to complete the sampling process. This division form based on some general uniqueness was in the populace facts. Used was because the capacity strata had lower standard variation. Max, W. (2020) state stratification gave lesser errors in estimation, where applications and dimensions become more manageable or cheaper when the population was grouped into stratum. With stratified information created a cause and effect of diagram of a Pareto chart (Appendix III). Stratification in the information jumbled all together and then divided the information with common factors and tendencies. We acknowledged the source of disparity from which categories of numbers observed over the relationship between two or more subgroups.

This type of sampling was very useful in situations when we needed to reach targeted samples quickly and we sampled proportionally as the main concern. However, Wilkinson Bec (2018) indicates the seven types of purposive variety. This type of sampling was very useful in situations when we needed to reach a targeted sample since is known as judgmental, selective and or subjective example. The purposive sample was unique but appropriate to the one different to these research objectives. Total population sample chosen to examine the entire population had one or more shared characteristics. In the class of sampling technique and commonly used generated reviews of events or experiences, that being common to studies of particular groups was within the larger population. The purposive sample used a non-probability sample that was selected based on own characteristics of a population and the objectives of the study being different from the convenience of sampling. However, Non-Probability Sampling did not rely on randomization but the technique was more reliant on the researcher’s ability to select elements for a sample. Wilkinson Bec (2018) indicates the outcome of the sampling might be biased and would make it difficult for all of the elements of the population to be part of the sample equally, but was collaborated.

Snowball sampling known as chain-referral sampling, is a non-probability or non-random example process. Used when characteristics to be possessed by the KII samples were rare and difficult to find. We found it increasingly difficult to find primary data sources unless a member willingly provided and gave the contact of other members. This method involved primary data sources nominating other potential primary data sources used in this research. In other words, snowball manner based on referrals from the initial KII subjects generated additional FGD subjects in (appendix III). Therefore, when applying the technique, members of the illustration group were recruited via chain referral. Once we had contact details of one respondent, she/he could help us to recruit other respondents to the study by providing contact details. The exponential non-discriminative snowball sampling was where the first subject recruited to the KII sample group provided multiple referrals. Each new referral explored until the primary data from sufficient samples collected.

The researcher was far above the ground and strong which means has an overdeveloped sense of self-worth due to one’s hobby, interests, practices and the likes among other characters. Meant, looking down upon those who are www.ijirk.com 70 | P a g e

International Journal of Innovative Research and Knowledge Volume-6 Issue-5, May 2021 different from each other however is about being special which exclusively and rare in the minority to be a snobbier. Why so the masses are inferior because are common to the classical sense of snobbery. The researcher began with a small population of the known individuals and expanded the sample by asking those initial participants to identify others who would participate in the study. In other words, the sample started small but "snowballed" into a larger sample through the course of the research registered by those respondents. Even then, chances became slim for an application to succeed since one would have to show that there was no legitimate purpose for the legislation and would be almost impossible to undo who decided who was, but “selected” to form part of the new union based on the criteria.

There were different ways used in determining sample size for this non-probability method (Florianopolis, 2018), since snowball was applied. According to Creswell (2014), stratified sampling is a form of sampling technique in which the total population is divided into reduced clusters or divisions to complete the sampling procedure. In this study, this technique used to classify respondents into male and female leaders and common citizens in the strata. Although respondents obtained through snowballing skewed towards a given gender, as every effort made to select respondents from both cases.

The study also utilized purposive sampling. This is a technique used in qualitative research for the identification and selection of data-rich cases linked to the phenomenon of concern (Creswell, 2014). This technique was used in this study because it is a historical research that required those respondents who had detailed information about Keroka town and involved. Consequently, this study used this method to obtain clan leaders/elders, assistant chiefs, chiefs, MCAs, MPs, Governors and Senators. Finally, this study used snowballing techniques to obtain elderly respondents (Table 2.1) education level favored the type of language on application for clarity. The method through which primary data sources nominated other potential primary data sources are to use in the research or is a method based on referrals from initial subjects to generate additional subjects confirmed (Creswell, 2014). In this study, the area chiefs requested to identify some elderly people who had historical information about the conflicts in Keroka town. The researcher approached such respondents to give names of other respondents who they knew about and were rich in information related to the research topic. These too provided additional respondents and above the five FGD to around 10. The processes repeated until no more of such respondents were available. From the purposive act of selecting known persons were such as town vendors, clan leaders/elders, assistant chiefs, chiefs, MCAs, MPs, Governors, Senators and other knowledgeable elderly personalities; snowballing then used as to add more informants until such information provided, reached a saturation point and at 100. A number of the 25 proposed key informants (KII) personalities used were also the participated of the 75 snowballed respondents (Appendix III). The initial interviews started as an entry point by choosing a list of the 25 (KII) leaders, such as chiefs as respondents. Then used, selected other 4 leaders who totalize 5 in a category and in turns, pointed out other knowledgeable people who added up to the list of the 100 respondents. The same method used to identify others who added up until the information provided reached a saturation point and on giving the same information from each were the extra 5 respondents who on the repeated questionnaires (appendix III) on board and had lived within the town for three or more decades, gave the same information.

However, at saturation point the researcher and at the 100 respondents with all representatives of the competing sub-clans with other residents living within and/or around the contested area covered stopped the data correction. As stated earlier, the age limit of the 18 years and above observed, an official sample size used in the work. The extra informants became the only exceeding representatives of the 25 FGD of the competing sub clans, however with other residents living within and failed to earn any meaningful information.

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Research Instruments for Data Collection A structured interview based on standardized questions used. Each candidate got the same questions to answer, in the same order. Questionnaires based on the three research objectives (appendix IV), repeated 5 times each though the question guide. This involved the use of both open ended and closed questions, divided into major themes, based on the objectives of the worktable (2.1).

Key informant interview (KII) guides used to collect information that would be difficult to capture in writing. However, even here and though questions were provided, those conducting the interview had the flexibility to vary the questions in order to capture more relevant information for this work. The guides mainly used to get information from the political leaders and church officials. Archival sources especially used here, were to capture records of past forms of relationships between the two Gusii Sweta clans and during the colonial period or the post-colonial period.

Focus Group Discussion Guides also used, especially with the clan elders, urban dwellers of Keroka town and officers of Kisii and Nyamira counties respectively. Each particular (FGD) had a maximum number of 10 participants consisting of both males and females. The ones conducted within the clan elders, conducted in Ekegusii; while the one conducted with urban dwellers and county officers was conducted in English and or Kiswahili. At both sessions, the researcher was the moderator and introduced himself to the participants before leading on the discussions. A focus group discussion (FGD) was a good way to gather together people from similar backgrounds or experiences to discuss a specific topic of interest. Group of participants guided by a moderator (or group facilitator) introduced the topics for discussion and helped the group to participate in a lively and natural discussion amongst them. The strength of FGD is that it relied on allowing the participants to agree or disagree with each other so that it provided an insight into how a group thinks about an issue, about the range of opinion and ideas, and the inconsistencies and variation that exists in the community in terms of beliefs and their experiences and practices.

Methods Data Collection Procedure The researcher obtained a research permit from NACOSTI and after University procedures in the (Appendices V to X). The permit was presented to the county administrators in Kisii County and an appointment booked with them and other research respondents. The researcher briefed the respondents on the purpose of the study. This enabled establishment contact and familiarity with the respondents. Oral interviews and focus group discussions with the respondents then followed on agreed days. Data collected through tape recording the oral interview and taking notes in the course of the discussions and interview.

Methods of Data Analysis The analysis of data started in the field to avoid loss of important information. Analysis of data begun by creating themes of collected data. Tape-recorded data transcribed and typed, and the collected data arranged and analyzed thematically and periodically. The themes are based on the three research objectives of this study. Secondary data subjected to critical textual analysis and interpretation to establish the relevance and accuracy of the data. This is achieved by examining the expertise background of the authors, the correspondences of the content with other sources (both primary and secondary) and the context under which the text was written. The analyzed data reported in form of narrations coupled with first hand quotation from the primary data.

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Discussions and Analysis A history of the Sweta clan and relations between Nyaribari and Kitutu sub-clans are since 1820 on introduction. This chapter provides a history of the Sweta Clan and which is one of the clans of the Abagusii major clans at Yimbo. The name Abagusii adopted while staying at Ramogi and used it on dispersal to Kisumo for purposes of identification. It meant “the people of Mogusii” This brought about distinction between the Abagusii themselves. The study therefore, covers the information gathered, mostly though secondary research to realize the objective two of this work. The objective or therefore of this chapter’s main purpose is where to find out how the Sweta Clan was founded. To establish how the sub-clans related to one another were with the other three clans of the Basi, Wanchare and Mugirango, as well as, with the other members of the wider Abagusii the Sweta clan as a community. This historical background seen important as it provided knowledge and or information on the major issues of conflict, which have pitted the two main Sweta Sub clans, whichever is the subject of study in this work. The investigation for this objective confined within a 75-year period, was in which the 1820 dispersal to 1895 of the colonial period and is due to the need of understanding the relationship between the Sweta sub-clans in the absence of outside interference. From 1895, there was the beginning of outside interference; since the colonial authorities started making inroads into the region that later became known as Kenya. Such inroads perceived as sources of influence that would affect the relationship between African clans and sub clans. Therefore, they caused some form of clan divergence. To understand the pure relationship between the sub-clans, the period chosen and investigated through the collection of secondary data incorporated with primary data and collected to tell the history of a conflict in 2016, between the Nyaribari and Kitutu sub-clans at Keroka Township area.

The chapters provide a brief background of the history of the Sweta and trace their dispersal to the time settled around the Keroka area around 1850 (Ochieng’, 1986). It then traces the origins of the other Clans within the Mogusii division at Yimbo to the unknown places and as the Sweta group remained for a short period behind and before dispersal to Ramogi Hills. Analyze relationships between the Sweta households, and after the two N-K sub-clans in order to see whether or not there were disputes during this early period; all signs of conflict between them, which was rife (OI.No.9). This chapter then closes with a brief history of the emergence of Keroka urban center within Kisii and Nyamira Counties, on which the two Sweta sub-clans lay claim, resulting into enhanced and continued internal clan conflict, the subject of investigation in this work, thus need to understand the origin of the larger Abagusii community and clannism.

Abagusii name was coined by Mosweta on dispersal and settlement at Ramogi Hills At nicknamed selves Sweta name traced from the origin of their ancestor Mogusii, son of Osogo successor Mosweta (Aberi, 2009). People of Abagusii understood Sweta as ‘Sweet or good' leadership; because Mosweta Onyangore was the person guiding the Sweta clan on his kindness as Abagusii remained on dispersal and out of Ramogi Hills. The other children of Mogusii had divided their own household family members into four groups who later represented Mogusii descendants (Ochieng’1986). The first four Mogusii founded their own Gusii clans and later increased to seven clans including the Sweta or Abagusii group. The first groups were the Basi, Majoge and Girango’ who dispersed from Yimbo, after the death of their father ‘Mogusii’ dispersed together to the unknown lands leaving behind the Sweta group with other family remnants.

The history of these other family households founded clans continue to be complex since the leadership of Mosweta Ngoge, on heredity took off to Kano plains after failing to unify the other descendants of Mogusii but founded his own Abagusii at Ramogi Hills and away from Yimbo. While Abagusii the nicknamed self-styled Mosweta as Sweta; originally were cattle keepers but became anglers and growers of crops after establishing themselves in the lake region. Initially at Yimbo, they had become owner-settlers and had already stabilized; but www.ijirk.com 73 | P a g e

International Journal of Innovative Research and Knowledge ISSN-2213-1356 specifically at Goye Bay was where they remained for two and half centuries and had also changed their own economic activities as they socially became stable. Generally, Abagusii traditions indicate that Sweta group was the people on psychological conflicts and throughout into their new life settlements of the Kano plains (Ochieng', 1974). This work however, focuses on the Sweta clan from Ramogi Hills to the Kano Plains in the 1820. Henceforth the later sub clans of N-K people out of the birth of chief Mosweta at Nyagoe forest who had dispersed with the two sub-clans to and around Keroka area in Gusiiland. Based on the language of ‘Ekegusii' as speakers, was closest to Ameru ‘dialects' a Bantu sub-group similar in cultures and of language-pronunciations (Imanyara 1992). Osogo (966) state, ‘Bantu attachments to Abagusii claim origin of the Kuria, Suba and Lugoli clusters who intermarried with the Sweta people and even the woman Monchari of Nchari household (Bonchari) who later founded Bonchari clan. Relationship and conflicts between the Sweta group clan barely mentioned on considering the huge scope of this work about Kitutu and Nyaribari sub-clans. The Sweta name was Abagusii just from their leader Mosweta Onyangore and the nickname Nyakundi I, who eventually dispersed out and settled around Ramogi Hills, with other Bantu speakers who further inter-married example the Suba, Kuria and Logoli (Ochieng’, 1974 b). The group however had become anglers and cultivators of millet, bananas plus many other root crops and at the same time, kept cattle and sheep. Nevertheless, the Sweta with other stocks of Bantu sub groups took up different names on dispersals as Mosweta Ngoge a family line succeeded Mosweta Onyangore from both Nyakundi I (Ngoge) right to Mosweta Onyangore as chief Sweta to Nyagoe forest Manga area. With the stock of the last reroute under Mosweta Ngoge seconded by Mosweta Onyangore, the name of Nyakundi used was for different generations. Onchoke (UCN/HD-RPA. A/2/3) state on how different Sweta groups created by Mosweta were of different family groups at Kano plains and as ‘Sweta original’ of one grandparent to a one group at Nyagoe forest. However, the political squabble within them to date was an internal clan heredity conflict.

Specifically, Sweta for a clan elder, councils facilitated and accounted for a balance of power sharing in governance (Shero, 2014). The Sweta at Nyagoe forest therefore, stayed united until the last wave of the founder leaders from the larger Sweta conflicted and founded own clans of Kitutu and Nyaribari after birth by the chief’s offspring’s in the forest therefore went into loggerheads and separated the one Sweta clan.

A traditional description for clan elders’ usefulness in Kitutu and Nyaribari community had a Self-perception and a construction of elder-based leadership in the forest Onchoke. The research used to examine Kitutu and Nyaribari clans, whichever caused internal clan conflicts. The huge population census 2009 came into guidelines of the researchers and on the question of high population density, which influenced their own internal resource conflicts and politicized (OI.No.7). Analysis given by the local educationist on the table and over Nyaribari was by the respondents on arrangements of their levels of understanding and education henceforth.

The scattered homesteads over the Kano plains became the drawing board for the structural formation of the Abagusii society who had grouped themselves into four large families at Yimbo, led by warriors and championed selves on the dispersal southwards to the unknown. The four families include the Basi totamed (zebra), Mugirango (leopard), where both Sweta and Wanjare totamed self-hippopotamus (Ochieng, 1972.In the early 19th century in a self-identity from the other Gusii clans, Kitutu totamed self to (enyomba ya enchogu) an elephant to date. However, with the formation of the four large families as stated earlier, Abagusii had started to develop their own social institutions in Gusii highlands, which resulted in the formation of the seven major Gusii clans with several sub-clan-households and as they exist in the community today. On recognition, the Sweta, a major organized clan of chiefdom, the two clans of the chieftainship were under Nyakundi II at Nyagoe forest, the lower part of Manga hills up to the Mumboism era (Shadle, 2002).

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Economically, the Sweta as noted by Ochieng’, also acquired and developed their own skills in Iron working, which enabled them to acquire weapons that were used in their spread southwards through forests and heavy bushes as inter-clan conflict. They had to fight the Kalenjin, the Dorobo and the Sirikwa, as well as the Kipsigis and as they expanded into the current Kericho and Gusii highlands (Ochieng’, 1972). The skills developed during their stay in Kano. Therefore, very important in the period 1755 to 1850 as they expanded from the Kano Plains lowland into the highland areas where they occupy currently. That this settlement took place, with advanced knowledge in Iron working, which was handy in the new form of economic development and as they became solely cultivators, thus would depend on tilling the soil as opposed to fishing and livestock keeping, done earlier during their settlements in the Kano plains. However, very little livestock rearing remains among the Abagusii and especially, in the lower territories of South Mugirango to Wanjare and the South Kitutu lands.

According to Maxon (1992 majorly Mosweta and group pushed out of Kano into the southern highland areas Onchoke (K.N.A: UCN/HD-RPA, A/2/3). Their first area of settlement was Kabianga in the current Kipsigis country. The Sweta, however, found Kabianga too cold and wet for them. Some of their plants, such as millet and pumpkins could not do well and were forced to select a few like finger millet and root crops that did well in the environment for use. Most of the animals they kept died and with the failure of their crops earlier on, had famine that killed People, making them to name the place “Kabianga” meaning, nothing can survive in this Place” (Ochieng’ & Maxon 1992). Apart from the natural calamities, the Kipsigis constantly attacked the Abagusii forcing them to disperse into Maasai land during the period 1789 and 1809. Pushed to the south into Maasai land, the Abagusii-Sweta clan continued to suffer repeated attacks from the Maasai people (Ndeda, 2019). This left the Sweta confused with the sub-clans, such as, the Sweta sub-clans the Kitutu, Nyaribari and remnants of Girango who had settled in the current Kisii North area well spread to the Manga Hills/Escarpment right from Trans Mara Triangle. Other groups mainly consisted of the Majoge, Bassi and with a section of the South Girango who had escaped to Nyakige in Maasai land but later spread to ‘Esuguta ya Muunde,’ and eventually to Kabwoch in the current Luo land of Homa Bay County (Aberi, 2009).

Other mixed clan groups of Bassi, Majoge and Girango together with the Nchari, seem to have escaped into Suba and the Migori area. While the Nchari dispersed northwestwards and took refuge in the Nyakoe forest also hereby founded Wanjare location of the present Kisii South County. As the Sweta (Abagusii) struggled to find their notch within the highlands and its environs, more trouble faced them since they found themselves sandwiched between the Kipsigis, the Maasai and the Luo. However, the three communities continued to attack them as Sweta in regular cattle raids. Battles were fought and because of that ‘for example’ in 1892 the Kipsigis fought the Abagusii-Sweta border, at river Sondu, where all of the Abagusii clans and own entire sub-clans became involved in accouter attack and foe a win (Silberschmidt, 1999). These seen that there could have been other battles fought apart from this one oral informants in table of figures (2.1) mentioned a battle of 1881, where the Kipsigis were defeated by the Abagusii as many of them got killed to an extent that their blood stain turned the ‘Border River’ into a red color. Because of such wars Kalenjin fear of attacks by the Abagusii clans as a whole continued to move and disperse north by adjusting their settlements into safer regions right from the Trans Mara Triangle. Nevertheless, many different clans and sub-clans of the Sweta moved to the different and safer areas of the Kineni settlement Scheme and majority after independence. They dispersed from the Triangle to Bonchari, Majoge and Bogirango North and South as others remained in the ‘Nyagetubo’ area. The major sub-clans, such as the Nyaribari, Kitutu and Basi sub-clan of Sweta occupied the upper parts of the highland within the Kisii and Nyamira counties to date.

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By 1809, the migration on dispersal and settlement of the Abagusii was complete and within the highland area to their homestead, which spread from Sotik of Chebilat and currently shared border with the Kipsigis country down to Ikorongo in Maasai land. Relations of the Gusii people indicate their political organization in a family which is the smallest unit in society that consist of married couples with or without offspring (Subbo, 1992). For Kitutu and Nyaribari clans, social formation Oral Informant (No.19) state, the two sub-clans are divided into Nyaribari and Kitutu of the large Sweta clan groups.

Before the colonial period, the Sweta extended polygamous families spatially divided into two components in the homestead (Omochie); whereas the married men and women with the unmarried daughters and uncircumcised sons lived together in households. Cattle camps (ebisarate) were located in the grazing areas, where the resident male warriors protected most of the cattle. By 1895 when the colonial rule was established in Kenya, the Sweta people had established themselves as farmers in the Gusii highlands, utilizing the fertile soils, which was very productive due to adequate rainfall.

The British however, abolished the cattle camps in 1913 and in the late nineteenth century, most Abagusii settled in dispersed farmsteads, although the North Girango built fortified villages for protection against Kipsigis raids. According to Ochieng’ (1974) a homestead consisted of the Wives' houses where the compound had several elevated granaries for finger millet. The traditional Gusii house (enyomba) was a round, windowless structure with a framework of thin Branches, walls of dried mull and a conical thatched roof. Murdock (1994) state, ‘bomas’ accommodate single homesteads versus several other family houses; where some schools define a family in many ways and in various other ways, the researcher deduced the following in 'a Family’ as ‘a social group characterized by a common residence in an economic co-operation. Included are the 'reproductions' but not detailing own responsibilities. Today the Kitutu and Nyaribari continue to live in different dispersed homesteads sited in the middle of the farm holdings. Modern houses are rectangular, with thatched or corrugated iron roofs and cooking moved from the house to a separate kitchen structure.

There are in Kitutu personal relationships, with those who occupied the area known as to Masaba and are mainly the higher parts of the Gusii highland compared to Chache side and for who occupied the lower parts such as the Kitutu clan constituencies of Kisii County. The community consisted of the clans, which now have several sub- clans and are with each other group recognizing and accepting affinities that mark them off and from the other sub-clans of Kitutu groups. However, the Masaba region occupied by many of the North Kitutu and Nyaribari north, Mukhusero remnants of the Sweta are married women from the Suba family as a few are to the North Mugirango of Mochorwa family in sub-groups. Those who occupied the Chache Kisii County region, on the other hand, consisted of clans of Basi, Majoge and South Mugirango, bordered by Wanjare to the Kitutu of the North (Maxon, 1989).

This occupation on both regions, that is Masaba and Chache areas completed from the last half of the 19th century. Ochieng’, (1974 b) state these therefore, completed the competition for resources internal disputes between Nyaribari and Kitutu clans’ hereditary conflicts and confined all the clan groups into particular areas, limiting any further movements across the land. Some sub clans for example Nyaribari and Kitutu of Kisii and Nyamira border however, continue to compete over certain resources and have had continuous conflicts since then to their own areas of occupation and specifically around Keroka Township. Maxon, (1989) note: “eight sub-tribes or clans that came to make up the Sweta people did not, despite belief in a common ancestor as Mosweta of Abagusii and the existence of a common language, customs and social system, they (Kitutu) had centralized political institutions in the period, prior to British administration. Political integration was seldom at the level of the whole people; more often than not, it was at the level of the clan” and confirmed by (OI.No.09).

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The clan elders from different Sweta sub-clans formed the political entity that ran the affairs of the community (Maxon (1989). However, unity of action arrived rarely, especially in cases of defense against a common enemy from outside or from within. Disputes were solved using laid down procedures that involved the council of elders and particular personalities within the community sub-clans that were respected on the basis of the offices they held in society. When such a team came up together, they discussed and eventually came up with a solution to any problem or problems that troubled the Kitutu and Nyaribari clan community. Alan (1995) state, on socio-cultural practices over internal clan conflicts emphasizes that all members of the next one’s Gusii generation are ‘abana' children and are in family land disputes. While one stands for ‘omwana' or child, are for individual fisticuffs. Grandchildren's generation are ‘omochokoro’ grandchild and for the grandparents' generation are ‘sokoro' or for a grandfather-male. That ‘magokoro' grandmother-female in the hard economic times defined is a social relation backlog for grandchildren at the demise of parents in this HIV-Aids era to cause internal family misunderstandings.

A sign of internal clan disputes within one's own family are recognition for some families in the Village-set ups Alan, (1995). For instance, a Basi family at Keroka group is into Kitutu and or as Abatondo offspring of the Maasai, who were not welcome in the private discussions of Kitutu Sub clan gatherings, but sat at all the times at the mercy of the clan suspicion. For a different reason Kitutu political identities are included as ‘Abakimweto, Abandaracha and Bogisero and right are from ‘Abagere' (Luo); that together with other town-dwellers on a limited tenure are on property ownership conflicts. On the other hand, different perceptions, values of the world wars are in the 82 views of the research as sorted; transcended just are ‘differences' which had resulted into an extreme connotation of internal clan conflicts and within the Sweta people. Intra-faith violence was a critical example of the breakdown of order and as soon, that happened, is within the split of Kisii and Nyamira County leadership on which tension resurfaced.

Nevertheless, within a family-clan set up, everyone shares the fathers’ resources and with each other; thus influencing family disputes of the social clan (Gechiko, 2012). The elders’ council is called egesaku headed by Omokumi or Omogambi, a chief who plays both judicial and religious functions on responsibilities (OI.No.12). This office of the chief was somehow hereditary and the community looked at them as a link with the ancestors. The chiefs, with the help of the elders, took up leadership responsibilities in political and religious or other social activities. It was thus difficult to separate the ceremonial and religious functions from those of political nature as performed by the Abagusii- Sweta leaders (Ochieng’, 1974 b). The chief held the position of political leader but was not an automatic all-powerful figure in society with his powers confined to only the clan he came from. The no structured political systems that brought up all the Abagusii as to be under one ruler. It is only among the Kitutu that an attempt at unity with a powerful chief or leader somehow realized prior to the colonial administration (Maxon, 1989). Akama, (2006) however note that, irrespective of the disagreements and internal clan in which conflicts broke out, are with Kitutu and Nyaribari to the 21st century and instigated individual actors.

The clans used as units of relationships and connected the different clusters of villages within which the Abagusii lived (Silberschmidt, 1999). Such clans played the role of political participation or units which were significant in territorial organization, whichever and further contributed towards harmonious coexistence among the different clans and N-K sub-clans. Despite this, there are still feuds among and between Sweta clans and household clans. Although social organization in the clan moieties, lineages are all practices with the Nyaribari and Kitutu clans as descendants of one large Sweta sub-clan without discrimination. Shadle, (2006) claims that, ‘a common ancestry from Mogusii retained customs' were during the time and period of the 20th century, however and slightly changed into the modern times of post Colonialism, causing a number of internal clan conflicts (OI.No. 10).

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As Gusii, settlement went on; elders led by small groups moved from ridge to ridge-laying claim to where they settled Maxon, (1989) until all ridges occupied; relatives of those who occupied particular ridges kept on joining the new settlements, hence making particular settlements to grow most with time in the North (OI.No.11). The new ridges occupied as the population increased and there was a need to split up Onchoke. This process was characterized by scrambling for what was available in terms of land for occupation and resources exploited. This was intense and even pitted close brothers like the Nyaribari and the Kitutu in the Keroka Township area, which investigated this work. As there were economic transformations taking place from the Abagusii settlement in Gusii Highlands, it resulted into certain forms of conflict between and among the Nyaribari and Kitutu groups at Keroka. The settlement was slow and intermittent in nature, therefore, causing the members to antagonize each other causing conflicts investigated in detail between the Nyaribari and the Kitutu who inhabit the Keroka Township area. From a Pastoralist way of life, the Abagusii had to change to farming way of life, had to struggle to get suitable land for cultivation, and this probably became a source of conflict between and among the Abagusii clans. Ochieng’, (1974 a; 1974 b) holds that the cool, wet highlands were not suited for the raising of large herds of cattle.

Thus, the ecological zone in which the Nyaribari and Kitutu settled in made them too slow and gradually began to adopt an agricultural way of life, away from Pastoralism. Levels (Figure, 1.) show Abagusii had evolved and managed to remain a relatively distinct Bantu community in spite of the fact of interactions with different ecologies and predominantly the Nilotic neighbors. These other people’s way of life in one way or the other in conflicts of economic nature and related to boundaries shared by the two sub-clans of the Sweta Clan at Keroka, is political in nature (Figure 3.1. map) on constituencies of Gusii clan demarcations. Akama (2017) confirms Abagusii language for example, has borrowed some words from the neighboring communities to some of the crops, cuisines and other habits; enhancing such conflict as distributed in figure 1, map. Despite this borrowing, the Abagusii have retained much of their culture, even to the long period of interaction and cooperation, through trade and intermarriages, but conflicts however with other forms of interaction did not influence the culture in any significant way. A small number of the Kitutu and Nyaribari communities however, trace their ancestry from some other groups and are particularly the Maasai, Luo and the Kipsigis with similar internal disputes. They also share names obtained from these other communities to date but in intra-clan disputes.

Kitutu, succession was an internal family conflict based on Mosweta Ngoge succession and out of good leadership to Nyagoe forest. The mentor of Kitutu as son Oisera the first born of the first wife passed on, as his leadership became contested by own family grandchildren of the first and second houses, as the birth of Kitutu founded another name (enyomba ya enchogu) elephant clan was from the second house. Alan, (1995) indicate family of disputes, have most participants teamed up and are to be the cause of families of Nyaribari versus Kitutu clan conflicts as consequences. Getutu nicknamed Kitutu leadership followed by Nyaribari sub-clan nicknamed Onyangore was Bari born from the first house of chief Oisera lineage was the cousin brother who had become troublesome by 1830. Ogot (1976) post Nyaribari clan settled in the slopes of Nyanchwa hills and joined with friends to Keumbu extending to the Keroka area a home away and different from the inherited land.

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Figure 1: Map of Kenya showing different Bantu groups that migrated into Kenya in a similar way of the Abagusii reflecting Keroka area (Source: Drawn by Samuel Nyangueso of Jooust School of Spatial Planning, 2019).

The Sweta clan relations before and as at Kano plains While at Kisumo Abagusii or Sweta still together with the Abalogoli and at it the two parted company since the Logoli group moved northwards to their current location in the current Vihiga County; while the Abagusii after staying for a while, moved to the Kano Plains and its surrounding areas (Kiriama, 1986). The name Abagusii was adopted while staying at Ramogi and on dispersal to Kisumo for purposes of identification. It meant “the people of Mogusii” This brought about a distinction between the Abagusii and the Logoli who had hitherto moved from Yimbo as one group. As the Abalogoli moved north, the Abagusii moved south into Kano Plains.

As stated in (Section 2.2), the Abagusii trace their origin to Mogusii and were sons of Osogo (Aberi, 2009). While at their Kano Plains settlements the Sweat were able to solidify their social structures and four main family groups emerged. These, as indicated earlier, were the Bassi, Mugirango, Sweta and Wanjare remnants. The large groups that evolved into the main Abagusii clans in Gusiiland that spread southwards and eventually occupied the current Gusii of Kisii; in a dispersal process narrated in (Section 2.2). The Sweta as one of the larger groups moved from Kano settlements into the present Karachuonyo area was where they settled briefly and now at Wire Hills. From Wire Hill areas they moved to Masosa area then to the present day Kabianga from where famine drove them away forcing them to move further south to Chepalungu area and then eventually to the Trans Mara area where they www.ijirk.com 79 | P a g e

International Journal of Innovative Research and Knowledge ISSN-2213-1356 encountered the first Abagirango of the South who had occupied the area and earlier. According to Kiriama (1986), different Abagusii clans and Sweta sub-clans were settling in different parts of the Gusii highlands by late 17th and early 18th Centuries.

In their migration movements, due to identity the Sweta group divided into two smaller sub-clan groups that sojourned differently within the Gusii Highlands. The Osiango, of Kitutu for example, occupied the present day Bosiango area where the Abagirango North found them settled down. Remnants of the Mogusii group, who had left to Riasiago of Kitutu area, have a detailed analysis of the Abagusii clan history. Whichever, is outside the scope of this work. As indicate that the Osiango people of the Sweta may have separated from the Abanyamatuta at Bonchari (Wanjare) Forest and around 1680 when the Abanyamatuta got their new name of Abagirango at dispersal to Kebirigo area; a name that was given by the Osiango group. This could have been around 1753 or in the midst of (1750 – 1755). The two N-K groups had been separated for almost one generation and did not know Osiango of Girango North were brothers. Because of this, there was hostility between the Abanyamatuta and the Osiango (Abaisanga) which led to internal fights and in which the Osiango found self-defeated. The Osiango then retreated to their present day location of Central Kitutu. Due to their long separation identification from other members of the group, they were regarded as settlers (Abamenyi) of Kitutu sub-clans and were not truly Abagetutu. This perhaps explains why there have been Internal sub-clan conflicts between those who would otherwise be brothers living peacefully and Side-by-side (OI.No.7).

In the other narrations, the term Sweta came from the name of Mosweta Onyangore, who was also known as Nyakundi 1, one of the leaders of the Abagusii as they stayed at and moved from Kisumu-Kano settlements. Alan (1995) suggests that as the Abagusii clan structure took shape, people took up names that associated them to/with good and admired ancestors. Sweta was one of the sons of Mogusii credentials alongside the Nchari, Majoge, Basi and Mugirango who formed a base for clan structural developments. Several groups aligned themselves to the five groups. Sweta, for example, became the covering name clan for the groups that later became known as Kitutu and Nyaribari clans. The two groups then grew in large populations, while referring to themselves as the Nyaribari and the Kitutu clans without reference to the term ‘Sweta’. In essence, the two groups are sub-clans of the Sweta major Clan.

Ochieng’ (1974) states that the two groups, Nyaribari and Kitutu lived together at Nyakoe Forest as Sweta Group, especially after the death of Nyakundi (II) at Nyagoe forest. In the 1850s, they lived between the current Keumbu and Keroka area extending to the borders of Maasai land. Here, Bari of Nyaribari and Getutu of Kitutu were born who later became leaders of Nyaribari and Kitutu respectively as in this work, refer to Sweta sub-clans. The division of the two groups was because of internal succession disputes. The childlessness of Chief Kibagendi, successor of chief Ngoge of the Sweta left a loophole, which created an opportunity for competition on who was to become the heir to the throne on the death of the King. The Nyaribari group on protest eventually killed Chief Kibagendi and was in order to enthrone Gichana who was a younger brother of the King in the first house born. This led to further disputes and conflicts between the Kitutu household groups and that have continued to date in their areas of settlement and around Keroka Town Kitutu clan leadership successions. However, Kitutu and Nyaribari do not trust each other from that fact to date. Their settlement around Keroka Town is characterized by the same mistrust (OI.No.15) and there are conflicts over various issues on some of which remain cultural and or historical in nature.

Apart from the deep mistrust, that has historically caused Kitutu and Nyaribari conflicts in the pre-colonial political influence vested in local male elders' councils and in the big-men who dominated their neighborhoods (Hakansson, 1988). In the absence of cross cutting form, social organization and political life factionalized into descent-based groups of varying ramifications. Between N-K, most respondents attribute the continued conflict www.ijirk.com 80 | P a g e

International Journal of Innovative Research and Knowledge Volume-6 Issue-5, May 2021 and dispute on competitions over resources table (3.1); however, the leadership within the two groups has focused on the distribution of resources to the people extending to the modern times politically. In the Pre-colonial period however, cultures dictated the relationship between the two groups as provided for in the traditional leadership of practice. According to (appendix III) FGD, leadership is based on the elders who are culturally and historically biased and therefore not providing good guidance to the community in order to preempt any internal emerging clan conflict. Most of the people interviewed, as well as, the historical accounts of scholars confirmed by Ochieng’, (1976 and Ogot (1974) hold that conflicts and disputes emerged because of Socio-cultural factors and competition over resources. Education of the respondents as indicated in Table 2.1, show that most of them, having not gone beyond ‘O’ Level standard of education may not have understood very well the history of the Abagusii and the causes of the conflicts the two clans have and had throughout time. Nevertheless, from the repeated mention of the socio-cultural nature of the conflicts deduced that the two communities had a long history of conflicts right from the time the social structures developed.

A history of Kitutu and Nyaribari relations at Nyagoe to Keroka area 1850 A history of Kitutu and Nyaribari relations at Nyagoe to Keroka area Sweta clan headed by Mosweta Ngoge from Trans Mara inherited from the known Nyakundi (II) followed again by at his death chief Oisera in the forest who had led the Sweta group through Kabianga and to Nyakoe Forest settlements as at the chief’s old age. Evidence of the Land Commission Report (KICEO ‘a’, 934) indicates that after Nyakundi II, chief Oisera proclaimed leader after the old man Nyakundi death. After chief Oisera, another nicknamed Nyakundi ‘Getutu’ grandson of the chief, titled responsible and rose to the clan post. Later nicknamed self, clan chief Kitutu over people to the dispute of Bari (Nyaribari). The current Kitutu clan, now s looked at one of the sub-clans of the larger Sweta sub clans who form the largest second house of the Sweta heredity in Gusiiland.

The focus group discussion from Nyaribari and Kitutu (table 2.1) are followed on the respondents’ conflict responses as confirmed by (Maxon 1989). Information displayed in a realistic format was a way of portraying information in a few words and efficiently illustrated details provided in longer textual information. Diagram displays provided a multidimensional space to organize facts and showed connections between different pieces of the relevant records (Dey, 1993). A main goal of any diagram was to provide ready access to information and convey a message, a discovery and or a particular viewpoint on specific information (Lengler & Eppler, 2007). Explicit representation allowed the reader to get hold of insights and develop an elaborate understanding or appreciate new knowledge. Stuck theorists believe that creating diagram representations of the emerging theories is an inherent and necessary step in speculation structures (Charmaz, 2006; Strauss, 1987).

Therefore, the research examined qualities of assessment, calculated, varied with age in table (2.1) and the respondent results. A structural representation approach was useful from the five focus group discussions as to generate extents and in worth estimates from the 100 check respondents. Those results showed respondent age, increased the percentage of a true score difference in a study assess, but tended to decline in age-wise. The percentages of both random and correlated error discrepancy tended to increase as people tended to have more interrelated or less differentiated views about N-K conflicts. However, these trends highly replicable from review to investigation were except for the level of discrimination in views. Not attributable to older respondents who tend to have less education than younger people gave a historical fact. The result suggested the older respondents’ tended to provide a somewhat less precise indication of the attitudes, behaviors and or other characteristics as measured compared to the younger aged respondents. Nevertheless, the relationship among review measures did not necessarily become weaker. The study sought in (Table 3.2) was quantitative information from the respondents on what they thought was the cause of conflicts and disputes in the Keroka Township area. www.ijirk.com 81 | P a g e

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Table 2.1: Levels of the Respondents Respondents education Females Males In percentage In percentage levels for Males for Females 1 Primary & Below 10 35 12.7% 4.4% 2 ‘O’ Level Education 12 16 53.1% 11.2% 3 ‘A’ Level Education 5 11 1.3% 0.4% 4 Diploma Education 3 3 5.3% 2.7% 5 Graduate 2 3 5.8% 3.2% 6 Postgraduate - - - - 7 Professor - - - - Totals 32 + 68 = 100 78.1% + 21.9%=100

In stiff competitions, Ochieng’ (1794) stated the throne was for a younger brother of Nyakundi II known as Bari who was also known as Onyangore or Nyakundi I. This brother, due to succession disputes led a splinter group of the Sweta that became Nyaribari and looked in this work as the Nyaribari sub-clan of the Sweta. The completion for the throne divided the two groups. When the Kitutu elders show the nature of the disputes, they supported Nyakundi II who eventually became Chief of Kitutu taking over from Chief Kibagendi who was also killed by the Nyaribari splinter group enhancing clan conflicts (K.N.A: 1963). Thus, succession disputes seen in the history of the two sub-clans as foundational in the continued conflict and disputes between the Nyaribari and the Kitutu sub- clans of the Sweta. Relationship between the Nyaribari and the Kitutu remained soar in the 1830s (Ochieng’, 1976 a). The Kitutu fed up with Nyaribari behaviors attacked Nyaribari resulting into a guerilla kind of warfare between the two sub-groups. The Nyaribari however pushed towards the south and to the border with the Maasai. As Nyaribari spread south, they were on dispersal until they reached Keroka and from where they could not move any further north. They stayed side by side with the Kitutu and within a political and socio-economic wrangle, continuing until the 2010 constitution, when the new governance system in Kenya put them in the separate counties, into Nyamira County and Kisii County. Even so, this new arrangement brought about the new form of dispute and conflicts and especially struggling over the management of Keroka Town center.

Clan’s different confrontational leaderships in the family led to more internal dispersals in the area of Nyagoe (Ochieng’, 1974). However, Nyaribari thrown out of the forest made by a lone ranger dispersal pattern was through ‘Bari’ but only changed sites within the Gusii highland. Being a bitter rivalry group of circumstances Getutu (Kitutu) born in the second house took over the reign as Nyaribari under Bari drifted further south and far- apart for security purposes of the furious clan leadership heredity of chief Kibagendi. Sweta word in the clan history originated strongly from the two born cousins by different mothers and wives of chief Kibagendi in Nyagoe forest. However, at Keumbu dispersal to the borders of Maasai land internal clan conflict foundation relocates to the birth of Bari and Getutu fighting for chieftainship.

Soon later were the founders of Kitutu and Nyaribari clans by 1850 both spread to the Keroka area. Before then, they had lived together for five-year period in the forest of Nyagoe as descendants of the old father, Onyangore and before their eventual division of the southeast at Getembe, as Kitutu and remained in the central part of the northeast Getembe stretched down from Keroka area. Ogot, (2012) states succession disputes arose from the two- Sweta leaders due to the different wives of working chief Kibagendi in a heredity succession; that the grandchildren nicknamed selves Nyaribari was ‘Bari’ of the first house and felt a rightful hair. The other clan for Kitutu was born out of ‘Getutu’ bush, a grandchild born from the second wife's house of Kibagendi and was because the first women had not given birth to a male child for the old good chief. It raised questions and tensions www.ijirk.com 82 | P a g e

International Journal of Innovative Research and Knowledge Volume-6 Issue-5, May 2021 of heredity in the whole village but at the remarriage in search of a son was Bari, which became a blessing although from the second house a norm.

Disputing on that, the nicknamed Nyaribari clan group followers saw themselves with a better chance to inherit the chief leadership. Deep in their hearts had to acquire chieftainship whenever they felt like. The known first house had the right of the name as the child of Kibagendi of clan leadership. Indicated Nyaribari disagreed with their cousin brothers the Kitutu, they moved them or drove them away from the Nyakoe Forest area to Nyanchwa Hills. At the time, a number of battles fought between the two sub-groups and until the Nyaribari warriors decided not to wage any more wars against their brothers, the Kitutu. Confirmed by (oral informant No.17) mentioned this decision which was able to stop all other major conflicts leading to internal clan wars and especially between the two N-K groups but until the recent skirmishes that affected the area and in the 2016 (clan elder OI, No. 3, 25/11/2017).

Clan politics dominated by the history of relationships among some the Abagusii Ochieng’ (1974) are the Sweta clans. Shortly before the coming of the British into Gusii land, the Kitutu had pushed Nyaribari away, who found a large part of the Keroka area, hitherto the occupied land by the Basi sub-clan of Kitutu remnants, who attacked them. By this time, the Basi had erected kraals in Nyaribari with stone barriers on their borders offensive to the Kitutu at Ichuni. These areas often have seen constant conflicts and disputes based on resources among other things, especially land and other socio-cultural conflicts, carried on from the long history of internal Sweta conflicts and disputes (OI.No.18).

According to historical records (Ogot, 1976) both Kitutu and Nyaribari trace their origin to one person however Mosweta Onyangore and leader of the Abagusii. The Abagusii-Sweta traditions show that the two sub-groups emerged while Abagusii were still at their Kano Plains, settlements and that of during the formation of Mogusii clan structures on dispersal. This is when the Sweta group chose a sweet leader ‘Onyangore’ who came up and within it emerged the competing sub groups of the Kitutu and the Nyaribari at Nyagoe Forest. The two groups then grew an expanded up to have many other smaller household groups making it to be seen that Kitutu and Nyaribari actually are the larger clans with many other sub-clans within them.

An Oral Informant youth (No. 4 and No. 5 on the 25/11/2017) confirm that Nyaribari group or clan has many sub- clans or groups totaling to about 29 groups, including what the traditionalist call, ‘Kamba-nane’ (8); that describe to those sister sub-clans who cannot intermarry. Ogot, (1976) confirming the fact states that some of these groups include members of other ethnic Groups, such as the Maasai that the Abagusii mixed up with them, but cannot intermarry. The Several sub-clan names of some of these groups include Bonyamayio, Mwamoriango, Mwamonda, Bomobea, Bonyamasicho, Bonyakoni, Bogeka, Mwaboto, Boguche, Boburia, Bokimweto, Botondo, Bosigisia, Mwanyako'mbura, Okona, Teba, Mwanyaboke, Bogisero, Abaichuni, Abandandaracha, Mogati, Otaranda, Bogisesa, Basoroko, Boronyi, Momeroga, Mwamosomi, Bonyagatanyi and Mwanyakerario (OI.No.5). Names of N-K households based on sub-clan and or political Sweta clan divisions are existing. A Town (OI, No.1.) indicates the sub-clans and many more others who emerged further are into Kitutu and a few include the Abatondo, who are believed to have come from the Maasai community. As well are the Abakimweto, Abandaracha and Abagisero’ in Kitutu on the list of the respondents. While in Nyaribari, some groups related to the Kitutu include the Abasweta, who are now referred to as Abagere' and who are of Luo origin; but are now part of Nyaribari sub-clan groups. However, their presence has caused internal clan squabbles among the Kitutu and their neighbors of the Nyaribari sub-clans to date (OI.No.10).

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Kitutu and Nyaribari relationship at Keroka Township since 1907 As discussed in Section 2.4 above, the Kitutu and the Nyaribari groups of the Abagusii specifically Sweta after a long period of conflicts and dispute often culminate into wars, nevertheless decided to live peacefully and side by side at Keroka without major wars. Disputes and conflicts however continued between them slowly and especially around Keroka Township area where they shared a common border as an income resource.

Those realities often over the British conquest saw the arrival of the British around 1905 in the area, brought back stoical memories of war. The Abagusii rebelled and fought against the British at Getembe bunt and unfortunately, the spears which no match against the machine guns used by the British butchered as Abagusii in large numbers. Ochieng’, (1974) states that in 1908 the District Commissioner also speared to death by Abagusii warriors, enhanced hostility between the Abagusii clans against the British colonial authority. This hostility continued throughout the period of the First World War, which saw many Abagusii people recruited into the war again. After the end of the First World War (WWI), Nyaribari and Kitutu sub-clans decided to continue to live side by side in the Keroka area. A new development however was that Socio-economic conflicts and disputes stayed as the development of Keroka town continued.

According to Bogonko (1986), there were disputes over clan sites and within the integration of two groups into political and economic groups around the new town developing, squabbles over resources such as land also compounded up, as the British acquired more land within the wider Gusii land. The Abagusii-Sweta had to protect some of the cultural sites, for example the Saosa Battle Site where the Kitutu had defeated the Kipsigis in 1892 which remained important. The location of the site was historic since it marked a period in which the Abagusii community including the Sweta clans as far as from Mugirango South to the North started expanding into their current areas of occupation. From here the Sweta, for example the Kitutu people, dispersed further eastwards of the Trans-Mara Triangle without any resistance from the Kipsigis once again and are into Gelgel of Kineni as indicated in (appendix 1; elder OI, No. 2). By 1895 as the British were taking over Kenya, these two groups had established their socio-economic orientation around Keroka town on conflict, which now is steadily developing into an urban (Figure-map 3.2).

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Oral informant (No.7) narrate that Keroka Town started as an Open Air market at the time of the colonial government; while by 1914 the major urban centers in western Kenya included Kisii (Getembe) town, which featured prominently due to its political location in the administration of the Kavirondo Region. Keroka Town by then was one of the important urban areas that supplied goods to the residents of Kisii town as it was on the highway linking Kisii and Kericho and eventually Nairobi. Today, the town has grown as a major trading junction and is with a great potential for traders not only from Gusii land, but also from all parts of the country. Its location between the two Abagusii clans of Nyaribari and Kitutu conflicts, however, poses a bigger problem of the dispute. Moreover, the two counties of Nyamira and Kisii claim ownership of the town making the conflict between them visible in all aspects as political, social and economic.

There was also a rush for space and subsequent occupation by vendors of the town who intended to acquire for business which caused an overflow of people into Keroka town, sparking off competition and more so, between the historical residents of the area, the Nyaribari and the Kitutu. The town then became a center stage for competition that has continued through time to the devolved government systems, with the two counties and own people; especially politicians claim huge ownership and management rights over the town. This is a new form of conflict and disputes over the area that needed an investigation over the second objective.

In summary this chapter looked at the history of the Sweta Clan of the larger Abagusii and focused on the Nyaribari and Kitutu sub-clans as the Sweta clan. The main aim was to trace the history of conflict and disputes between them since from the data obtained through the oral informants and the scholars, developed as the history of the Abagusii; it seems that the Nyaribari and the Kitutu Sub clans have had a long history of disputes and conflicts between self. As they migrated from Goye Beach east of Lake Victoria, the Sweta by then made part of the larger clans of Abagusii. Faced by hostility from the other ethnic groups particularly the Nilotic Luo and pushed from Got Ramogi into Alego area of Siaya as they were again out from Kano Plains where they had settled and had their social structures built well. That as they dispersed from Kano Plains into the highland areas, had to face other groups like the Kipsigis and the Maasai, who constantly attacked and raided their settlements. These were external conflicts and wars fought with other ethnic groups, which they borrowed for the internal conflict.

As founded social structures they formed amongst them as Abagusii, a developed internal conflict between and among their own different genealogies. In particular, different Sweta groups within the Abagusii, started to have differences amidst selves, which caused internal-clan conflicts and disputes. The investigation of the relationship between the Nyaribari and the Kitutu reveal that succession disputes made their relationship sour and together with other factors through time, the two sub-groups have had a history of conflicts and dispute, which occasionally resulted into war. From very early in the formation of the two groups there has been an intense competition over leadership. Searching for whom to take over clan leadership and from Chief Kibagendi, brought the two sub-groups into near war when eventually the nicknamed Nyakundi from the Kitutu group took over. However, and after this the Nyaribari group had killed the Old Good Chief Kibagendi and caused hatred. Since the event, the two groups were involved in guerilla warfare until the Nyaribari warriors got tired and said they would wage no more wars against their brothers. This was before the colonial authorities who took over Gusii land. Those activities of the colonial regime brought however, all Abagusii clans together as they saw themselves facing a common enemy as the N-K sub-groups too responded positively. They together fought the colonial authorities as one group Abagusii once again after participating in world events such as the First World War as a group.

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Expansionism and claim of different areas based on cultural sites, resulted into regular internal conflicts and disputes. The Nyaribari and the Kitutu around Keroka rekindled their historical differences and conflicts emerged around resources as a socio-cultural issue, for example, control of Keroka cultural site. As Keroka town developed, the two groups competed for space and management of affairs of the town. With more people coming to reside at Keroka, competition for space and other business related matters created other forms of conflicts to disputes. Later, when the devolved government system was introduced, the town split into two; further bringing it to the center of greater competition between Kisii and Nyamira counties within the Nyaribari and Kitutu sub-clans in the forefront of the political and socio-economic competition. That has enhanced the dispute between the two groups around and over Keroka Township.

It is evident that histories of the relationship between Nyaribari and Kitutu sub-clans provide the foundation of internal conflict and dispute that has characterized the negative interactions sub groups. The next chapter, we look at the objective of the nature and causes of disputes particularly around Keroka, where two groups have lived side by side for centuries. This is important as knowledge to the causes may lead to the development of suitable strategies for mitigation to eliminate hurdles for development of shared town resources.

A history of the relationship between N-K sub-clans during their settlement at Keroka The study established that the Sweta clan emerged as Abagusii stayed at the Kano Plains and this marked the genesis of conflicts, whichever, had resulted from competition for resources. Secondary data also reveal that by the time the groups reached the Gusii highlands and settled in their respective areas, the many groups had witnessed intense competition over resources and especially land, leading to a number of internal conflicts. The study reveals that Sweta Clan, which was one of the bigger divisions of the Abagusii at Goye, had other smaller sub-clans such as N-K, heavily affected by resource competition and inconsistency for them to disperse. Nyaribari and Kitutu constantly in conflict, caused by competition for recognition and leadership were over resources at Nyagoe forest. Information from scholars such as Ochieng’, also reveals that N-K started their rivalries earlier than before they settled at the Keroka area and was during the first half of the 19th century. Therefore, conflicts and signs were of clash during their migration from Goye, east of Lake Victoria to the Gusii highlands, where they eventually settled on different ridges. Some of these conflicts turned violent and such events remained to the Keroka incumbency as memories that later caused and sustained the conflict at the Keroka Township boundary area 2016. This study talks about who the Sweta Clan are or were, then describes the relationship between the N- K sub-clans then characterized by suspicion and conflict.

The nature, source and impacts of the dispute between N-K sub-clans at Keroka Township Migration and dispersal relation to ‘Conflict Findings’ suggest that at the formation of the Abagusii social structures was while they stayed at the Kano Plains. Here four main ethnic groups formed which ushered in competition that saw the introduction of the N-K intra-clan conflicts. Secondary data also reveal that by the time the groups reached the Gusii highlands and settled in their respective areas, the many groups had witnessed intense competition over resources and especially land, leading to a number of internal Abagusii clan conflicts. The study reveals that Sweta Clan which was one of the bigger divisions of the Abagusii at Goye had other smaller sub-clans such as Girango amongst others and N-K, heavily affected by resource competition and inconsistency. Causes and effects on the N-K had severe consequences as noted in the discussions; although the response to the question of the source and the impact of the conflict between N-K indicate that history has a greater contribution to the continued conflicts and disputes for the two sub groups from Nyagoe forest to Keroka area skirmishes. The results also indicate that relationships and effectiveness in the community dialogue through time was lacking. A higher percentage of respondents see the continued conflict between N-K emanating from www.ijirk.com 86 | P a g e

International Journal of Innovative Research and Knowledge Volume-6 Issue-5, May 2021 historical rivalries and political competition on supremacy battles. However, town resources were a factor for the conflict, but since the colonial period, government and community leaders had handled distribution of the resource to a large extent, rightfully. The impacts of the conflicts since have been greatly felt within the two sub- groups where most respondents think that distrust and political wrangles witnessed between N-K are over the years, was because of their conflicts. This has in turn affected the socio-economic and political well-being of the two parties and together with other impacts (table 3.2). A discussion in the study argues ‘there has always been a need to put in place suitable strategies to manage and/or eliminate source-effective clash factors’.

Strategies employed to cope with disputes and resource conflicts for Nyaribari and Kitutu at Keroka Township and environ From information gathered, the study established that a combination of strategies has been engaged since the Sweta sub-clans settled in Keroka Township. Based on responses collected the strategies are classified into traditional and modern methods. Information gathered showed that whenever a conflict arose between the sub- clans, the elders under Omogambi (chief) sat down and carried out negotiations until an amicable solution was established. In other cases, the respondents indicated that conflicts among the Sweta of Keroka Township are sorted out through mediation approaches. Through the wisdom of a neutral person of celebrated experience, elders from either sub-clan met and shared the issue under conflict. Sometimes, the conflicting parties pressurized to give peace a chance.

Another approach that engaged was that of tolerance in which the two groups allowed their conflicts to slowly die off without any major interventions by the elders or other third parties. With the expansion of Keroka Township, buildings, roads and business premises came up. Under this circumstance, most respondents revealed that constant negotiations and compromise took prominence and thus led to a win-win situation. Under agreement from the two Sweta clans residing in Keroka Township, the communities and or groups aligned to security operations with the needs of the residents in order to avoid conflict. The Nyaribari believed that they were targeted and their businesses vandalized by the Kitutu. This created conflict within the town.

In order to solve this, the two groups aligned the security of the town to take care of all residents irrespective of which side they came from. Some participants indicated that there are circumstances when the two parties looked at the conflicts between them as the act of the gods and simply let them pass seeing them as punishment from the gods for failing to live right. Traditional cleansing was and therefore, resorted to, in order to solve such kinds of conflicts which people could not understand the causes. Withdrawing or avoiding a conflict was another conflict resolution strategy that allowed emotions to subside.

Among the modern strategies employed to minimize conflicts in Keroka Township was that overtaking certain issues like land, unfair distribution of resources to even calming cases of political incitements. Crimes involving theft, especially, shop breakages handled by the courts when owners or securities got hold of the culprits. Additionally, Nyumba Kumi initiatives are named by most respondents as a strategy that has borne fruits in the quest of solving conflicts as in the Township. According to other respondents, disputes arose from nonexistence of boundaries, a situation some respondents settled through setting up a boundary between Nyaribari Masaba and Kitutu Masaba constituencies. Land is no longer free within the town for members of the two groups who now have to follow government guidelines in acquiring land for business and or other purposes. This reduced internal conflicts a great deal.

Social and community engagement policies has rolled out in the past decades for the aim of creating a just society was where people live harmoniously and side by side. This has helped to reduce conflicts by providing guidance on how the causes of conflicts are handled. Lastly, there has been the use of special committees and interest www.ijirk.com 87 | P a g e

International Journal of Innovative Research and Knowledge ISSN-2213-1356 groups to solve conflicts. Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) and Business committees in Keroka and environs have been in the forefront in ensuring peaceful co-existence between the Nyaribari and the Kitutu and both within the town to the rural areas surrounding the town.

Findings/Results The lesson makes the following recommendations to various stakeholders based on the findings. The stakeholders involved in the day-to-day activities of the Keroka Township are involved only when conflicts arise and include the National Government, political class and County Government. As the business community from the Sweta sub-clans and other residents look for resolutions, for town center amicably. The National Government at all times has to monitor the activities and relationship of residents of Keroka Township and avert conflicts before taking a negative turn. The political system should be encouraged to dissuade itself from using inflammatory statements that may incite one clan against the other.

The County Governments of Nyamira and Kisii are advised to leave looking at the Economic benefits of the Town, but give peace a chance to thrive, as this is the foundation of economic prosperity, assurance. Business communities should be encouraged to be in the forefront on promoting an environment of peaceful co-existence as a venture relying on the same. Finally, the N-K sub-clans should be encouraged to use what was inherited from the past positive and avoid reaping history to be the source of group disagreements, as in the case of N-K. There is therefore, need for public education to create awareness of the dangers of using the past negativity as a benefit of history. Based on those conclusions, the following recommendation be made to the national government, county governments, as well as, local administrative units; be aware of the possibility of existence of micro-level conflicts pitting smaller groups within the larger communities and or ethnicities. Such micro-level conflicts have the potential of interfering with the socio-economic and political developments in societies and wherever they occur. The government and those concerned therefore should invest in information gathering and create awareness in establishing the no conflict and division zones within communities, which cause retardation of socio-economic and political developments.

Recommendations for Future Research Since investigation of conflict between N-K covered only one small geographical area, there is need for more research done to understand relationships between the more sub-clans of Abagusii about conflict and antagonism on each other, a hindrance to development. The kind of research designed for other communities as of Nilotic and or other Bantu sub groups. In some of these larger communities, in different levels of development are because of conflict and disputes hindering the rolling out of uniform socio-economic and political development nationally. Case studies therefore on recommendations, should be conducted along the lines.

Conclusion From the data gathered from various respondents, the Sweta sub-group of the Abagusii shows that during dispersal from the lake region to Kabianga in the present day Kericho County, the Sweta group of the Abagusii lived peacefully among themselves. Working closely with people across different domains in the study has helped us to understand how important it is to bridge business and technology; as still people have a lot of learning in this area and have a long way to go. A global provider of the content enables work flow solutions in areas of scientific, technical, medical and scholarly researches, then professional development and education wise. Wietske Bijker (2010) state disaster management, earth observation, emergency management, disaster preparedness, satellite image analysis, satellite image processing, natural disasters, digital mapping and geo- information usability are conflict resolutions. www.ijirk.com 88 | P a g e

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Therefore, conflicts especially at Keroka Township came much later as resources began to dwindled creating competition for them. Based on the information provided, the conflict among the Sweta sub-clans living in Keroka Township cannot be explained through one reason, but a combination of factors which are political, economic and social in nature. Recent political and economic development and associated changes in the practice and liberation of physical condition and communal care have led manager and professional to recognize the implication and family members between difficulty solving and decision-making skills.

Ecological factors sampled were as air quality, transportation, parking, pollution discharge, water quality, waste management, land use and environmental resources. Iles, V and Sutherland, S (2001) state, legislative requirements attributed were primary and secondary legislation in relation to property bills and in employment laws, contracts over rights of staff, rights of hospital patients and direct payments initiator facts. Industry analysis, demand, liaison and selection for services, products and/or component parts on the basis of price, quality, delivery times and services were supported. Market knowledge, forecasting, purchasing strategies, liaising with users, business efficiency show the study conclude as the combinations of strategies were employed during the historical times to solve the conflicts of the Sweta clans living in and around Keroka Township which exist.

Significance of the Study Findings in this work applied in the theoretical and practical aspects for future studies and in understanding the underlying causes of disputes and conflicts involving resources between the communities, ethnic subgroups and even in nations. Theoretically, the research contributes to the advancement of knowledge about the causes and consequences of the persistent disputes between Nyaribari and Kitutu sub-clans in Gusii land. This will be handy to scholars who will use it as a basis for future studies keen on conflicts with various societies. The research will be important to policy makers who would want peaceful coexistence between and among communities nationally. Results of this work will be useful in the formulation of policies aimed at understanding the causes of disputes between and among communities, and are in solving such disputes. Government officials, community leaders, NGOs dealing with peace initiatives among communities and other stakeholders will find the findings of this research useful. The study will add knowledge to the existing literature and reveal how the disputes and conflicts over resources may affect the relationship between clans from the same ethnic group like the case of Nyaribari and Kitutu sub-clans.

Limitation of the Study The study suffered from restricted literature on micro disputes/ intra-clan disputes in Kenya. However, a lot of effort has been made to utilize related literature on micro disputes/ intra-clan disputes from other parts of the world. Keroka Township is cosmopolitan and therefore most of the residents are not necessarily the original Sweta. This limitation overwhelmed by diligently selecting and involving only the original Sweta who have been in the forefront of the disputes. Most of the respondents expressed the limited time they spared for answering questions from the researcher. They indicated they wanted the interviews to end faster since we were busy. Such a challenge may have limited the responses received through interviews. This mitigated with a brief summary of the questions and not being so wordy. Additionally, some respondents may have not given all the required information related to the research problem. To solve these limitations, interviews were done on as many respondents as possible.

While carrying out this research, some limitations were experienced; the data obtained relied on self-reports. The utilization of self-reports heavily relied on how honest the respondents were while divulging data. Every effort made to encourage them to be as honest and reliable as possible because the information they gave was purely for research purposes and not for any other use. The utilization of personal reports gave an opening for biased www.ijirk.com 89 | P a g e

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answers from the respondents. The respondents deliberately or not deliberately falsified some information to suit the interest of their clan. To facilitate honesty, the researcher asked them not to disclose their identity. Additionally, the respondents informed that this was purely research and not meant to gather information for victimization of either side of the Sweta.

DECLARATION This thesis is my original work and not been presented for an award of a Master of Arts degree in any other university or institution.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT First am thankful to God for giving me life and enabling me to undertake this study. Equally, Jaramogi Oginga Odinga University of Science and Technology deserves thanks for giving me a chance to pursue my postgraduate studies. I am indebted to my supervisors, Dr. Isaya O. Onjala and Dr. Fredrick Odede who tirelessly guided me through their useful insights that facilitated the improvement of this work. Other scholars who made it possible for this work to reach this level are worthy mention. They include; Dr. Edwin Mosoti, Dr. George Odhiambo Okoth, Mr. Samuel Nyangueso, Dr. Zachary M. Ondieki and Mr. Victor Obanyi Mobegi. I am also grateful to my beloved wife Julia Wambui Ndwiga Samuel and our children for the unfailing love, material and spiritual support during the study period. I will not also forget my caring parents, the late John Nyambwatoka and my ailing mother Pacifica Nyakerario who always encouraged me to aim high. Finally, yet importantly I extend my gratitude to my relatives, colleagues and friends who contributed in one way or another to the success of this work. To all of them, I say ‘Asante Sana’.

DEDICATION I dedicate this work to my wife Julia Ndwiga Samuel and the late principal of Nyansabakwa High School, Nyamira County Mr. Francis Onyoni for their immeasurable contributions to the success of this work.

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