DOCSLIB.ORG

Mozambican Revolution, No. 16

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Mozambican Revolution, No. 16 Mozambican Revolution, No. 16 http://www.aluka.org/action/showMetadata?doi=10.5555/AL.SFF.DOCUMENT.numr196503 Use of the Aluka digital library is subject to Aluka’s Terms and Conditions, available at http://www.aluka.org/page/about/termsConditions.jsp. By using Aluka, you agree that you have read and will abide by the Terms and Conditions. Among other things, the Terms and Conditions provide that the content in the Aluka digital library is only for personal, non-commercial use by authorized users of Aluka in connection with research, scholarship, and education. The content in the Aluka digital library is subject to copyright, with the exception of certain governmental works and very old materials that may be in the public domain under applicable law. Permission must be sought from Aluka and/or the applicable copyright holder in connection with any duplication or distribution of these materials where required by applicable law. Aluka is a not-for-profit initiative dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of materials about and from the developing world. For more information about Aluka, please see http://www.aluka.org Mozambican Revolution, No. 16 Alternative title Mozambique Revolution Author/Creator Mozambique Liberation Front - FRELIMO Contributor Department of Information [FRELIMO] Publisher Mozambique Liberation Front - FRELIMO Date 1965-03 Resource type Magazines (Periodicals) Language English Subject Coverage (spatial) Mozambique Coverage (temporal) 1965 Source Northwestern University Library, L967.905 M939 Rights By kind permission of the Mozambique Liberation Front (FRELIMO). Description Editorial; South-African soldiers in the Portuguese army; Communiques; Repressions in Mozambique; Pio Gama Pinto was murdered; FRELIMO’s delegation to the UN; The I.C.C.J. denounces Portuguese colonialism; Message of the South-Vietnam National Front for Liberation; Message to the Congress of NUTA; Portuguese forced to admit war; The struggle in the other Portuguese colonies Format extent 15 page(s) (length/size) http://www.aluka.org/action/showMetadata?doi=10.5555/AL.SFF.DOCUMENT.numr196503 http://www.aluka.org VOLUTION VOLUTION MARCH 1965 No 16 EDITORIAL ...................... 1 C O MUNIQUES .................... 5 REPRESSIONS IN MOZAMBIQUE ...... 6 THE I.C.C.J. DENOUNCES PORTUGUESE COLONIALISM .............. 9 MOZAMBIQUE LIBERATION FRONT (FRELIMO) Information Department P.O.Box 15274 Dar-Es-Salaam, U.R. of Tanzania MOZAMBICAN REVOLUTION MARCH 1965 No 16 FRELIMO Information Department 201, Nkrumah Street, Box 15274 Dar-Es-Salaam U.R. of Tanzania CONTENTS Editorial ................... ....... ........... 1 South-African soldiers in the Portuguese army ... 4 C ommuniques ..................................... 5 Repressions in Mozambique ...................... 6 Pio Gama Pinto was murdered ..................... 7 FRELIMO's delegation to the UN .................. 8 The I.C.C.J. denounces Portuguese colonialism .o. 9 Message of the South-Vietnam National Front for Liberation .................................. 11 Messge to the Congress of NUTA ................. 12 Portuguese forced to admit war ................. 12 The struggle in the other Portuguese colonies ... 13 EDITORIAL Our liberation struggle develops simultaneously on two distinct fronts. One of them, obviously the most important, is the armed struggle within Mozambi,e. At this very moment, the Mozambican people, lead by FRELIMO militants, attack the Portuguese colonialist forces in our country which were sent from Lisbon on a "missao de soberania" to defend the sovereignty of Portugal in Mozambique. Our people contend that the sovereign power belongs by right to the people themselves. This contention is absolutely legal: a government is valid only when and to the extent that it represents the will of the people. The government which exists in Mozambique exists aqinst the will of the people. Therefore, it has no legal basis. Over a long period, we have tzr.ed to -Aa'e the Portuguese government aware of this reality. Ve. showed them by the constant revolts that have taken plrce in I oozambique during the period of Portuguese domination. These revolts prove clearly that our people do not accept the regime established there by the Portuguese. We have explained to them that any folm of colonialism is always morally damnable ac it im ties ..e exploitation of man by man. And in the .ortd... s. a- it I ;con graver, since in order to make this explo~it ,n po.b-,b ,-o, the Portuguese government has not hesitated to £au..h a I .,i 7ff genocide - our country, physically destroyirg the, o v-, try to oppose them by fighting for their rightsand att-:mting to destroy our dignity through studied forms of _reprcssion, We have told the Portuguese government, in sumamation, that it is necessary for them to give us independence for mora1 eac, snd on the basis of legality. The government prosntly established in Mozambique is illegal. Our arguments do not produce any effect. On the contrary, we saw that after we had formulated on..- demand, Portugal hurriedly reinforced her military position -. 1ozambique and intensified repressions. Since it is not an academric question for us, but a problem of vital importance on which depends the whole destiny of our people, we resolved to tal:e by force what Portugal refused to give us. This is the reason why we are fighting today in M{ozambique with guns in our hands. The other front on which our struggle develops is the international sphere. Here, we try to obtain the support and aid of other countries for our struggle. A great number-of countries, even countries traditionally friends of Portugal, already understand the justice of our cause, anq are actively in favour of our liberation. Others remain in an ambiguous position. They say they are in accord with ou. ideals, but on the practical level they continue to support Portugal, giving her arms and credits which they know are to be used against us. Finally, there are other countries which openly oppose our ideals and continue to strengthen their relations with Portugal. Foremost among these is West Germany. And it is precisely that alliance between West Germany and Portugal which we denounce today. We know that 'lest Germany will not change her policy'because of our editorials. But it is our duty to tell and explain to our people all the problems related to our revolution, to tell who are our allies and who are our enemies. This is another way of fighting. Bonn is today the only European capital which does not conceal her support to the colonial war that the Portuguese government has launched against the peoples of Mozambique, Angola and Guinea. This alliance between the Portuguese and West German leaders has a solid and ancient ideological basis, from which come, as a natural consequence, military, economic and cultural relations. That common ideological basis is represented by the imperialistic ambitions of the two governments and by overt or hidden adherence to the principles of fascism. It is a well-known fact that for many years Salazar supported and copied Hitler and Mussolini. He created the PIDE on the model of the Gestapo, the'Legiao on the model of the S.S., the organizagao corporativa on the model of the corporative structure of Mussolini. Salazar intended to change the present Portuguese national flag to (:-.e with a cross imitating the swastika. He had pictures of himself and Mussolini over his desk and saluted the people with a stiff arm in the fascist manner. During the Second World War, Salazar always collaborated closely with the Nazis. Under cover of"neutrality", he furnished goods and raw materials to the Nazis. The Hitler victories were celebrated in Portugal. Those who sympathised with Britain and the Allies vore pcrs=cutec2. On1 vhon thi 2ilitary situa'tion bccn-.e unfavourable to Hitler were Salazar and the Salazarists forced to go over to the side of Groat Britain. Even so, when Hitler died, Salazar decreed national mourning, and declared that the greatest olror d7it.e' hv -,& ad b'en to lose the war. Today, the revival of militarism in West Germany (whose army is again the strongest in capitalist Europe) has redirected the policy of Salazar to its traditional lines. The military contacts, timid at first, soon resumed their old cordiality. The military chiefs began to exchange visits and to negotiate, secretly at first. In November 1962, the Foreign Minister of Portugal denied energetically the news of the concession of military bases in Portugal to the government of Bonn. The fascist newspapers claimed in large letters: "A RUMOUR IS BELIED". However, before one year had passed, the rumour became a reality. In October 1963, the governments of Lisbon and Bonn confirmed the agreement granting Bonn an airport in the south of Portugal for training with supersonic airplanes. Economic relations also became stronger to the point that in external trade the German Federal Republic is now the first supplier of Portugal, followed by England and the United States. -- In the last five year, exports from the German Federal Republic to Portugal have become twice as great as imports. -- The balance of payments in favour of West Germany is about 200 million marks. -- Germany contributed 60 million marks for the construction of Portuguese airports. -- Fifty percent of Portugal's imports of machinery, vehicles and tools come from West Germany. -- The German Mining Company of Lobito in Angola exported more than one million tons of iron ore in 1964, and expects to increase production in 1965 to 2- million tons. -- Krupp invested more than one million contos (Z 12,500,000) in the iron mines of BiG (Angola)alone. -- The fishing industry of Cabo Verde in 1964 became totally dependent on West German capital. -- A new shipping line between Angola and South Africa was inaugurated at the beginning of this year using ships of the German Federal Republic. -- At the baginning of March this year, the German ship owner Frank Fiser arrived in Lourengo Marques to study the possibility of increasing the amount of shipping between Germany and southern Africa, specifically Lourenco Marques and Beira.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Kenya in Crisis
    KENYA IN CRISIS Africa Report N°137 – 21 February 2008 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 II. THE ELECTION CRISIS ............................................................................................. 2 A. A TIGHT AND TENSE RACE ...................................................................................................2 1. Coalition building ......................................................................................................3 2. The issues...................................................................................................................4 B. THE RIGGING OF THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION ....................................................................6 III. THE SECURITY CRISIS.............................................................................................. 9 A. PROTEST AND REPRESSION....................................................................................................9 B. ESCALATION IN THE RIFT VALLEY ......................................................................................10 1. The rise of Kalenjin warriors in the North Rift .......................................................11 2. The return of Mungiki..............................................................................................13 3. Coast Province: the next theatre of violence?..........................................................15
    [Show full text]
  • Report of the Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission
    REPORT OF THE TRUTH, JUSTICE AND RECONCILIATION COMMISSION The Government should immediately carry out counselling services, especially to those who lost their entire families to avoid mental breakdown. It is not too late to counsel the victims because they have not undergone any counselling at all. The community also seeks an apology from the Government, the reason being that the Government was supposed to protect its citizens yet it allowed its security forces to violently attack them and, therefore, perpetrated gross violation of their rights. Anybody who has been My recommendation to this Government is that it should involved in the killing address the question of equality in this country. We do of Kenyans, no matter not want to feel as if we do not belong to this country. We what position he holds, demand to be treated the same just like any other Kenyan in should not be given any any part of this country. We demand for equal treatment. responsibility. Volume IV KENYA REPORT OF THE TRUTH, JUSTICE AND RECONCILIATION COMMISSION Volume IV © Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission, 2013 This publication is available as a pdf on the website of the Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission (and upon its dissolution, on the website of its successor in law). It may be copied and distributed, in its entirety, as long as it is attributed to the Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission and used for noncommercial educational or public policy purposes. Photographs may not be used separately from the publication. Published by Truth Justice and Reconciliation Commission (TJRC), Kenya ISBN: 978-9966-1730-3-4 Design & Layout by Noel Creative Media Limited, Nairobi, Kenya His Excellency President of the Republic of Kenya Nairobi 3 May 2013 LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL By Gazette Notice No.
    [Show full text]
  • 1843 KMS Kenya Past and Present Issue 43
    Kenya Past and Present Issue 43 Kenya Past and Present Editor Peta Meyer Editorial Board Marla Stone Patricia Jentz Kathy Vaughan Kenya Past and Present is a publication of the Kenya Museum Society, a not-for-profit organisation founded in 1971 to support and raise funds for the National Museums of Kenya. Correspondence should be addressed to: Kenya Museum Society, PO Box 40658, Nairobi 00100, Kenya. Email: [email protected] Website: www.KenyaMuseumSociety.org Statements of fact and opinion appearing in Kenya Past and Present are made on the responsibility of the author alone and do not imply the endorsement of the editor or publishers. Reproduction of the contents is permitted with acknowledgement given to its source. We encourage the contribution of articles, which may be sent to the editor at [email protected]. No category exists for subscription to Kenya Past and Present; it is a benefit of membership in the Kenya Museum Society. Available back issues are for sale at the Society’s offices in the Nairobi National Museum. Any organisation wishing to exchange journals should write to the Resource Centre Manager, National Museums of Kenya, PO Box 40658, Nairobi 00100, Kenya, or send an email to [email protected] Designed by Tara Consultants Ltd ©Kenya Museum Society Nairobi, April 2016 Kenya Past and Present Issue 43, 2016 Contents KMS highlights 2015 ..................................................................................... 3 Patricia Jentz To conserve Kenya’s natural and cultural heritage ........................................ 9 Marla Stone Museum highlights 2015 ............................................................................. 11 Juliana Jebet and Hellen Njagi Beauty and the bead: Ostrich eggshell beads through prehistory .................................................. 17 Angela W.
    [Show full text]
  • Kenya 'Samaj': Indian Merchants, Community Life, and Urban Society
    KENYA ‘SAMAJ’: INDIAN MERCHANTS, COMMUNITY LIFE, AND URBAN SOCIETY IN COLONIAL EAST AFRICA, C. 1890-1980 By Misha A. Mintz-Roth A dissertation submitted to Johns Hopkins University in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Baltimore, Maryland May 2019 ABSTRACT Much scholarship about Indian populations in East Africa examines their histories through categories of race and class. Immigrant groups, according to these narratives, are often seen as agents of the British Empire or as a minority racial diaspora that experienced marginalization during the colonial and post-independence periods. This dissertation takes a different approach. Examining Indians as interconnected yet separate vocational populations, it argues that Indian immigrants played a central role in making Kenya’s colonial economy, urban society, and post- independence political order. Indian merchants—the focus of this dissertation—assumed positions of economic, social, and political prominence in Kenya, building up household wealth by situating themselves between African agrarian societies, the territory’s urban markets, and the colonial state. Despite the rise of anti-Indian sentiment during the colonial period and after independence, Indian merchants cultivated linkages to new political leaders and activated longer-standing communal connections to re-assimilate into Kenya’s post-independence environment. Community networks, I argue, not race or nation, became the primary mode of belonging among Indian merchants in twentieth century Kenya, as they migrated, settled, and accumulated wealth, among other goals. This dissertation examines a diversity of historical sources, including traders’ diaries, merchants’ memoirs, court records, commercial contracts, newspapers, and records from the Kenya and India National Archives.
    [Show full text]
  • Jaramogi Oginga Odinga: the Man Kenya Can Never Forget,Once Upon a Dome,Handshake Manenos!,Handcheque Part II,Tinga!,Three Wise
    Jaramogi Oginga Odinga: The Man Kenya Can Never Forget By Dauti Kahura and Bethuel Oduo If Thomas Joseph (TJ) Mboya was the young man that Kenya wanted to forget, Jaramogi Oginga Odinga is the grand old man who Kenya can never forget. Jaramogi and Tom Mboya were both were nationalists of great distinction from the Luo community who as seasoned politicians posed a threat to the founding president Jomo Kenyatta’s autocratic national designs. Tom Mboya died young, by an assassin’s bullet, on July 5, 1969. Jaramogi died an old man, a mzee, at the age of 82 years on January 20, 1994, after having been tormented by both Kenyatta and Daniel arap Moi regimes effectively from 1969 after his fall out with Kenyatta and through the 80s and 90s during iron-fisted Moi’s reign. Jaramogi Oginga Odinga death anniversary on January 20th, twenty-five years since his passing, was marked quietly in a manner that diminishes his immense contribution to the Kenyan national project. If Thomas Joseph (TJ) Mboya was the young man that Kenya wanted to forget, Jaramogi Oginga Odinga is the grand old man who Kenya can never forget No history book on Kenya would be complete without his mention. Jaramogi was the vice president of the nationalist party Kanu when Kenya African Union (Kau) merged with Kenya Independent Movement to form Kanu on May 14, 1960. He was later to become the country’s first Vice President, after Kanu won the 1963 general elections under Kenyatta. When his friend Pio Gama Pinto was killed in 1965, Jaramogi knew he was a targeted man because of his ideological position.
    [Show full text]
  • TJRC Report (Newspaper Supplement)
    Seattle University School of Law Seattle University School of Law Digital Commons The Truth, Justice and Reconciliation I. Core TJRC Related Documents Commission of Kenya 5-26-2013 Final Report - TJRC Report (Newspaper Supplement) Truth, Justice, and Reconciliation Commission Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.law.seattleu.edu/tjrc-core Recommended Citation Truth, Justice, and Reconciliation Commission, "Final Report - TJRC Report (Newspaper Supplement)" (2013). I. Core TJRC Related Documents. 1. https://digitalcommons.law.seattleu.edu/tjrc-core/1 This Report is brought to you for free and open access by the The Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission of Kenya at Seattle University School of Law Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in I. Core TJRC Related Documents by an authorized administrator of Seattle University School of Law Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. May 26, 2013 / Standard ON SUNDAY ADVERTISER’S ANNOUNCEMENT / Page XX TRUTH, JUSTICE AND RECONCILIATION COMMISSION Promoting Peace, Justice, National Unity, Dignity, Healing and Reconciliation Among The People of Kenya REPORT OF THE TRUTH, JUSTICE AND RECONCILIATION COMMISSION ABRIDGED VERSION INTRODUCTION Research and investigations: taking exercise and public hearings to accommodate persons with the Commission established an Investigation Department whih disabilities. The experiences of PWDs are reflected across the The Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission (TJRC or the was responsible for identifying and interviewing witnesses whose various Chapters of this Volume. Commission) was established in the wake of the tragic events of individual stories would contribute to the historical narrative the 2007/2008 Post-Election Violence (PEV). of gross violations of human rights in the country.
    [Show full text]
  • Kenyatta and Odinga: the Harbingers of Ethnic Nationalism in Kenya by Dr
    Global Journal of HUMAN-SOCIAL SCIENCE: D History Archaeology & Anthropology Volume 14 Issue 3 Version 1.0 Year 2014 Type: Double Blind Peer Reviewed International Research Journal Publisher: Global Journals Inc. (USA) Online ISSN: 2249-460x & Print ISSN: 0975-587X Kenyatta and Odinga: The Harbingers of Ethnic Nationalism in Kenya By Dr. Paul Abiero Opondo Moi University, Kenya Abstract- The paper traces the political problems that Kenya currently faces particularly the country’s inability to construct a united national consciousness, historical relationships that unfolded between the country’s foremost founders, Jomo Kenyatta and Oginga Odinga and the consequences of their political differences and subsequent-fallout in the 1960s. The fall-out saw Kenyatta increasingly consolidating power around himself and a group of loyalists from the Kikuyu community while Odinga who was conceptualized as the symbolic representative of the Luo community was confined to the wilderness of politics. This paper while applying the primordial and essentialist conceptual framework recognizes the determinant role that the two leaders played in establishing the foundations for post-independent Kenya. This is especially true with respect to the negative consequences that their differing perspectives on Kenyan politics bequeathed the country, especially where the evolution of negative ethnicity is concerned. As a result of their discordant political voices in the political arena, there were cases of corruption, the killing of innocent Kenyans in Kisumu in 1969, political assassinations of T J Mboya, Pio Gama Pinto and J M Kariuki among others as this paper argues. GJHSS-D Classification : FOR Code: 160699 KenyattaandOdingaTheHarbingersofEthnicNationalisminKenya Strictly as per the compliance and regulations of: © 2014.
    [Show full text]
  • Pio Gama Pinto: Some Facts About the Life of a Great Leader and a Patriotic Journalist
    Pio Gama Pinto: some facts about the life of a great leader and a patriotic journalist by Shiraz Durrani (1984) !1 Gama Pinto: some facts about the life of a great leader and a patriotic journalist1 by Shiraz Durrani (1984) Introduction This short tribute was compiled from existing literature in May 1984 at the invitation of the Editors of Sauti ya Kamukunji, a publication of the University of Nairobi Students Union. This article was part of a series written to bring people’s history and culture to the attention of Kenyan youth. It is being reproduced without change in response to requests from a number of people. The series of articles2 was produced in view of the fact that the history of prominent anti- imperialist activists such as Kimaathi and Pio Gama Pinto was not being taught to a generation born after political independence. Historians who carried out research on Mau Mau were jailed or sent into exile. Research in social sciences has suffered from interference from the state which suppressed any views that contradicted the “official” position. Indeed, President Moi even ordered “an immediate stop to the Mau Mau debate”.3 In addition, the real contribution of progressive South Asian Kenyans to the liberation of Kenya has also not been fully recorded. It is time for Kenyan historian and activists to begin to collect oral and written material before it is lost. There is an urgent need to form a 1 This is a reproduction of an article first published in 1984. Two versions of the article were published: • Pio Gama Pinto: Some Facts About the Life of a Great Leader and a Patriotic Journalist.
    [Show full text]
  • Restructuring the Kenyan State Restructuring the Kenyan State
    Constitution Working Paper Series No. 1 Restructuring the Kenyan State Restructuring the Kenyan State Restructuring the Kenyan State Joshua M. Kivuva SID Constitution Working Paper No. 1 ii Restructuring the Kenyan State Restructuring the Kenyan State Constitution Working Paper Series No.1 Published by: Society for International Development (SID) Regional Office for East & Southern Africa Britak Centre, First Floor Ragati/Mara Road P.O. Box 2404-00100 Nairobi, Kenya Tel. +254 20 273 7991 Fax + 254 20 273 7992 www.sidint.net © Society for International Development (SID) ISBN No: 978-9966-029-02-7 Printed by: The Regal Press Kenya Ltd. P.O. Box 46166 Nairobi, Kenya Design & Layout: Sunburst Communications Ltd. P.O. Box 43193-00100 Nairobi, Kenya Email: [email protected] SID Constitution Working Paper No. 1 Restructuring the Kenyan State iii Abstract Since the repeal of Section 2(A) and the return of multiparty politics in Kenya in 1991, Kenyans have, for over 20 years, been trying to redesign and restructure their government. Despite the rejection of the Wako Draft, the quest by Kenyans for a new constitution did not stop. The 2007 post election violence not only convinced Kenyans of the inevitability of a new constitution but also showed the urgency of it. Persistent efforts for a new constitution have resulted in the 2010 Constitution of Kenya, which has not only significantly restructured the government and redesigned how the people relate to it, but has also established new systems of governance. This paper examines two things: first, the extent to which the governing institutions have been redesigned and restructured; and second, the extent to which the redesigned and restructured institutions have addressed Kenyans’ pressing social political and economic problems.
    [Show full text]
  • International Webcast of 'Law and Literature And
    University of Mumbai Indian Diaspora Centre DEPARTMENT OF LAW Interdisciplinary and International Lecture Series on ‘Law, Literature and Diaspora’ CoHaB Indian Diaspora Centre (CoHaB IDC), the Department of Law University of Mumbai and The WW University of Muenster, Germany Invite you to An International Webcast on “Law and Literature and the Indian Diaspora in Colonial Africa” by Pheroze Nowrojee Senior Counsel, High Court of Kenya and Author Speakers Welcome: Professor Nilufer E. Bharucha, Director CoHaB IDC, University of Mumbai Address by the Chief Guest: Professor Ravindra Kulkarni, Pro-Vice Chancellor, University of Mumbai (TBC) Chair: Commodore Srikant B. Kesnur, Director, Maritime Warfare Centre and OIC Naval History Project Law, Literature and Diaspora, Lecture 2: Pheroze Nowrojee Valedictory Remarks: Professor Klaus Stierstorfer, Chair British Studies & Vice Dean of Philology, Spokesperson Collaborative Law and Literature Research Centre, WW University of Muenster Concluding Remarks by Co-Host: Professor Rajeshri Varhadi, Head, Department of Law, University of Mumbai Vote of Thanks: Ms. Kirti Risbud, Research Associate, CoHaB IDC, University of Mumbai Date: 20 August 2020 Time: 3:00 PM to 5.00 PM IST Pheroze Nowrojee born in Nairobi, is a leading human rights lawyer, poet and writer, who over many decades has been an influential part of the political and social movements for constitutional and social change in Kenya. He is Senior Counsel and advocate in the High Courts of Kenya, Tanzania, and Zanzibar. Nowrojee was awarded the International Bar Association’s Bernard Simons Memorial Award for the Advancement of Human Rights and the prestigious Bharatiya Pravasi Samman Award by India, among many other honours, in a distinguished career.
    [Show full text]
  • Global India Dialogue Series
    Global India Dialogue Series “THE INDIAN DIASPORA IN AFRICA: EVOLUTION OF POLICY AND CHALLENGES TO REALISATION” Lecture discussion by: Professor Ian Taylor St. Andrews University, Scotland Organised by: Organisation for Diaspora Initiatives (ODI) 5-Dakshinapuram, Jawaharlal Nehru University New Delhi- 110067 (www.odi.in) Supported by: 1 | Global India Dialogue Series EDITOR’S MESSAGE The economic rise of India in 21st Century led it to its proactive engagement of the world in economic, diplomatic, and Diasporic areas. The advent of Narendra Modi Government in India added special emphasis on the engagement of Indian Diaspora across the world. Many other countries like China, Brazil, Mexico, and Poland had launched similar aggressive Diaspora engagement policies. Thus, Diaspora has emerged as one of the prime movers of India’s foreign policy. It has become important for not only India but for other countries as well to engage their Diaspora to promote bilateral relations. Given huge presence of Indian Diaspora globally, it is crucial to understand the relative importance of Indian Diaspora in foreign policies. Africa is one region, where India and China are trying to engage and leverage their Diaspora presence to augment their bilateral relations with the region and both countries are using their competitive strength to increase their influence in the region, which is engagement of civil society and benign Diasporas. Prof. Ian Taylor, who is one of the world’s leading researchers on China’s engagement with Africa, is researching the comparative importance of Diaspora in engagement of India in Africa. His lecture was on Indian Diaspora and Diaspora policy of India from non Indian, non Diaspora perspective.
    [Show full text]
  • High Commission of India Nairobi India-Kenya Bilateral Relations India and Kenya Are Maritime Neighbours
    High Commission of India Nairobi India-Kenya Bilateral Relations India and Kenya are maritime neighbours. The contemporary ties between India and Kenya have now evolved into a robust and multi-faceted partnership, marked by regular high-level visits, increasing trade and investment as well as extensive people to people contacts. The presence of Indians in East Africa is documented in the 'Periplus of the Erythraean Sea' or Guidebook of the Red Sea by an ancient Greek author written in 60 AD. A well-established trade network existed between India and the Swahili Coast predating European exploration. India and Kenya share a common legacy of struggle against colonialism. Many Indians participated and supported the freedom struggle of Kenya. India established the office of Commissioner for British East Africa resident in Nairobi in 1948. Apasaheb Pant was the first Commissioner. Following Kenyan independence in December 1963, a High Commission was established. India has had an Assistant High Commission in Mombasa. Vice President Dr. S Radhakrishnan visited Kenya in July 1956. Smt. Indira Gandhi attended the Kenyan Independence celebrations in 1963. PM Indira Gandhi visited Kenya in 1970 and 1981. PM Morarji Desai visited Kenya in 1978. President Neelam Sanjeeva Reddy visited Kenya in 1981. President Moi visited India for a bilateral visit in 1981 and for the NAM Summit in 1983. The State visit of PM Narendra Modi to Kenya on 10-11 July 2016 gave a new impetus to bilateral partnership. PM Narendra Modi and President Uhuru Kenyatta discussed a wide range of bilateral issues. Both leaders witnessed signing of seven (MoUs)/Agreements in the fields of defence, trade and developmental assistance.
    [Show full text]